[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 104 (Thursday, June 20, 2019)]
[House]
[Pages H4923-H4924]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




     TANKER ATTACKS DON'T JUSTIFY U.S. MILITARY ACTION AGAINST IRAN

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from 
Alabama (Mr. Brooks) for 5 minutes.
  Mr. BROOKS of Alabama. Madam Speaker, recent Persian Gulf tanker 
attacks do not--I repeat, do not--justify unilateral American military 
action against Iran.
  On May 12, 2019, two Saudi Arabian tankers, a United Arab Emirates 
tanker, and a Norwegian tanker were attacked. According to a Saudi 
Arabia, United Arab Emirates, and Norway joint report, explosions 
caused all four vessels to suffer hull breaches.
  The report states that limpet mines were ``highly likely placed by 
divers below or at the waterline,'' and the placement of the mines was 
``consistent with intention to disable the mobility, but not physically 
destroy, each vessel.''
  The report concludes that ``these sophisticated attacks were most 
likely carried out by a state actor.'' For emphasis, the report does 
not accuse anyone of conducting the attacks.
  On June 13, 2019, a Japanese tanker and Norwegian tanker were 
attacked with explosive devices that caused considerable fire and hull 
damage to both tankers.
  Who is responsible for these two tanker attacks? There is 
international disagreement.
  America and the United Kingdom blame Iran. Iran denies 
responsibility. Other nations offer no opinion and caution against a 
rush to judgment. Perhaps more evidence will persuade the international 
community that Iran orchestrated these tanker attacks, perhaps not.
  Regardless of blame, there are other factors to consider. For 
example, what is America's national security interest in these six 
tanker attacks? Not a single attacked tanker is owned by Americans. 
Rather, they are owned by Saudi Arabia, Norway, the United Arab 
Emirates, and Japan.
  Not a single attacked tanker involved oil produced in America. 
Rather, all six tankers were shipping Saudi Arabian or United Arab 
Emirates oil. Neither of the two tankers loaded with cargo was bound 
for the United States.
  Hence, the United States has no national security interest in the six 
attacked tankers sufficient to trigger an American retaliatory military 
action against Iran.
  There are, however, other nations that do have a national security 
interest in these tanker attacks. Japan and South Korea import roughly 
80 percent of their oil from the Persian Gulf. India imports roughly 60 
percent of its oil from the Persian Gulf. China imports roughly 50 
percent of its oil from the Persian Gulf. Western Europe imports almost 
20 percent of its oil from the Persian Gulf.
  Hence, Japan, South Korea, China, India, Western Europe, and many 
other

[[Page H4924]]

nations all have a national security interest in keeping Persian Gulf 
oil shipping lanes open and are justified in using military force to 
defend those shipping lanes at their own risk and at their own cost.
  Similarly, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, and the United 
Arab Emirates all have a national security interest in keeping Persian 
Gulf shipping lanes open to transport the oil they produce and sell. 
Hence, each of these countries is justified in using military force to 
defend their shipping lanes at their own risk and at their own cost.
  Clearly, then, other nations have a far greater national security 
interest in Persian Gulf oil and shipping lanes than does the United 
States. As such, these nations should be primarily responsible for 
using military force as is necessary to protect their national security 
interests.
  Madam Speaker, America must stop being the world's policeman on every 
corner of the planet. America must stop burning through our treasury 
and risking our American lives when we have no compelling security 
interest in a dispute. This is particularly true when those nations 
that do have a national security interest don't care enough about their 
own national security interest to protect them.
  While America can and should help our allies, it is equally important 
that America's allies put up their own defense capabilities, protect 
their own national security interests, and shoulder their own share of 
military burdens.
  If countries with a national security interest in Persian Gulf 
shipping lanes act as a unified force to protect them, and if they ask 
for America's assistance, America should then, and only then, consider 
military assistance. Unless that happens, this is not America's fight.
  Of course, should Iran attack Americans or their property, or should 
Iran attack and kill any of our allies' citizens, an entirely different 
set of considerations come into play, and Iran will not like America's 
response to those kinds of attacks.

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