[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 99 (Thursday, June 13, 2019)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3451-S3452]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                               ARMS SALES

  Mr. McCONNELL. Now, on another matter, later today the Senate will 
vote on two resolutions that would undermine U.S. influence and 
credibility in the Middle East and ultimately make the region a more 
dangerous place. Some of our colleagues seek to block arms sales to two 
of the closest partners of the United States in the region--Bahrain and 
Qatar.
  These resolutions are misguided. They would make the United States a 
less reliable partner, weaken the influence we have with our friends, 
and open the door to other more unscrupulous powers like Russia and 
China.
  There is this small matter that neither of these resolutions would 
even solve the problem that seems to have motivated them. I understand 
many Members of this body are genuinely concerned about some of the 
actions of our Saudi partners in Yemen. Fortunately, the Senate has 
repeatedly expressed these concerns directly

[[Page S3452]]

through our legislative and oversight authority. As I stated in the 
past, Members should share their concerns and discuss these matters 
directly with members of our administration or with Saudi officials.
  If Senators are upset about the State Department's recent invocation 
of a national emergency to advance arms sales to Saudi Arabia, they 
will have an opportunity to vote on that matter later. So the Senate 
has ample opportunity to make our voice heard about Riyadh's behavior, 
but the two resolutions we vote on today are not that opportunity. It 
is something else.
  Whatever frustrations my colleagues may feel with the course of the 
conflict in Yemen, taking swipes at our relationships with Bahrain and 
Qatar is certainly not the response. Bahrain's involvement in the Yemen 
conflict has been limited to defensive border security operations and, 
for the past 2 years, Qatar has been completely uninvolved. Moreover, 
both Bahrain and Qatar provide absolutely essential support to our 
military operations in the region, without which our ability to project 
power and protect U.S. interests would be severely challenged.
  I assume everyone knows Qatar is home to the U.S. Central Command's 
forward headquarters in the region, with 10,000 U.S. personnel and 
upward of 100 aircraft. It is the hub for many of our ongoing efforts 
against ISIS and other regional threats.
  In Bahrain, you will find the headquarters of the U.S. Navy's Fifth 
Fleet. That is another 7,000 U.S. personnel, plus assets, responsible 
for command and control of over 3 million square miles of international 
waters.
  So I would remind our colleagues of the briefing we received recently 
about the growing Iranian threat in the region. I would encourage them 
to reflect on recent attacks, probably by Iran or its proxies, against 
civilian vessels in UAE, against civilian airports in Saudi Arabia and 
UAE, and near our Embassy in Baghdad. In fact, literally just hours 
ago, two more commercial shipping vessels were apparently attacked off 
the coast of Oman. These attacks may appear directed at the countries 
that use them to export petrochemicals or at the international owners 
of the vessels, but the fact is, they threaten the very underpinnings 
of the global trading system and customary Law of the Sea that ensures 
freedom of transit on the seas.
  We don't know who is responsible for these latest attacks--not yet, 
anyway--but it is not unreasonable to suspect an Iranian hand in them. 
I hope, in coming days, we have clarity about who is responsible, but 
what is clear is the growing tension and instability in that region.
  So at a time of growing threats to U.S. personnel, interests, and 
partners posed by Iran, do we really want to send this kind of signal 
to our partners?
  If we turn our back on them, can we continue to count on the 
significant support they provide us or the freedom of maneuver our 
large presence in their countries affords us?
  As the State Department has announced, the proposed sales that are at 
issue today would provide each of these host nations with important 
enhanced security capabilities, including antiaircraft systems and 
support equipment. They will also tie these nations closer to the 
United States at a time when our adversaries would happily--happily--
sell comparable weapons at less cost and with fewer restrictions.
  In recent years, we have seen both Republican and Democratic 
administrations seek to reduce the U.S. military footprint in the 
region and have our partners assume more responsibility for their own 
security. So it is curious that Senators would want to not only sever 
security ties with these partners but also limit their ability to 
defend themselves.
  In each of these cases, the U.S. arms sales in question have followed 
normal procedures; they have been properly screened and vetted; and 
they have been reviewed and approved by both the chairmen and ranking 
members of the Foreign Relations Committee and House Foreign Affairs 
Committee.
  Let me say that again: The chairman and ranking members of these 
committees reviewed and approved these arms sales. That is bipartisan, 
bicameral support.
  So in sum, I would ask my colleagues who support these resolutions 
whether they have even spoken to the Bahraini or Qatari Ambassadors to 
discuss any concerns. I would encourage them to visit Doha and Manama 
to confer with the leaders of these countries and speak with thousands 
of American sailors and airmen based there.
  I would encourage my colleagues to ask our own senior military 
officials whether we will be better off if our partners purchase 
Russian or Chinese military systems instead of ours. I would encourage 
them to ask our diplomats whether America will have more or less 
influence with our partners if we capriciously block their purchase of 
American weapons.
  I strongly urge each of our colleagues to reject these resolutions.

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