[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 63 (Thursday, April 11, 2019)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2417-S2420]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                               Venezuela

  Mr. SCOTT of Florida. Good afternoon. The crisis in Venezuela is a 
crisis in America. Senator Rubio, Congressman Diaz-Balart, and I have 
been talking about this for years and worked with the White House on a 
comprehensive strategy. More than 200,000 Venezuelans live in Florida, 
and their concerns are our concerns.
  Make no mistake--this is a crisis. It is a humanitarian crisis that 
threatens the lives of the people of Venezuela and has created a flood 
of refugees numbering in the millions. It is also a crisis that 
threatens the safety and security of our allies in Latin America and in 
the United States of America.
  The dictatorship of Nicolas Maduro and the creeping influence and 
military presence of our global adversaries represent a clear and 
present danger to the entire Western Hemisphere. There are some who 
will say that this is not our fight, that the millions of Venezuelans 
suffering 2,000 miles away are not our concern. Some have criticized 
the mere mention of the crisis in Venezuela by those like myself as 
American imperialism or a U.S.-backed coup. I reject that. This is our 
fight. Freedom and democracy in Latin America is our fight. I remind 
these critics that the only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is 
for good people to do nothing. We cannot let evil triumph in Venezuela. 
It would be a failure of leadership with disastrous consequences.
  There is only one option left to get aid to the people of Venezuela. 
It is something that no one is willing to talk about. It is becoming 
clear that we will have to consider the use of American military assets 
to deliver aid. Maduro and his thugs have left us no choice.
  I applaud President Trump and his administration for taking bold 
action by recognizing Juan Guaido as the legitimate President of 
Venezuela and organizing the international community to do the same. 
The sanctions implemented by this administration against the Maduro 
regime and its puppet masters in Havana reflect their commitment to 
freedom and democracy in Latin America. Yet Maduro remains in power, 
the people of Venezuela continue to suffer, and the influence of Cuba, 
Russia, China, and international terrorist organizations grows.
  We must do more, but in order to understand where we go from here, we 
need to look at history. Hugo Chavez might have been elected 
democratically, but he never intended to govern democratically. He 
built a socialist dictatorship by hollowing out all the democratic 
institutions: the constitution, the electoral system, and the courts. 
He made civil society and the business sector bend to his will or face 
elimination. He nationalized entire sectors of the economy and used 
them to pay off his cronies. He took over the oil sector and made the 
national energy company his piggy bank. He made common cause with our 
enemies--most notably, the Castro regime. Cuba received and continues 
to receive free oil from Venezuela and in return provides political and 
internal security operatives. In other words, Cuba provided and is 
still providing military thugs to help stop freedom.
  Chavez allowed his regime to engage in illicit trafficking of drugs 
and people. He cooperated with Middle Eastern terrorist organizations 
like Hezbollah and the terrorist state of Iran. This cooperation has 
only intensified under Chavez's successor, Maduro.
  The path of socialism chosen by the Chavistas inevitably led to a 
failed state that relies on bad actors for survival. The result is one 
of the worst humanitarian crises in our hemisphere's history.
  We cannot ignore the impact the socialist policies of Chavez and 
Maduro has had on the people of Venezuela. Nine out of ten households 
say they don't have enough money to buy food. That is socialism. Eighty 
percent of children under 5 are in some state of malnutrition. That is 
socialism. Inflation is over 10 million percent this year, and their 
currency is worthless. What does that mean to the average person? A 
bundle of carrots costs 3 million bolivars. A dozen eggs costs $150 
USD. That is socialism. Venezuela has the highest murder rate in the 
world. That is socialism.
  More than 3.5 million refugees--about 12 percent of the population--
have fled to nearby countries because they can't get food, water, 
medicine, or safety from their government. Two million more Venezuelans 
are expected to flee before the year is out, with Colombia taking the 
brunt of this refugee crisis. Colombian resources are strained, as they 
do all they can to help the refugees fleeing persecution, starvation, 
and sickness, while the Maduro regime blocks aid caravans, sets them on 
fire, and continues to cooperate with the narcotrafficking rebels that 
plague Colombia.
  I want to thank my good friend President Duque for all he is doing. 
Other nations in the region, such as Brazil and Peru, have also chipped 
in, accepting hundreds of thousands of refugees.

[[Page S2418]]

  For weeks, millions of Venezuelans have been left without running 
water and amid a series of massive blackouts. Journalists report scenes 
that are now a part of the daily life for Venezuelans: dozens sleeping 
in line for their turn at a well in one of the city's biggest slums; 
three men tossing an old paint bucket tied with ropes down a well 
hoping to hit water; people parked by the highway, waiting their turn 
to place bottles under small streams that run down the Avila Mountain.
  Many Venezuelans call these conditions a genocide because the 
violence and starvation are being imposed on the civilian population as 
a conscious policy of Maduro and his Cuban puppet masters. Dictators 
like Maduro recognize weakness as an opportunity. The hungrier and 
sicker his people are, the easier they are to repress. This is the kind 
of evil we are facing in our hemisphere. But one thing is clear: Maduro 
underestimates his people. They may be oppressed, but they are not 
weak. They may be hungry, but their hunger is for freedom, and they are 
making their voices heard. We need to listen.

  Nicholas Maduro is an illegitimate President. His election was a 
sham, just like the elections in Cuba and Russia--a complete sham and a 
joke. Dozens of countries across Latin America and Europe have 
recognized Juan Guaido's right to the interim Presidency. As President 
of the National Assembly--the only democratic body left in Venezuela--
Juan Guaido has the right and the duty to preside over new elections 
and the return of democracy.
  The people still in power in Venezuela are corrupt bureaucrats and 
military officers engaged in embezzlement, narcotrafficking, and human 
rights abuses. Since being tested by uprisings in 2014 and 2017, the 
regime has reinforced a repressive apparatus that uses armed mobile 
civilian gangs known as colectivos, specialized police units, and anti-
riot forces of the National Guard to terrorize and control the civilian 
population through arbitrary arrests, beatings, detentions, and 
killings.
  The Maduro regime has gone so far as to arrest the Chief of Staff for 
Interim President Guaido, Roberto Marrero. I met his wife Romy on 
Monday in Miami. She fled the country 3 weeks ago with their 7-year-old 
son, right before Maduro's thugs destroyed their home. The majority of 
the armed forces want change in their country, but they live under the 
repressive forces of control, threats, intimidation, and violence.
  Russian mercenaries protect Maduro because he can't trust his own 
troops, and the Russian Government has provided military advisers and 
specialists to maintain the Maduro regime's defenses, including 
surface-to-air missile systems. Russia has also sent nuclear-capable 
bombers to Venezuela, in violation of the Venezuelan Constitution, to 
intimidate the United States and other countries in the region.
  In short, Russia is expanding its military presence in Venezuela to 
prop up a regime hostile to the United States and create a foothold in 
the Western Hemisphere. Not since the Cuban Missile Crisis has Russia 
taken such an aggressive step to expand their influence in the region.
  Meanwhile, China evades sanctions we have placed on the regime by 
investing in the country and extending generous loans to prop up the 
dictatorship in Caracas.
  The United States faces a serious national security threat and a 
humanitarian crisis at our doorstep. This is becoming as dangerous for 
us as the Syrian civil war has been for Europe, Israel, and Jordan. 
Left unchecked, it will destabilize our regional allies and provide a 
base of operations for our enemies.
  Today, I am urging the administration, Congress, and the American 
people to see the crisis for what it is--a rising tide of social and 
political collapse encouraged and funded by our enemies. The socialist 
dictatorship of Nicholas Maduro and his Cuban, Russian, Chinese, and 
narcotrafficking allies do not care how many millions of Venezuelans 
suffer and die. He is determined to remain in power, sucking the life 
out of a once-vibrant nation and creating an outpost for adversaries 
and a safe harbor for terrorists intent on harming Americans.
  We cannot let this stand. We will be judged for our response to this 
crisis--not just the humanitarian crisis but the threat to our 
hemisphere. The credibility and security of the United States is on the 
line. The question is not whether we can tolerate this crisis that is 
worsening daily--we surely cannot. The question is, When will we act to 
end it? Hostile regimes like Russia, China, and Cuba are digging in. 
They are training killers, distributing weapons, and placing military 
assets in Venezuela. Their message is clear: They don't intend to give 
up without a fight.
  History has proven that permitting the former Soviet Union to 
establish a presence in Cuba perpetrated a six-decade, totalitarian 
dictatorship that has exported instability to the region and worked 
against U.S. national security interests. Our safety, national 
security, and the peace of our hemisphere demand that we take action. 
We cannot allow this murderous regime to continue spreading misery 
within its borders and into neighboring countries.
  There is a democratic government-in-waiting in the form of National 
Assembly and Interim President Juan Guaido. U.S. policy relies on 
rallying his internal support and forcing those around Maduro to see 
their future as brighter if they defect and support the movement toward 
freedom and democracy. There are steps we can take to accelerate this 
process.
  First, we must follow through on American policy and indict regime 
leaders for human rights violations and for narcotrafficking and money 
laundering crimes.
  The region's strongest supporters do not care if the people suffer, 
but they do care if their stolen fortunes and their freedom are at 
risk. We must make clear to them that their future is in jeopardy if 
they continue to support Maduro and interference from Cuba, Russia, and 
China. There will be nowhere to run, nowhere to hide. The United States 
will give no quarter to those who support the brutal Maduro 
dictatorship instead of freedom and democracy for the people of 
Venezuela.
  Second, we must break the hold the Cuban Government has on Venezuela.
  It is imperative that the United States fully implement the sanctions 
contained in the LIBERTAD Act to allow U.S. nationals to sue over 
property confiscated by the Cuban Government and to deny entry to those 
who traffic in stolen property. Cuba cannot continue to freely incite 
violence in Venezuela while profiting from the use of stolen property 
and human trafficking. Chavez and Maduro kept the Cuban regime afloat 
for decades, and now Cuban operators are keeping the Maduro regime in 
power. It is time we recognize that these problems are one and the 
same.
  Third, we must encourage our allies in the region to join us in this 
effort.
  President Trump has repeatedly called on regional counterparts to 
exert more leadership, and he has a right to do so. The United States 
has implemented strong sanctions on Venezuelan leaders, on oil, and on 
trade. Our allies must join us in this effort.
  The Lima Group, made up of our friends in the region, has given broad 
support to the strategy of isolating the Maduro regime in favor of 
Interim President Guaido, urging additional sanctions. That is welcome, 
but they should not rule out the possibility that they need to pursue 
more aggressive means to secure this threat. Their security and 
economic well-being are also at risk. They should remember that the 
Maduro regime and its supporters want Venezuela's neighbors to live in 
fear. Even before this crisis began in earnest, Colombia and Guyana 
faced regular interventions and threats from the Venezuelan regime. 
Maduro and his supporters do not want peaceful relations with other 
countries except on their own terms. I am quite sure that Cuba, China, 
and Russia do not have the best interests of the region in mind.
  I was glad to see the Organization of American States accept the 
appointment of the designated permanent representative of the National 
Assembly, Gustavo Tarre Briceno. Consistent with the Inter-American 
Democratic Charter, the Organization of American States must expel 
Maduro's representative. The Maduro regime is not a legitimate 
government and has no right to send a representative to the very body 
in the Western Hemisphere charged with protecting and promoting 
democracy in the region.

[[Page S2419]]

  Fourth, we must not appear weak in the face of Chinese, Russian, and 
Cuban determination to prop up Maduro.
  Our adversaries question our will and determination. Put simply, they 
don't think we are serious. We should disabuse them of that notion. All 
options, including the use of American military assets, must remain on 
the table. If sanctions can cripple the Maduro regime, we must continue 
on that path, but so far, sanctions alone are not stopping the Maduro 
regime, and the United States needs to start considering the use of 
military assets to bring aid to the millions of starving and sick 
Venezuelans. I call on all of our allies and those supporting Guaido to 
help us in this effort.
  Let me repeat that. The United States must consider the use of 
military assets to bring aid to the people of Venezuela, but that 
doesn't end the conversation. If embargoes and blockades can help, we 
should consider them. If military force on the part of the United 
States and our allies in the region is necessary to rid us of the 
scourge of Maduro and his thugs, then we cannot rule it out. If the 
Venezuelan people, through their elected National Assembly and their 
own laws and Constitution, request assistance to restore constitutional 
government and democracy, we should be ready to answer that call. The 
Maduro regime has not been broken yet and can count on billions of 
dollars looted from the Venezuelan people and generated from 20 years 
of narcotrafficking.

  The Cubans, Russians, and Chinese see Venezuela as an economic 
opportunity, but, more importantly, they see a chance to intimidate the 
United States--to be a thorn in our side. This is a ``great power'' 
confrontation and one that our national defense strategy might not 
explicitly contemplate. Yet it is a confrontation we must be willing to 
meet with decisive action.
  The Venezuelan people want change, and even now they think of 
survival as much as they think of a democratic future. They are looking 
to the future. They are looking to the United States and democratic 
countries to help them. We must answer that call.
  I yield the floor.


                     nomination of david bernhardt

  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, I rise today in opposition to the 
nomination of David Bernhardt to be Secretary of the Interior.
  I opposed his nomination as Deputy Secretary of the Interior because 
of his numerous conflicts of interest as a former lobbyist.
  Bernhardt's tenure, both as Deputy Secretary and now the Acting 
Secretary at Interior, has since confirmed my initial concerns and 
given rise to new ones.
  As a former partner at a powerful DC lobbying and law firm, Bernhardt 
represented numerous oil, gas, mining, and water companies with ongoing 
business before the Department that he now oversees.
  The Washington Post recently reported that he has at least 22 known 
conflicts of interest, the most of any of President Trump's nominees.
  This is particularly concerning given that Mr. Bernhardt's recusals 
mandated by President Trump will expire in August, and he has refused 
to commit to continuing recusing himself beyond then on any issues that 
could benefit former clients.
  In fact, during his recent confirmation hearing, Bernhardt stated 
that recusal isn't ``really is the best strategy''--an unacceptable 
stance.
  By refusing to recuse himself, Bernhardt has shown a potential 
willingness to put his former clients' needs before the public good.
  One troubling example is his relationship with Cadiz, a company that 
wants to profit by draining a critical aquifer in the Mojave Desert.
  Before coming to the Department of the Interior, Mr. Bernhardt was a 
partner at and led the natural resources division of Brownstein Hyatt 
Farber Schreck, Cadiz's lobbying firm that retains a financial stake in 
the project.
  This project would destroy the treasured California desert that I 
have fought my entire Senate career to protect.
  In order to sell the water, Cadiz needs to build a more than 40-mile 
pipeline through the desert to connect to an aqueduct.
  Several months after Bernhardt was nominated as Deputy Secretary, the 
Department of Interior temporarily suspended its own solicitor's 
opinion requiring Cadiz to get Federal permits to build its pipeline 
along a railroad right-of-way.
  That solicitor's opinion was ultimately reversed 2 months after he 
was confirmed, completely removing the Federal permitting authority for 
this project.
  The timing of this decision is extremely troubling, particularly in 
light of the Interior Department's own independent science that has 
repeatedly questioned the sustainability of this project.
  The U.S. Geological Survey, which is part of the Interior Department, 
stated in 2002 and confirmed in 2017 that the natural recharge rate of 
the aquifer is only 2,000 to 10,000 acre-feet per year. Cadiz proposes 
to withdraw water at more than 50,000 acre-feet, or 16 billion gallons, 
per year for 50 years.
  Taking that much water would rob the desert of its most precious 
natural resource and harm the surrounding flora and fauna.
  Now the Federal Government, despite its own science saying Cadiz 
would take too much water and legal opinions requiring Federal review, 
has removed itself from the permitting process.
  Even the mere appearance of favoritism or special favors for Cadiz is 
extremely inappropriate and a concern with this nomination.
  I am also concerned that throughout his tenure at Interior, Bernhardt 
has shown a willingness to ignore the public's interest for political 
purposes.
  During President Trump's government shutdown--the longest in U.S. 
history--Acting Secretary Bernhardt kept most of the national parks 
open to avoid public backlash for the shutdown.
  Left open but severally understaffed, major damage occurred to parks 
across the country. Few places felt the impact of his poor decision 
more than Joshua Tree National Park.
  Iconic Joshua trees were cut down, cultural artifacts stolen or 
destroyed, and pristine desert habitat marred by vehicle traffic.
  I have twice requested from Mr. Bernhardt a full accounting of the 
damage and costs of his decision and have not received a response.
  I am also deeply concerned by steps Interior has recently taken to 
expand offshore oil drilling, despite bipartisan opposition from 
coastal States.
  Californians don't want new offshore drilling along our coast. We 
still remember the horror of the 1969 Santa Barbara spill, when an 
offshore oil rig leaked more than 100,000 barrels, the third largest 
oil spill behind the Exxon-Valdez and Deepwater Horizon disasters.
  There has been no new drilling in State waters since that spill and 
no new drilling in Federal waters off the coast of California since 
1984.
  Now, the Department of the Interior is openly discussing the option 
of restarting such drilling.
  Bernhardt's ties to the fossil fuel industry give me zero confidence 
that the Interior Department will reach the right conclusion if he is 
confirmed.
  For the reasons I have stated, I cannot vote to confirm Mr. 
Bernhardt.
  Should he be confirmed, I again ask that he fully recuse himself from 
all matters related to former clients during his tenure as a lobbyist.
  I urge my colleagues to carefully consider this nomination before 
voting.
  Thank you.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Jersey.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak for up 
to 6 minutes prior to the scheduled vote.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise today to oppose the President's 
nominee for Secretary of the Interior, David Bernhardt. Once again, 
instead of draining the swamp, President Trump is flooding the swamp 
with a whole new breed of corporate-sponsored creatures. Already, we 
have a former coal lobbyist running the Environmental Protection 
Agency. We have chemical lobbyists running the EPA's chemical safety 
programs. And unless we put the brakes on Mr. Bernhardt's nomination, 
soon we will have a fossil fuel lobbyist running the Department of 
Interior.
  For a State like New Jersey, which depends on a healthy, vibrant 
coastal

[[Page S2420]]

economy, Mr. Bernhardt's extensive ties to the fossil fuel industry are 
troubling, to say the least.
  The Secretary of the Interior is charged with the stewardship of 
public lands and waters and safeguarding our natural resources for 
generations to come. Yet the Washington Post has reported that Mr. 
Bernhardt has so many conflicts of interest that he must carry a card 
around just to keep track of them. Think about that. Mr. Bernhardt has 
such deep ties to fossil fuel companies with business pending before 
the Interior Department that he cannot keep track of them.
  How Mr. Bernhardt would approach his position if confirmed as 
Secretary of Interior is no mystery. During his time as Acting 
Secretary, he has gained a reputation as a general in the Trump 
administration's war on science. Reports suggest that he has suppressed 
scientific evidence in order to benefit corporate interests at the 
expense of environmental protection.
  Rather than be responsive to Congress about our concerns, Mr. 
Bernhardt has displayed a stunning lack of transparency. Like many 
Trump nominees, he has failed to respond to basic inquiries from 
Congress. For example, on March 20, I sent a letter--along with Senator 
Feinstein, Senator Merkley, and 15 of our colleagues--requesting that 
the Acting Secretary respond to a series of questions about his views 
on offshore drilling. With his hearing in the Energy and Natural 
Resources Committee quickly approaching, we asked Mr. Bernhardt to 
respond prior to coming before Congress. This way, committee members 
could have at least a baseline understanding of his views while 
crafting their questions. We received no response.
  Mr. Bernhardt then came and testified before the committee. He could 
have used the opportunity to enlighten us about his views on offshore 
drilling. He chose not to. Now, 3 weeks later, we still lack answers, 
even as the majority seeks to confirm him as Secretary of the Interior.
  When an individual seeking confirmation by the Senate refuses to 
answer basic questions posed by 18 Senators, that should be a red flag 
for all of us. The questions that were asked weren't technical. They 
weren't ``gotcha'' questions. They were straightforward questions about 
one of the most fundamental jobs the Secretary of the Interior has--the 
stewardship of our Nation's coastal waters.
  We asked Acting Secretary Bernhardt: Do you support opening up any or 
all of the Atlantic Ocean to offshore oil and gas exploration, 
development, or production? No response.
  We posed the same question about the Pacific, the Arctic, and the 
eastern Gulf of Mexico. Again, no response.
  We asked the Acting Secretary if he would commit to meeting with the 
Governors of States in which he proposes to drill for oil. No response.
  We asked if he would commit to meaningful public hearings in States 
impacted by offshore oil drilling. No response.
  We asked how he could reconcile the opposition to offshore drilling 
of every Atlantic and Pacific Governor--Democrat and Republican--with 
President Trump's goal of opening all of those waters to drilling. 
Again, we got no response.
  We asked whether the Acting Secretary could confirm to us that the 
Trump administration's revisions to the well control rule--the one 
major safety reform put in place after the Deepwater Horizon disaster--
wouldn't denigrate safety. No response.
  I will not risk it. I will not risk New Jersey's $44 billion tourism 
industry. I will not risk over $800 billion in coastal property values. 
I will not risk a recreation and commercial fishing industry that 
supports 50,000 jobs in my State. I will not risk the economies of 
shore towns up and down the coast of New Jersey and the entire 
Atlantic. I will not risk the lives and livelihoods that depend on 
clean coastal waters because that is what we are risking if we vote for 
Mr. Bernhardt.
  I cannot fathom going home to my constituents and telling them that I 
gave the nominee for Secretary of the Interior a free pass on basic 
questions about the job he is applying for.
  With the radio silence from this nominee on offshore drilling, I have 
no reason to believe Mr. Bernhardt will deviate from the path chartered 
by this administration. Every Member of this Chamber knows what that 
path looks like.
  We have seen the weakening of protections put in place after the BP 
oilspill, endangering the safety of workers and the livelihood of our 
vibrant coastlines. We will see the start of seismic blasting in search 
of oil up and down our coasts without any concern for the devastating 
impact on wildlife and our fisheries. We will see the finalization of 
President Trump's offshore drilling plan--one that would open the 
entire Atlantic Ocean, the entire Pacific Ocean, the entire Gulf of 
Mexico, and the entire Arctic Ocean to offshore drilling. If this plan 
comes to fruition, sooner or later we will see another crisis of the 
magnitude of the Deepwater Horizon.
  My friends, my colleagues, this is not a matter of if; it is a matter 
of when. When that day comes, every Member of this Chamber who 
supported David Bernhardt is going to have to answer to their 
constituents, to the shore businesses who see their livelihoods washed 
away in a slick of oil, to the fishermen who are suddenly out of a job 
through no fault of their own, to coastal towns that see their 
communities and the tourism and recreation industries their economies 
depend on wiped out.
  I refuse to take that risk. A vote for David Bernhardt is a vote for 
offshore drilling. I ask my colleagues to oppose his nomination.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, all postcloture time 
has expired.
  The question is, Will the Senate advise and consent to the Bernhardt 
nomination?
  Mr. INHOFE. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
  There appears to be a sufficient second.
  The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk called the roll.
  Mr. THUNE. The following Senator is necessarily absent: the Senator 
from Georgia (Mr. Perdue).
  Mr. DURBIN. I announce that the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Booker) 
and the Senator from California (Ms. Harris) are necessarily absent.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Lankford). Are there any other Senators in 
the Chamber desiring to vote?
  The result was announced--yeas 56, nays 41, as follows:

                       [Rollcall Vote No. 77 Ex.]

                                YEAS--56

     Alexander
     Barrasso
     Blackburn
     Blunt
     Boozman
     Braun
     Burr
     Capito
     Cassidy
     Collins
     Cornyn
     Cotton
     Cramer
     Crapo
     Cruz
     Daines
     Enzi
     Ernst
     Fischer
     Gardner
     Graham
     Grassley
     Hawley
     Heinrich
     Hoeven
     Hyde-Smith
     Inhofe
     Isakson
     Johnson
     Kennedy
     King
     Lankford
     Lee
     Manchin
     McConnell
     McSally
     Moran
     Murkowski
     Paul
     Portman
     Risch
     Roberts
     Romney
     Rounds
     Rubio
     Sasse
     Scott (FL)
     Scott (SC)
     Shelby
     Sinema
     Sullivan
     Thune
     Tillis
     Toomey
     Wicker
     Young

                                NAYS--41

     Baldwin
     Bennet
     Blumenthal
     Brown
     Cantwell
     Cardin
     Carper
     Casey
     Coons
     Cortez Masto
     Duckworth
     Durbin
     Feinstein
     Gillibrand
     Hassan
     Hirono
     Jones
     Kaine
     Klobuchar
     Leahy
     Markey
     Menendez
     Merkley
     Murphy
     Murray
     Peters
     Reed
     Rosen
     Sanders
     Schatz
     Schumer
     Shaheen
     Smith
     Stabenow
     Tester
     Udall
     Van Hollen
     Warner
     Warren
     Whitehouse
     Wyden

                             NOT VOTING--3

     Booker
     Harris
     Perdue
  The nomination was confirmed.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, the motion to 
reconsider is considered made and laid upon the table, and the 
President will be immediately notified of the Senate's action.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader.

                          ____________________