[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 63 (Thursday, April 11, 2019)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2417-S2420]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Venezuela
Mr. SCOTT of Florida. Good afternoon. The crisis in Venezuela is a
crisis in America. Senator Rubio, Congressman Diaz-Balart, and I have
been talking about this for years and worked with the White House on a
comprehensive strategy. More than 200,000 Venezuelans live in Florida,
and their concerns are our concerns.
Make no mistake--this is a crisis. It is a humanitarian crisis that
threatens the lives of the people of Venezuela and has created a flood
of refugees numbering in the millions. It is also a crisis that
threatens the safety and security of our allies in Latin America and in
the United States of America.
The dictatorship of Nicolas Maduro and the creeping influence and
military presence of our global adversaries represent a clear and
present danger to the entire Western Hemisphere. There are some who
will say that this is not our fight, that the millions of Venezuelans
suffering 2,000 miles away are not our concern. Some have criticized
the mere mention of the crisis in Venezuela by those like myself as
American imperialism or a U.S.-backed coup. I reject that. This is our
fight. Freedom and democracy in Latin America is our fight. I remind
these critics that the only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is
for good people to do nothing. We cannot let evil triumph in Venezuela.
It would be a failure of leadership with disastrous consequences.
There is only one option left to get aid to the people of Venezuela.
It is something that no one is willing to talk about. It is becoming
clear that we will have to consider the use of American military assets
to deliver aid. Maduro and his thugs have left us no choice.
I applaud President Trump and his administration for taking bold
action by recognizing Juan Guaido as the legitimate President of
Venezuela and organizing the international community to do the same.
The sanctions implemented by this administration against the Maduro
regime and its puppet masters in Havana reflect their commitment to
freedom and democracy in Latin America. Yet Maduro remains in power,
the people of Venezuela continue to suffer, and the influence of Cuba,
Russia, China, and international terrorist organizations grows.
We must do more, but in order to understand where we go from here, we
need to look at history. Hugo Chavez might have been elected
democratically, but he never intended to govern democratically. He
built a socialist dictatorship by hollowing out all the democratic
institutions: the constitution, the electoral system, and the courts.
He made civil society and the business sector bend to his will or face
elimination. He nationalized entire sectors of the economy and used
them to pay off his cronies. He took over the oil sector and made the
national energy company his piggy bank. He made common cause with our
enemies--most notably, the Castro regime. Cuba received and continues
to receive free oil from Venezuela and in return provides political and
internal security operatives. In other words, Cuba provided and is
still providing military thugs to help stop freedom.
Chavez allowed his regime to engage in illicit trafficking of drugs
and people. He cooperated with Middle Eastern terrorist organizations
like Hezbollah and the terrorist state of Iran. This cooperation has
only intensified under Chavez's successor, Maduro.
The path of socialism chosen by the Chavistas inevitably led to a
failed state that relies on bad actors for survival. The result is one
of the worst humanitarian crises in our hemisphere's history.
We cannot ignore the impact the socialist policies of Chavez and
Maduro has had on the people of Venezuela. Nine out of ten households
say they don't have enough money to buy food. That is socialism. Eighty
percent of children under 5 are in some state of malnutrition. That is
socialism. Inflation is over 10 million percent this year, and their
currency is worthless. What does that mean to the average person? A
bundle of carrots costs 3 million bolivars. A dozen eggs costs $150
USD. That is socialism. Venezuela has the highest murder rate in the
world. That is socialism.
More than 3.5 million refugees--about 12 percent of the population--
have fled to nearby countries because they can't get food, water,
medicine, or safety from their government. Two million more Venezuelans
are expected to flee before the year is out, with Colombia taking the
brunt of this refugee crisis. Colombian resources are strained, as they
do all they can to help the refugees fleeing persecution, starvation,
and sickness, while the Maduro regime blocks aid caravans, sets them on
fire, and continues to cooperate with the narcotrafficking rebels that
plague Colombia.
I want to thank my good friend President Duque for all he is doing.
Other nations in the region, such as Brazil and Peru, have also chipped
in, accepting hundreds of thousands of refugees.
[[Page S2418]]
For weeks, millions of Venezuelans have been left without running
water and amid a series of massive blackouts. Journalists report scenes
that are now a part of the daily life for Venezuelans: dozens sleeping
in line for their turn at a well in one of the city's biggest slums;
three men tossing an old paint bucket tied with ropes down a well
hoping to hit water; people parked by the highway, waiting their turn
to place bottles under small streams that run down the Avila Mountain.
Many Venezuelans call these conditions a genocide because the
violence and starvation are being imposed on the civilian population as
a conscious policy of Maduro and his Cuban puppet masters. Dictators
like Maduro recognize weakness as an opportunity. The hungrier and
sicker his people are, the easier they are to repress. This is the kind
of evil we are facing in our hemisphere. But one thing is clear: Maduro
underestimates his people. They may be oppressed, but they are not
weak. They may be hungry, but their hunger is for freedom, and they are
making their voices heard. We need to listen.
Nicholas Maduro is an illegitimate President. His election was a
sham, just like the elections in Cuba and Russia--a complete sham and a
joke. Dozens of countries across Latin America and Europe have
recognized Juan Guaido's right to the interim Presidency. As President
of the National Assembly--the only democratic body left in Venezuela--
Juan Guaido has the right and the duty to preside over new elections
and the return of democracy.
The people still in power in Venezuela are corrupt bureaucrats and
military officers engaged in embezzlement, narcotrafficking, and human
rights abuses. Since being tested by uprisings in 2014 and 2017, the
regime has reinforced a repressive apparatus that uses armed mobile
civilian gangs known as colectivos, specialized police units, and anti-
riot forces of the National Guard to terrorize and control the civilian
population through arbitrary arrests, beatings, detentions, and
killings.
The Maduro regime has gone so far as to arrest the Chief of Staff for
Interim President Guaido, Roberto Marrero. I met his wife Romy on
Monday in Miami. She fled the country 3 weeks ago with their 7-year-old
son, right before Maduro's thugs destroyed their home. The majority of
the armed forces want change in their country, but they live under the
repressive forces of control, threats, intimidation, and violence.
Russian mercenaries protect Maduro because he can't trust his own
troops, and the Russian Government has provided military advisers and
specialists to maintain the Maduro regime's defenses, including
surface-to-air missile systems. Russia has also sent nuclear-capable
bombers to Venezuela, in violation of the Venezuelan Constitution, to
intimidate the United States and other countries in the region.
In short, Russia is expanding its military presence in Venezuela to
prop up a regime hostile to the United States and create a foothold in
the Western Hemisphere. Not since the Cuban Missile Crisis has Russia
taken such an aggressive step to expand their influence in the region.
Meanwhile, China evades sanctions we have placed on the regime by
investing in the country and extending generous loans to prop up the
dictatorship in Caracas.
The United States faces a serious national security threat and a
humanitarian crisis at our doorstep. This is becoming as dangerous for
us as the Syrian civil war has been for Europe, Israel, and Jordan.
Left unchecked, it will destabilize our regional allies and provide a
base of operations for our enemies.
Today, I am urging the administration, Congress, and the American
people to see the crisis for what it is--a rising tide of social and
political collapse encouraged and funded by our enemies. The socialist
dictatorship of Nicholas Maduro and his Cuban, Russian, Chinese, and
narcotrafficking allies do not care how many millions of Venezuelans
suffer and die. He is determined to remain in power, sucking the life
out of a once-vibrant nation and creating an outpost for adversaries
and a safe harbor for terrorists intent on harming Americans.
We cannot let this stand. We will be judged for our response to this
crisis--not just the humanitarian crisis but the threat to our
hemisphere. The credibility and security of the United States is on the
line. The question is not whether we can tolerate this crisis that is
worsening daily--we surely cannot. The question is, When will we act to
end it? Hostile regimes like Russia, China, and Cuba are digging in.
They are training killers, distributing weapons, and placing military
assets in Venezuela. Their message is clear: They don't intend to give
up without a fight.
History has proven that permitting the former Soviet Union to
establish a presence in Cuba perpetrated a six-decade, totalitarian
dictatorship that has exported instability to the region and worked
against U.S. national security interests. Our safety, national
security, and the peace of our hemisphere demand that we take action.
We cannot allow this murderous regime to continue spreading misery
within its borders and into neighboring countries.
There is a democratic government-in-waiting in the form of National
Assembly and Interim President Juan Guaido. U.S. policy relies on
rallying his internal support and forcing those around Maduro to see
their future as brighter if they defect and support the movement toward
freedom and democracy. There are steps we can take to accelerate this
process.
First, we must follow through on American policy and indict regime
leaders for human rights violations and for narcotrafficking and money
laundering crimes.
The region's strongest supporters do not care if the people suffer,
but they do care if their stolen fortunes and their freedom are at
risk. We must make clear to them that their future is in jeopardy if
they continue to support Maduro and interference from Cuba, Russia, and
China. There will be nowhere to run, nowhere to hide. The United States
will give no quarter to those who support the brutal Maduro
dictatorship instead of freedom and democracy for the people of
Venezuela.
Second, we must break the hold the Cuban Government has on Venezuela.
It is imperative that the United States fully implement the sanctions
contained in the LIBERTAD Act to allow U.S. nationals to sue over
property confiscated by the Cuban Government and to deny entry to those
who traffic in stolen property. Cuba cannot continue to freely incite
violence in Venezuela while profiting from the use of stolen property
and human trafficking. Chavez and Maduro kept the Cuban regime afloat
for decades, and now Cuban operators are keeping the Maduro regime in
power. It is time we recognize that these problems are one and the
same.
Third, we must encourage our allies in the region to join us in this
effort.
President Trump has repeatedly called on regional counterparts to
exert more leadership, and he has a right to do so. The United States
has implemented strong sanctions on Venezuelan leaders, on oil, and on
trade. Our allies must join us in this effort.
The Lima Group, made up of our friends in the region, has given broad
support to the strategy of isolating the Maduro regime in favor of
Interim President Guaido, urging additional sanctions. That is welcome,
but they should not rule out the possibility that they need to pursue
more aggressive means to secure this threat. Their security and
economic well-being are also at risk. They should remember that the
Maduro regime and its supporters want Venezuela's neighbors to live in
fear. Even before this crisis began in earnest, Colombia and Guyana
faced regular interventions and threats from the Venezuelan regime.
Maduro and his supporters do not want peaceful relations with other
countries except on their own terms. I am quite sure that Cuba, China,
and Russia do not have the best interests of the region in mind.
I was glad to see the Organization of American States accept the
appointment of the designated permanent representative of the National
Assembly, Gustavo Tarre Briceno. Consistent with the Inter-American
Democratic Charter, the Organization of American States must expel
Maduro's representative. The Maduro regime is not a legitimate
government and has no right to send a representative to the very body
in the Western Hemisphere charged with protecting and promoting
democracy in the region.
[[Page S2419]]
Fourth, we must not appear weak in the face of Chinese, Russian, and
Cuban determination to prop up Maduro.
Our adversaries question our will and determination. Put simply, they
don't think we are serious. We should disabuse them of that notion. All
options, including the use of American military assets, must remain on
the table. If sanctions can cripple the Maduro regime, we must continue
on that path, but so far, sanctions alone are not stopping the Maduro
regime, and the United States needs to start considering the use of
military assets to bring aid to the millions of starving and sick
Venezuelans. I call on all of our allies and those supporting Guaido to
help us in this effort.
Let me repeat that. The United States must consider the use of
military assets to bring aid to the people of Venezuela, but that
doesn't end the conversation. If embargoes and blockades can help, we
should consider them. If military force on the part of the United
States and our allies in the region is necessary to rid us of the
scourge of Maduro and his thugs, then we cannot rule it out. If the
Venezuelan people, through their elected National Assembly and their
own laws and Constitution, request assistance to restore constitutional
government and democracy, we should be ready to answer that call. The
Maduro regime has not been broken yet and can count on billions of
dollars looted from the Venezuelan people and generated from 20 years
of narcotrafficking.
The Cubans, Russians, and Chinese see Venezuela as an economic
opportunity, but, more importantly, they see a chance to intimidate the
United States--to be a thorn in our side. This is a ``great power''
confrontation and one that our national defense strategy might not
explicitly contemplate. Yet it is a confrontation we must be willing to
meet with decisive action.
The Venezuelan people want change, and even now they think of
survival as much as they think of a democratic future. They are looking
to the future. They are looking to the United States and democratic
countries to help them. We must answer that call.
I yield the floor.
nomination of david bernhardt
Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, I rise today in opposition to the
nomination of David Bernhardt to be Secretary of the Interior.
I opposed his nomination as Deputy Secretary of the Interior because
of his numerous conflicts of interest as a former lobbyist.
Bernhardt's tenure, both as Deputy Secretary and now the Acting
Secretary at Interior, has since confirmed my initial concerns and
given rise to new ones.
As a former partner at a powerful DC lobbying and law firm, Bernhardt
represented numerous oil, gas, mining, and water companies with ongoing
business before the Department that he now oversees.
The Washington Post recently reported that he has at least 22 known
conflicts of interest, the most of any of President Trump's nominees.
This is particularly concerning given that Mr. Bernhardt's recusals
mandated by President Trump will expire in August, and he has refused
to commit to continuing recusing himself beyond then on any issues that
could benefit former clients.
In fact, during his recent confirmation hearing, Bernhardt stated
that recusal isn't ``really is the best strategy''--an unacceptable
stance.
By refusing to recuse himself, Bernhardt has shown a potential
willingness to put his former clients' needs before the public good.
One troubling example is his relationship with Cadiz, a company that
wants to profit by draining a critical aquifer in the Mojave Desert.
Before coming to the Department of the Interior, Mr. Bernhardt was a
partner at and led the natural resources division of Brownstein Hyatt
Farber Schreck, Cadiz's lobbying firm that retains a financial stake in
the project.
This project would destroy the treasured California desert that I
have fought my entire Senate career to protect.
In order to sell the water, Cadiz needs to build a more than 40-mile
pipeline through the desert to connect to an aqueduct.
Several months after Bernhardt was nominated as Deputy Secretary, the
Department of Interior temporarily suspended its own solicitor's
opinion requiring Cadiz to get Federal permits to build its pipeline
along a railroad right-of-way.
That solicitor's opinion was ultimately reversed 2 months after he
was confirmed, completely removing the Federal permitting authority for
this project.
The timing of this decision is extremely troubling, particularly in
light of the Interior Department's own independent science that has
repeatedly questioned the sustainability of this project.
The U.S. Geological Survey, which is part of the Interior Department,
stated in 2002 and confirmed in 2017 that the natural recharge rate of
the aquifer is only 2,000 to 10,000 acre-feet per year. Cadiz proposes
to withdraw water at more than 50,000 acre-feet, or 16 billion gallons,
per year for 50 years.
Taking that much water would rob the desert of its most precious
natural resource and harm the surrounding flora and fauna.
Now the Federal Government, despite its own science saying Cadiz
would take too much water and legal opinions requiring Federal review,
has removed itself from the permitting process.
Even the mere appearance of favoritism or special favors for Cadiz is
extremely inappropriate and a concern with this nomination.
I am also concerned that throughout his tenure at Interior, Bernhardt
has shown a willingness to ignore the public's interest for political
purposes.
During President Trump's government shutdown--the longest in U.S.
history--Acting Secretary Bernhardt kept most of the national parks
open to avoid public backlash for the shutdown.
Left open but severally understaffed, major damage occurred to parks
across the country. Few places felt the impact of his poor decision
more than Joshua Tree National Park.
Iconic Joshua trees were cut down, cultural artifacts stolen or
destroyed, and pristine desert habitat marred by vehicle traffic.
I have twice requested from Mr. Bernhardt a full accounting of the
damage and costs of his decision and have not received a response.
I am also deeply concerned by steps Interior has recently taken to
expand offshore oil drilling, despite bipartisan opposition from
coastal States.
Californians don't want new offshore drilling along our coast. We
still remember the horror of the 1969 Santa Barbara spill, when an
offshore oil rig leaked more than 100,000 barrels, the third largest
oil spill behind the Exxon-Valdez and Deepwater Horizon disasters.
There has been no new drilling in State waters since that spill and
no new drilling in Federal waters off the coast of California since
1984.
Now, the Department of the Interior is openly discussing the option
of restarting such drilling.
Bernhardt's ties to the fossil fuel industry give me zero confidence
that the Interior Department will reach the right conclusion if he is
confirmed.
For the reasons I have stated, I cannot vote to confirm Mr.
Bernhardt.
Should he be confirmed, I again ask that he fully recuse himself from
all matters related to former clients during his tenure as a lobbyist.
I urge my colleagues to carefully consider this nomination before
voting.
Thank you.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey.
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak for up
to 6 minutes prior to the scheduled vote.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise today to oppose the President's
nominee for Secretary of the Interior, David Bernhardt. Once again,
instead of draining the swamp, President Trump is flooding the swamp
with a whole new breed of corporate-sponsored creatures. Already, we
have a former coal lobbyist running the Environmental Protection
Agency. We have chemical lobbyists running the EPA's chemical safety
programs. And unless we put the brakes on Mr. Bernhardt's nomination,
soon we will have a fossil fuel lobbyist running the Department of
Interior.
For a State like New Jersey, which depends on a healthy, vibrant
coastal
[[Page S2420]]
economy, Mr. Bernhardt's extensive ties to the fossil fuel industry are
troubling, to say the least.
The Secretary of the Interior is charged with the stewardship of
public lands and waters and safeguarding our natural resources for
generations to come. Yet the Washington Post has reported that Mr.
Bernhardt has so many conflicts of interest that he must carry a card
around just to keep track of them. Think about that. Mr. Bernhardt has
such deep ties to fossil fuel companies with business pending before
the Interior Department that he cannot keep track of them.
How Mr. Bernhardt would approach his position if confirmed as
Secretary of Interior is no mystery. During his time as Acting
Secretary, he has gained a reputation as a general in the Trump
administration's war on science. Reports suggest that he has suppressed
scientific evidence in order to benefit corporate interests at the
expense of environmental protection.
Rather than be responsive to Congress about our concerns, Mr.
Bernhardt has displayed a stunning lack of transparency. Like many
Trump nominees, he has failed to respond to basic inquiries from
Congress. For example, on March 20, I sent a letter--along with Senator
Feinstein, Senator Merkley, and 15 of our colleagues--requesting that
the Acting Secretary respond to a series of questions about his views
on offshore drilling. With his hearing in the Energy and Natural
Resources Committee quickly approaching, we asked Mr. Bernhardt to
respond prior to coming before Congress. This way, committee members
could have at least a baseline understanding of his views while
crafting their questions. We received no response.
Mr. Bernhardt then came and testified before the committee. He could
have used the opportunity to enlighten us about his views on offshore
drilling. He chose not to. Now, 3 weeks later, we still lack answers,
even as the majority seeks to confirm him as Secretary of the Interior.
When an individual seeking confirmation by the Senate refuses to
answer basic questions posed by 18 Senators, that should be a red flag
for all of us. The questions that were asked weren't technical. They
weren't ``gotcha'' questions. They were straightforward questions about
one of the most fundamental jobs the Secretary of the Interior has--the
stewardship of our Nation's coastal waters.
We asked Acting Secretary Bernhardt: Do you support opening up any or
all of the Atlantic Ocean to offshore oil and gas exploration,
development, or production? No response.
We posed the same question about the Pacific, the Arctic, and the
eastern Gulf of Mexico. Again, no response.
We asked the Acting Secretary if he would commit to meeting with the
Governors of States in which he proposes to drill for oil. No response.
We asked if he would commit to meaningful public hearings in States
impacted by offshore oil drilling. No response.
We asked how he could reconcile the opposition to offshore drilling
of every Atlantic and Pacific Governor--Democrat and Republican--with
President Trump's goal of opening all of those waters to drilling.
Again, we got no response.
We asked whether the Acting Secretary could confirm to us that the
Trump administration's revisions to the well control rule--the one
major safety reform put in place after the Deepwater Horizon disaster--
wouldn't denigrate safety. No response.
I will not risk it. I will not risk New Jersey's $44 billion tourism
industry. I will not risk over $800 billion in coastal property values.
I will not risk a recreation and commercial fishing industry that
supports 50,000 jobs in my State. I will not risk the economies of
shore towns up and down the coast of New Jersey and the entire
Atlantic. I will not risk the lives and livelihoods that depend on
clean coastal waters because that is what we are risking if we vote for
Mr. Bernhardt.
I cannot fathom going home to my constituents and telling them that I
gave the nominee for Secretary of the Interior a free pass on basic
questions about the job he is applying for.
With the radio silence from this nominee on offshore drilling, I have
no reason to believe Mr. Bernhardt will deviate from the path chartered
by this administration. Every Member of this Chamber knows what that
path looks like.
We have seen the weakening of protections put in place after the BP
oilspill, endangering the safety of workers and the livelihood of our
vibrant coastlines. We will see the start of seismic blasting in search
of oil up and down our coasts without any concern for the devastating
impact on wildlife and our fisheries. We will see the finalization of
President Trump's offshore drilling plan--one that would open the
entire Atlantic Ocean, the entire Pacific Ocean, the entire Gulf of
Mexico, and the entire Arctic Ocean to offshore drilling. If this plan
comes to fruition, sooner or later we will see another crisis of the
magnitude of the Deepwater Horizon.
My friends, my colleagues, this is not a matter of if; it is a matter
of when. When that day comes, every Member of this Chamber who
supported David Bernhardt is going to have to answer to their
constituents, to the shore businesses who see their livelihoods washed
away in a slick of oil, to the fishermen who are suddenly out of a job
through no fault of their own, to coastal towns that see their
communities and the tourism and recreation industries their economies
depend on wiped out.
I refuse to take that risk. A vote for David Bernhardt is a vote for
offshore drilling. I ask my colleagues to oppose his nomination.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, all postcloture time
has expired.
The question is, Will the Senate advise and consent to the Bernhardt
nomination?
Mr. INHOFE. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There appears to be a sufficient second.
The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. THUNE. The following Senator is necessarily absent: the Senator
from Georgia (Mr. Perdue).
Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Booker)
and the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) are necessarily absent.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Lankford). Are there any other Senators in
the Chamber desiring to vote?
The result was announced--yeas 56, nays 41, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 77 Ex.]
YEAS--56
Alexander
Barrasso
Blackburn
Blunt
Boozman
Braun
Burr
Capito
Cassidy
Collins
Cornyn
Cotton
Cramer
Crapo
Cruz
Daines
Enzi
Ernst
Fischer
Gardner
Graham
Grassley
Hawley
Heinrich
Hoeven
Hyde-Smith
Inhofe
Isakson
Johnson
Kennedy
King
Lankford
Lee
Manchin
McConnell
McSally
Moran
Murkowski
Paul
Portman
Risch
Roberts
Romney
Rounds
Rubio
Sasse
Scott (FL)
Scott (SC)
Shelby
Sinema
Sullivan
Thune
Tillis
Toomey
Wicker
Young
NAYS--41
Baldwin
Bennet
Blumenthal
Brown
Cantwell
Cardin
Carper
Casey
Coons
Cortez Masto
Duckworth
Durbin
Feinstein
Gillibrand
Hassan
Hirono
Jones
Kaine
Klobuchar
Leahy
Markey
Menendez
Merkley
Murphy
Murray
Peters
Reed
Rosen
Sanders
Schatz
Schumer
Shaheen
Smith
Stabenow
Tester
Udall
Van Hollen
Warner
Warren
Whitehouse
Wyden
NOT VOTING--3
Booker
Harris
Perdue
The nomination was confirmed.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the motion to
reconsider is considered made and laid upon the table, and the
President will be immediately notified of the Senate's action.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader.
____________________