[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 144 (Tuesday, September 10, 2019)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5377-S5379]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Military Construction
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, last week, the administration announced it
was going to raid $3.6 billion from military construction projects to
pay for President Trump's ineffective and controversial border wall.
That is the wall they gave their solemn word that Mexico would pay for.
Now the money is being taken out of our military.
Look at some of the things he has taken money from: a new middle
school at Fort Campbell, KY, a child development center at Joint Base
Andrews in Maryland, a new elementary school in Puerto Rico, a fire
rescue station at Tyndall Air Force base in Florida. These are among
the projects canceled on orders from a President who apparently values
his cynical campaign promise over our men and women serving our country
in uniform and their families.
[[Page S5378]]
Remember, on the campaign trail he repeatedly promised that Mexico
would pay for the wall. Supporters cheered about that--Mexico would
pay. Have my friends on the other side of the aisle forgotten that?
Now, after unsurprisingly failing to convince Mexico to do so, he is
forcing our troops and their families, who already sacrifice so much to
keep our country safe, to sacrifice yet again just to keep his ego
safe.
This announcement should outrage every U.S. Senator from both
parties--not just because it is an insult to our troops, which it is,
but also because it is part of a larger pattern by the President to
disregard the Congress and to subvert the Constitution. He is doing so
not in furtherance of our national security or to address the very real
humanitarian needs along our border; he is doing so merely in service
of his own ego, and that should not go unchallenged.
For those people at the White House who have actually read the
Constitution, they will find that article I, section 9 of the
Constitution established that Congress--and Congress alone--possesses
the power of the purse. Congress's exclusive power over our
government's spending priorities is one of the most critical checks and
balances in our constitutional system.
The President can propose funding for whatever project he wants--he
has that absolute right--but it is the job of Congress to decide where
to invest the American people's hard-earned tax dollars. In a democracy
and under our Constitution, the President has to respect those
decisions, but this President apparently is willing to ignore our
country's foundational document, the Constitution, or perhaps he has
not read it.
When President Trump declared a national emergency in February,
citing a crisis at the southern border, he did so for one reason: to do
an end-run around Congress and the Appropriations Committee and to use
taxpayer money to build a wall on the southern border, when Congress
specifically voted to downsize his request by $4.2 billion. He cited 10
U.S.C. 2808. That is an authority unlocked by the declaration of a
national emergency. He used that to raid military construction projects
to pay for the wall--projects we had determined were important and
worthy of Federal dollars like cleaning up the housing for some of our
soldiers and their families. He has done this by contorting the law
beyond all recognition. He has undone congressional funding decisions
by fiat.
This should concern any Senator in a State where critical military
construction projects are being canceled to pay for President Trump's
obsession with a medieval wall. It should concern those of us who
believe the Constitution should carry more weight than the whims of a
President who genuinely thinks--and he has actually said this out
loud--that the Constitution gives him the ``right to do whatever I want
as President.'' No. We have a Constitution because the President is not
above the law any more than the rest of us.
Only a few weeks ago, the administration yet again disregarded
objections from Congress and announced plans to divert $116 million we
appropriated to the Department of Homeland Security for national
security purposes, as well as $155 million from FEMA's wildfire and
hurricane disaster relief fund, and use it to detain more immigrants by
increasing the number of ICE detention beds and building court
facilities for the deeply misguided, dangerous, and cruel Remain-in-
Mexico Program.
The level of funding for ICE detention beds was set in the fiscal
year 2019 in the Department of Homeland Security Act. That was passed
by Congress and signed by the President just 6 months ago. It was one
of the last issues resolved. Like the wall funding itself, it was
central to the final agreement.
I had serious concerns with the funding level we agreed to at that
time. I still do. There is no reason to turn to mass incarceration when
most people crossing our borders are desperately fleeing violence in
their home countries, not seeking to do harm to ours. More humane and
cost-efficient ways to address these issues exist and allow us to have
a secure border, but a deal is a deal. It is what we agreed to. The
President signed that bill into law. For the President to undo what he
signed into law only months later by increasing funding for ICE through
transfers is outrageous.
The fiscal year 2019 DHS appropriations act set a level of funding
that required DHS to end the fiscal year with a debt ceiling of 40,520.
They now operate at a level of 52,930 beds--a 31-percent increase, all
without the approval of Congress.
The President will say he is merely relying on general transfer
authority provided to him by Congress in the DHS appropriations act to
increase funding for ICE detention beds. Well, that is ridiculous. It
is disingenuous and makes no sense.
Congress provides the executive branch certain transfer authority so
it can be flexible and react in realtime to emergencies, unanticipated
needs, and changed circumstances. We have provided this flexibility for
decades for Presidents of both parties because it was the responsible
thing to do. No government can anticipate all of its needs at the
beginning of each fiscal year. We trust the administration to follow
the law, follow the Constitution, and use the authority appropriately.
We have done this for both Republicans and Democrats.
In return for that flexibility, past administrations of both parties,
they respected the will of Congress. For the most part, when the
Appropriations Committee objected to a transfer or reprogramming, the
objection was honored until a compromise might be reached.
This President, however--after all, he said the Constitution allows
him to do anything he wants, and we know it does not--has thrown that
tradition out the window. He has decided that consulting Congress is a
box-checking exercise to be summarily disregarded. For the second year
in a row, he is increasing money for ICE detention beds over the
objection of the Appropriations Committee and in violation of the
agreements reached in the DHS appropriations laws.
Earlier this year, he used the transfer authority to divert $2.5
billion from the Department of Defense accounts to pay for the wall
after Congress refused to give him that authority. That money is in
addition to the $3.6 billion he recently announced he will take from
military construction projects and $600 million that he took from the
Treasury asset forfeiture account for the wall.
He is doing all this while refusing to spend the money Congress
appropriated to address the root causes of migration in Central
America. So when will it stop? When will Members on the other side of
the aisle take a stand and say: ``We passed a law, and we expect you to
follow it''?
So far, the abuses of authority have been used in ways that mostly
impact issues Democrats care about. Republicans have stood silent. What
happens when the administration crosses a Republican redline? What
about Members from States impacted by the canceled military
construction projects? When this has been canceled in your State, will
you stand up for your State? If they will not stand up for Congress or
the Constitution, will they at least stand up for their own State?
Last month, the administration threatened to cancel over $4 billion
in foreign assistance in blatant violation of the law. The funds were
appropriated by overwhelming majorities of Republicans and Democrats
after lengthy negotiations between the House and Senate, including the
White House, and signed into law by the President.
These funds were intended to implement policies and programs which,
among other things, fulfill U.S. treaty obligations, support our allies
and partners, protect the public against Ebola and other infectious
diseases, counter Russian aggression and Chinese influence, respond to
humanitarian crises, and counter violent extremism. The President
backed down from this threat, but what if he had not? And now we hear
reports that he is withholding $250 million in aid to Ukraine meant to
counter the Russian invasion of that country.
This week, we will begin marking up the fiscal year 2020
appropriations bills in committee. If we care about this institution,
Members on both sides of the aisle need to stand up for the power of
the purse, granted to it under article I, section 9 of the
Constitution. I plan to
[[Page S5379]]
do so by offering amendments to appropriations bills to undo the
President's actions on the wall and to limit his flexibility to
transfer and reprogram money, which he has so abused.
I urge all members of the committee to support me in this effort. Our
country was built on the concept of separation of powers. This is
meaningless if Congress cedes one of its most important powers to the
executive branch or refuses to take a stand when the administration
overreaches, ignores Congress, or breaks the law.
We may disagree on the utility of the President's wall, but we should
not disagree on the constitutional role of this body. The President may
not care about our system of checks and balances, but every one of us
here should. Political winds tend to change direction. It is time to
reassert ourselves and do so before it is too late.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is, Will the Senate advise and
consent to the Craft nomination?
Mr. LEE. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There is a sufficient second.
The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk called the roll.
Mr. THUNE. The following Senators are necessarily absent: the Senator
from Tennessee (Mr. Alexander) and the Senator from Kansas (Mr.
Roberts).
Further, if present and voting, the Senator from Tennessee (Mr.
Alexander) would have voted ``yea.''
Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from California (Ms. Harris),
the Senator from Vermont (Mr. Sanders), the Senator from Arizona (Ms.
Sinema), and the Senator from Massachusetts (Ms. Warren) are
necessarily absent.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Cruz). Are there any other Senators in the
Chamber desiring to vote?
The result was announced--yeas 56, nays 38, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 264 Ex.]
YEAS--56
Barrasso
Blackburn
Blunt
Boozman
Braun
Burr
Capito
Cassidy
Collins
Coons
Cornyn
Cotton
Cramer
Crapo
Cruz
Daines
Enzi
Ernst
Fischer
Gardner
Graham
Grassley
Hassan
Hawley
Hoeven
Hyde-Smith
Inhofe
Isakson
Johnson
Kennedy
Lankford
Lee
Manchin
McConnell
McSally
Moran
Murkowski
Murphy
Paul
Perdue
Portman
Risch
Romney
Rounds
Rubio
Sasse
Scott (FL)
Scott (SC)
Shaheen
Shelby
Sullivan
Thune
Tillis
Toomey
Wicker
Young
NAYS--38
Baldwin
Bennet
Blumenthal
Booker
Brown
Cantwell
Cardin
Carper
Casey
Cortez Masto
Duckworth
Durbin
Feinstein
Gillibrand
Heinrich
Hirono
Jones
Kaine
King
Klobuchar
Leahy
Markey
Menendez
Merkley
Murray
Peters
Reed
Rosen
Schatz
Schumer
Smith
Stabenow
Tester
Udall
Van Hollen
Warner
Whitehouse
Wyden
NOT VOTING--6
Alexander
Harris
Roberts
Sanders
Sinema
Warren
The nomination was confirmed.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the motion to
reconsider is considered made and laid upon the table, and the
President will be immediately notified of the Senate's action.
____________________