[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 107 (Tuesday, June 25, 2019)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4520-S4522]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
NATIONAL DEFENSE AUTHORIZATION ACT
Mrs. FISCHER. Mr. President, I rise today to speak on the fiscal year
2020 Defense authorization bill. I want to begin by thanking the
chairman and the ranking member of the Senate Armed Services Committee
for their leadership and for their hard work in crafting this bill and
managing it on the floor.
The bill before us today is the worthy successor to last year's John
S. McCain National Defense Authorization Act. Like its immediate
predecessor, this bill's overarching objective is to reorient the
Department of Defense toward the great power competition that our
Nation faces today.
Overall, the bill supports a total of $750 billion in defense
spending, which includes $642 billion for the Department of Defense's
base budget, $23 billion for the Department of Energy's defense
activities, and another $76 billion for overseas contingency
operations. This meets the level of spending requested by the President
and provides the Department of Defense with real growth above the rate
of the inflation in recognition of increasing threats our Nation faces.
The bill also supports the All-Volunteer Force, providing a 3.1-
percent pay raise for our men and women in uniform. It meets the
President's request with respect to end strength for an Active-Duty
force of 1,339,500 soldiers, sailors, airmen and marines.
I serve as chairman of the Subcommittee on Strategic Forces, which
has jurisdiction over nuclear forces, missile defense, and national
security space programs, and the U.S. Strategic Command, to which
Nebraska is home.
I am fond of quoting the statement of former President Obama's
Secretary of Defense, Ash Carter, that ``Nuclear deterrence is the
bedrock of our security and the highest priority mission of the
Department of Defense.''
That was true in 2016 when he said it, and it is even truer today as
Russia and China continue to expand their nuclear arsenals and
deterring great power conflict becomes the central focus of our
military.
With this changing security environment in mind, this bill fully
funds the nuclear mission of the men and women of USSTRATCOM, including
the sustainment of our nuclear forces, as well as the modernization of
our triad, our nuclear command and control systems, and the Department
of Energy's nuclear complex.
This legislation builds upon last year's support for the supplemental
systems announced in the President's Nuclear Posture Review by
authorizing funds for the deployment of low-yield ballistic missile
warhead. Numerous senior military leaders have testified that this is
what is necessary to address gaps in our current deterrence posture.
The fiscal year 2020 Senate NDAA also supports the Navy's ongoing
study of restoring a sea-launched cruise missile capability in order to
further enhance deterrence and also to reassure allies.
Moreover, the legislation includes a requirement for the
administration to submit a report assessing four major categories of
nuclear arms that are currently not captured by the New START Treaty.
As many of my colleagues are aware, the administration
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has announced its intent to pursue a more comprehensive approach to
arms control beyond the traditional bilateral limitations of land-based
ICBMs, submarine-launched ballistic missiles, and our heavy bombers.
The administration's logic is simple: Threats are shifting. As Russia
invests in new and novel nuclear systems that are not captured by the
New START Treaty and China's arsenal expands, a new approach is needed
that accounts for these new dynamics. In support of this effort, this
provision would require that the administration provide a comprehensive
assessment of these factors.
Additionally, the Strategic Forces Subcommittee authorized resources
for a number of key unfunded priorities for our warfighters. This
includes an additional $113 million for the development of the next
generation of GPS receivers to ensure the U.S. military continues to
have access to resilient position, navigation, and timing capabilities,
and an additional $108 million for the Missile Defense Agency to
continue the development of space-based sensors to track advanced
threats, including hypersonic weapons. Finally, it fully authorized
critical bilateral US-Israel cooperative missile defense programs.
The critical resources this bill provides will be appreciated by our
strategic partners and our men and women in uniform around the globe,
as well as those in each and every State here at home.
I am honored to represent the men and women of Offutt Air Force Base,
the 55th Wing, and the Nebraska National Guard, and I am proud to say
that this legislation authorizes several critical investments that not
only support our uniformed men and women in Nebraska; it better enables
them to fulfill their roles in defending this Nation.
By passing the fiscal year 2020 NDAA, we keep the ``fighting 55th''
Wing flying. The bill authorizes full funding for the Air Force budget
request to support the C-135 family of aircraft. It supports
significant upgrades to the capabilities of the RC-135 Rivet Joint, the
continued conversion of KC-135 tankers to WC-135R nuclear detection
aircraft, and enables the ongoing OC-135 Open Skies recapitalization.
Just as critically, the bill helps the Air Force to evolve its ISR
capability and move toward a more survivable, networked environment,
with manned, unmanned, and sensors all acting as key components to give
battlefield commanders the best information possible. To achieve this,
the bill includes two amendments I authored that will direct the Air
Force to examine the integration and dissemination of data from
surveillance platforms like the RC-135 to the warfighter.
While the bill authorizes these important new investments, it also
provides funding to address ongoing disaster recovery efforts, which
are essential to restoring military installations that were affected by
the recent flooding in Nebraska. Rebuilding Offutt Air Force Base and
the Nebraska National Guard's Camp Ashland are top priorities, and I am
happy to report that the bill authorizes millions of dollars in funding
to aid in the continued process of cleanup, design, and construction
for the facilities that were destroyed.
Because I believe Nebraska's bases are a core component of the
Nation's defense, I was also proud to offer two amendments that further
support the process of rebuilding. These measures increase the cap on
minor military construction for recovery at bases impacted by recent
disasters and encourage the military services to work quickly to
rebuild Offutt Air Force Base and Camp Ashland.
I strongly urge all of my colleagues to work together to support this
disaster recovery effort. Many key military installations have been
affected across several States, and the work to rebuild these bases
must be a collaborative effort. We owe it to our men and women in
uniform to do this together.
For 58 years, the NDAA has been the subject of a bipartisan consensus
in Congress. Despite other disagreements that may arise and the
significant debates we face, this bill has long been a unifying subject
of agreement on Capitol Hill. There is good reason for that, and a
record that spans a half century does not happen by accident. The fact
is that no matter what other issues arise, an area where we must forge
agreement is in supporting our servicemembers and enabling the defense
of the Nation.
This year, we had a productive markup, with substantive debate on the
issues in this bill. The process worked the way it was intended, and we
emerged with a strong bipartisan consensus on the bill before us. I
encourage all of my colleagues to support this legislation so that we
can continue our tradition of authorizing full funding for the military
and ensure that this legislation is signed into law on time.
In that same spirit, it is essential that we take the next step and
work to secure a budget agreement that not only supports a robust top
line for national defense, but that we do so swiftly to give the
Department of Defense the predictable funding they need to plan and
budget for the coming year.
Passing NDAA is only half of the job. Yes, we must authorize full
funding for our military, but if we are truly committed to our military
men and women, we must also vote on the defense appropriations bill to
fund what we do here this week on NDAA. As we continue to debate the
fiscal year 2020 NDAA, we should all remember the reason we have this
debate every year. One of the primary responsibilities of Congress is
to provide for the common defense. That responsibility is written in
the Constitution, and it is an oath each of us swore to uphold. I am
reminded of that oath frequently when I am back home in Nebraska. Each
time I shake hands with a Nebraskan in uniform or meet a family member
with a loved one overseas, I think about the responsibility we have and
the debt we owe the ones who serve.
Over the years, countless sons and daughters of the heartland have
answered that call to service. They are regular men and women from
every background and every walk of life, united by their desire to
safeguard their homeland and protect the cause of freedom. Yes, they
are regular men and women, but they are also exceptional Americans, and
their spirit and their sacrifice are examples that we should remember
every day.
I hope we can come together in the spirit of service and work
together to swiftly pass the fiscal year 2020 National Defense
Authorization Act.
I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Ms. McSally). The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. RISCH. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. RISCH. Madam President, I rise today to discuss the proposed
Udall amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act. It is not
pending, but it has been filed, and thus I do want to talk about it for
a few minutes.
First, let me be clear: The United States is not responsible for
Iran's reckless activity and its violent ways. It is time once again to
thrust Iran's long, shameful record of malign behavior back into the
spotlight.
For the past 40 years, Iran has refused to behave as a responsible
member of the international community. Indeed, the magnitude of the
Iranian regime's caustic behavior both at home and abroad is
overwhelming. Responsible nations do not threaten the sovereignty of
their neighbors by funding terrorists. Responsible nations do not
catalyze sectarian identities and provoke violence in the region.
Responsible nations do not prop up the murderous regime of Bashar al-
Assad in Syria. Responsible nations do not carelessly spread dangerous
missile technology to violent extremist groups that threaten the lives
of civilians. Responsible nations do not attack embassies and hold
hostages. Yet the Iranian regime has done all of these things and
persists.
Make no mistake. The Iranian regime has American blood on its hands.
We all recall the dark days in Iraq and the Iranian roadside bombs that
took the lives and maimed our servicemen and women.
Today, America's sons and daughters deployed abroad are again at
risk. The amendment in front of this body will tie the hands of our
commanders and prevent our troops from even acting in self-defense.
Additionally, this amendment unnecessarily takes options off
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the table, telegraphs our foreign policy to our adversaries, and
emboldens those who wish us harm.
No one seeks a conflict with Iran--not the President of the United
States, not this body, and not the American people. The U.S. Government
has made clear our willingness to negotiate with Iran.
The Iranian people are a proud people. They have a proud history.
They are the descendants of the Persian culture, one of the greatest
cultures on the face of the earth. The Iranian people deserve better
than what they are getting from the regime in power now in Iran.
The fact remains that the Iranian regime is faced with a sharp
choice. The regime must choose between continued terrorist activity and
behaving as a responsible member of the international community. The
Iranian regime should sit down and think about the road that they are
pursuing.
Like all countries, they want national security for their people. Is
the road to national security trying to develop a nuclear weapon that
the world has told them they can't develop? Is it continuing funding
terrorists? Is it continuing the malign activities that it continues
within Syria? None of these things gives them the national security
they want.
They should take a lesson from North Korea. North Korea pursued this
for generations. But in the last 18 months, North Korea sat down and
said: Do you know what? Our national security is better served by
picking door No. 2 instead of door No. 1. As a result of that, the
threat that North Korea has been under has been greatly lifted.
This particular amendment is an amendment that has a place in the
debate, but it has no place in this particular bill. First of all, it
is not within the jurisdiction of the committee that has this bill in
front of them. It is within the jurisdiction of our committee, the
Foreign Relations Committee. These issues on war powers and the
President's ability to use military force deserve thoughtful and
reasoned debate. It is not a cavalier amendment like this that takes
away the ability of our men and women to actually defend themselves.
I urge my colleagues to cast a ``no'' vote on this amendment and get
on with the serious business and the important business of passing the
National Defense Authorization Act.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Ohio.
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