[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 102 (Tuesday, June 18, 2019)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3646-S3647]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Nomination of Matthew J. Kacsmaryk
Mr. BLUMENTHAL. Madam President, sometime tomorrow, this body will
consider a number of nominations for final confirmation, among them the
nomination of Matthew Kacsmaryk to the U.S. District Court for the
Northern District of Texas.
A Federal district judge serves a particular area of the country, but
in fact, the whole country has a stake in this nomination because a
judge helps to define and refine and apply the law of the United
States, setting precedent that applies to the entire country. It isn't
just the Northern District of Texas that has a stake in this
nomination; it is the entire country. So this alarming and appalling
nomination should be of particular interest to my colleagues.
It is the result of a process that, very unfortunately, has been
demeaned and degraded. It is a shadow of what it once was. In the
scrutiny that is given and the time that is devoted, this process is
failing to assure the independence of the judiciary. Now is the time
when that independence must be assured because, from this time forward,
these judges will be lifetime appointees and will have no
accountability to this body or to any other elected official.
In previous years, under other Republican administrations, there was
an adequate time to debate; there were full and fair hearings; and
nominees answered questions about their views on issues that were
relevant to their service. That process has been severely undercut--
indeed, decimated now. What we have before us, again and again and
again, are nominees who fail to meet the basic test of intellect and
integrity and responsibility.
I look at all of the records of nominees before us and ask them
questions to determine what their basic values are--whether they think
particular Supreme Court precedents were correctly decided, like Brown
v. Board of Education and Roe v. Wade--because it is a view into their
basic commitments to constitutional principles that are deeply and
ideally settled. Matthew Kacsmaryk fails that test.
If there is a principle enshrined in our Constitution that matters
more than any other, it is the idea that everyone is equal before the
law. No one is above the law. No one is less entitled to rights than
anyone else. Everyone is equal regardless of race, gender, ethnicity
and regardless of who you are, how much you own, or where you were
born. Mr. Kacsmaryk seems to lack respect for this basic principle. In
fact, his career is defined by active opposition to the treatment of
minority groups.
In 2016, he submitted an amicus brief that supported a Virginia
school board's policy that a student must use the restroom that
corresponds to the student's biological gender.
Also, in 2016, he sent a letter to the Centers for Medicare and
Medicaid Services and argued that the Department of Health and Human
Services should not require hospitals to conduct sex reassignment
surgeries for transgender individuals. He wrote in that letter that
transgender people suffer from a ``psychological condition, in need of
care'' and are ``not in a category of person in need of special legal
protection.'' He went so far as to say the experiences of transgender
people are ``irrational'' and ``delusional.''
In light of these and other statements, I have received numerous
letters from the parents of transgender people. They have written in
fear and alarm that someone with such offensive, extreme, medically
inaccurate views could be promoted to a lifetime position within the
Federal judiciary--a position that will give him power over the lives
of exactly these individuals who seek equality under the law.
Seventeen of our House colleagues--some of them parents and
grandparents of transgender people--have written to us and expressed
their concern that someone with such hostile views toward LGBTQ
Americans could possibly be confirmed as a judge.
Our colleagues in the House are concerned about the decisions we are
making here because they respect these individuals.
Kacsmaryk has also repeatedly made public his opposition to marriage
equality and the equal treatment of same-sex couples.
He submitted an amicus brief in Obergefell v. Hodges, urging the
Supreme Court to not extend the right of
[[Page S3647]]
marriage to same-sex couples. He, thankfully, did not prevail in that
view because the Court upheld the rights of same-sex couples to be
married, and he continued his opposition to marriage equality by
representing the owners of an Oregon bakery who refused to bake a cake
for same-sex couples.
He testified in favor of legislation the Texas Observer described as
a ``license to discriminate'' adoption bill that would permit adoption
agencies to refuse to place children with same-sex couples.
Many in Congress, including myself, worked to pass the Equality Act,
which would reflect the core of the Supreme Court's ruling by adding
sexual orientation and gender identity to the Federal code's list of
protected classes.
He has referred to this effort as a weaponization of Obergefell that
seeks the public affirmation of the ``erotic desires of liberated
adults.''
Even as I recite these quotes, I can hardly believe that at this
moment in our history, at this time of awareness among informed and
tolerant people who believe in inclusiveness and equal justice under
the law, that someone nominated to this position of paramount
responsibility would have these views and articulate them in this way.
If the Equality Act were to become law and face a challenge in Judge
Kacsmaryk's court, could litigants feel comfortable or confident that
they would receive a fair hearing? Is there any gay, lesbian,
transgender, or nonbinary person who would feel their case would
receive a nonbiased treatment in his court?
I have such deep doubts, as should my colleagues, that I cannot vote
for him. I will oppose his nomination, and I hope my colleagues will
join me in voting no on Matthew Kacsmaryk.
I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the
order for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.