[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 41 (Thursday, March 7, 2019)]
[House]
[Pages H2547-H2555]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
CONDEMNING ANTI-SEMITISM AND ANTI-MUSLIM DISCRIMINATION
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the
resolution (H. Res. 183) condemning anti-Semitism as hateful
expressions of intolerance that are contradictory to the values and
aspirations that define the people of the United States and condemning
anti-Muslim discrimination and bigotry against minorities as hateful
expressions of intolerance that are contrary to the values and
aspirations of the United States, as amended.
The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
The text of the resolution is as follows:
H. Res. 183
Whereas the first amendment to the Constitution established
the United States as a country committed to the principles of
tolerance and religious freedom, and the 14th amendment to
the Constitution established equal protection of the laws as
the heart of justice in the United States;
Whereas adherence to these principles is vital to the
progress of the American people and the diverse communities
and religious groups of the United States;
Whereas whether from the political right, center, or left,
bigotry, discrimination, oppression, racism, and imputations
of dual loyalty threaten American democracy and have no place
in American political discourse;
Whereas white supremacists in the United States have
exploited and continue to exploit bigotry and weaponize hate
for political gain, targeting traditionally persecuted
peoples, including African Americans, Latinos, Native
Americans, Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders and other
people of color, Jews, Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, the LGBTQ
community, immigrants, and others with verbal attacks,
incitement, and violence;
Whereas the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., taught that
persecution of any American is an assault on the rights and
freedoms of all Americans;
Whereas on August 11 and 12, 2017, self-identified neo-
Confederates, white nationalists, neo-Nazis, and Ku Klux
Klansmen held white supremacist events in Charlottesville,
Virginia, where they marched on a synagogue under the Nazi
swastika, engaged in racist and anti-Semitic demonstrations
and committed brutal and deadly violence against peaceful
Americans;
Whereas a white nationalist murdered nine African American
worshipers at the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church
in Charleston, South Carolina, on the evening of June 17,
2015, in the hopes of igniting a nationwide race war;
Whereas on October 27, 2018, the perpetrator of the
deadliest attack on Jewish people in the history of the
United States killed 11 worshippers at the Tree of Life
Synagogue building in Pittsburgh and reportedly stated that
he ``wanted all Jews to die'';
Whereas anti-Semitism is the centuries-old bigotry and form
of racism faced by Jewish people simply because they are
Jews;
Whereas in 2017 the Federal Bureau of Investigation
reported a 37 percent increase in hate crimes against Jews or
Jewish institutions and found that attacks against Jews or
Jewish institutions made up 58.1 percent of all religious-
based hate crimes;
Whereas there is an urgent need to ensure the safety and
security of Jewish communities, including synagogues,
schools, cemeteries, and other institutions;
Whereas Jews are the targets of anti-Semitic violence at
even higher rates in many other countries than they are in
the United States;
Whereas it is a foreign policy priority of the United
States to monitor and combat anti-Semitism abroad;
Whereas anti-Semitism includes blaming Jews as Jews when
things go wrong; calling for, aiding, or justifying the
killing or harming of Jews in the name of a radical ideology
or extremist view of religion; or making mendacious,
dehumanizing, demonizing, or stereotyped allegations about
Jews;
Whereas Jewish people are subject in the media and
political campaigns to numerous other dangerous anti-Semitic
myths as well, including that Jews control the United States
Government or seek global, political, and financial
domination and that Jews are obsessed with money;
Whereas scapegoating and targeting of Jews in the United
States have persisted for many years, including by the Ku
Klux Klan, the America First Committee, and by modern neo-
Nazis;
Whereas accusing Jews of being more loyal to Israel or to
the Jewish community than to the United States constitutes
anti-Semitism because it suggests that Jewish citizens cannot
be patriotic Americans and trusted neighbors, when Jews have
loyally served our Nation every day since its founding,
whether in public or community life or military service;
Whereas accusations of dual loyalty generally have an
insidious and pernicious history, including--
(1) the discriminatory incarceration of Americans of
Japanese descent during World War II on their basis of race
and alleged dual loyalty;
(2) the Dreyfus affair, when Alfred Dreyfus, a Jewish
French artillery captain, was falsely convicted of passing
secrets to Germany based on his Jewish background;
(3) when the loyalty of President John F. Kennedy was
questioned because of his Catholic faith; and
(4) the post-9/11 conditions faced by Muslim-Americans in
the United States, including Islamophobia and false and
vicious attacks on and threats to Muslim-Americans for
alleged association with terrorism;
Whereas anti-Muslim bigotry entails prejudicial attitudes
towards Muslims and people who are perceived to be Muslim,
including the irrational belief that Muslims are inherently
violent, disloyal, and foreign;
Whereas Muslims and people perceived to be Muslim are
subjected to false and dangerous stereotypes and myths
including unfair allegations that they sympathize with
individuals who engage in violence or terror or support the
oppression of women, Jews, and other vulnerable communities;
Whereas in 2017, mosques were bombed in Bloomington,
Minnesota, and burned in Austin, Texas, Victoria, Texas,
Bellevue, Washington, and Thonotosassa, Florida, and mass
attacks on Muslim communities were planned against
communities in Islamberg, New York, in 2019, Jacksonville,
Florida, in 2017, and Garden City, Kansas, in 2016;
Whereas the Federal Bureau of Investigation reported that
hate crimes against Muslims or Muslim institutions in the
United States increased by over 99 percent between 2014 and
2016;
Whereas attacks motivated by bigotry against those who are
Muslim or perceived to be Muslim have substantially increased
since the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks;
Whereas the violation of an individual's civil rights based
on his or her actual or perceived membership in a particular
religious group clearly violates the Constitution and laws of
the United States; and
Whereas all Americans, including Jews, Muslims, and
Christians and people of all faiths and no faith, have a
stake in fighting anti-Semitism, as all Americans have a
stake in fighting every form of bigotry and hatred against
people based on religion, race, or place of birth and origin:
Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
(1) rejects the perpetuation of anti-Semitic stereotypes in
the United States and around the world, including the
pernicious myth of dual loyalty and foreign allegiance,
especially in the context of support for the United States-
Israel alliance;
(2) condemns anti-Semitic acts and statements as hateful
expressions of intolerance that are contradictory to the
values that define the people of the United States;
(3) reaffirms its support for the mandate of the United
States Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism as
part of the broader policy priority of fostering
international religious freedom and protecting human rights
all over the world;
(4) rejects attempts to justify hatred or violent attacks
as an acceptable expression of disapproval or frustration
over political events in the Middle East or elsewhere;
(5) acknowledges the harm suffered by Muslims and others
from the harassment, discrimination, and violence that result
from anti-Muslim bigotry;
(6) condemns anti-Muslim discrimination and bigotry against
all minorities as contrary to the values of the United
States;
(7) condemns the death threats received by Jewish and
Muslim Members of Congress, including in recent weeks;
(8) encourages law enforcement and government officials to
avoid conduct that raises the specter of unconstitutional
profiling against anyone because of their
[[Page H2548]]
race, religion, nationality, political, or particular social
group, including the assignment of blame or targeting members
of an entire religious group for increased suspicion, based
on the conduct of a single individual or small group of
individuals; and
(9) encourages all public officials to confront the reality
of anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, racism, and other forms of
bigotry, as well as historical struggles against them, to
ensure that the United States will live up to the
transcendent principles of tolerance, religious freedom, and
equal protection as embodied in the Declaration of
Independence and the first and 14th amendments to the
Constitution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Nadler) and the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Collins) each
will control 20 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York.
General Leave
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include
extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 5 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 183, which condemns
anti-Semitism unambiguously, as well as anti-Muslim bigotry and all
forms of prejudice against minorities, as contrary to fundamental
American values and principles. This resolution makes clear that we
condemn anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, and racism no matter where on the
political spectrum they may emanate from, right, left, or center.
This resolution is a statement of our values as a Nation. While it
focuses on concerns raised in the last few weeks regarding anti-
Semitism and Islamophobia, it addresses those noxious forms of bigotry
in the context of our broader concern with all forms of bigotry and
hatred in our country.
Bigotry against members of minority groups based on their actual or
perceived religion, ethnicity, race, or national origin are among the
cardinal sins of our Nation. As the resolution notes, tolerance and
religious freedom are among our country's fundamental principles, so
much so that they are enshrined in the very First Amendment to the
Constitution.
Sadly, without constant vigilance, our Nation has seen darker moments
where religious and other forms of hate have reared their ugly heads.
Often, our Nation has fallen short of its ideals when they succumbed to
the demagoguery of bigots.
Indeed, one of the biggest problems facing our country today, and one
that has bedeviled it in the past, is the fact that white supremacists
have weaponized bigotry and hatred to achieve political gains. They do
so by stoking hatred and division among Americans based on religion,
race, ethnicity, or other characteristics.
To combat this, it is imperative that all of us--but especially those
of us in public life--speak out against such hate. Unfortunately,
sometimes the perpetrators of religious and other forms of bigotry are
themselves public figures and even, distressingly, Members of this
House.
Indeed, in the last few weeks, comments have been made by some of my
colleagues on both sides of the aisle that can fairly be characterized
as anti-Semitic, and I have condemned these remarks.
Anti-Semitism is among the most ancient of prejudices and is
associated with pernicious stereotypes, including the claim that Jews
exert control over the government and the global political and
financial systems, that they are obsessed with money, and that their
loyalty to their home countries is somehow in question.
Assertion of these beliefs does not constitute merely making
statements of political or policy positions. Rather, propagation of
these beliefs has, throughout history, resulted in harassment,
discrimination, violence, and murder against Jews.
While anti-Semitism is an ancient prejudice, its effects are not
ancient history. Less than 6 months ago, a gunman murdered 11
worshippers at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh, reportedly
stating that he ``wanted all Jews to die.'' Nearly 2 years ago in
Charlottesville, Virginia, white supremacists chanted, ``Jews will not
replace us.''
Despite this ugly history, Members on both sides have questioned the
loyalty and patriotism of Members of this House. The trope that support
for Israel, particularly among Jewish Americans, is the result of a
``dual loyalty'' to Israel and the United States is deeply offensive to
me.
What I find equally despicable is a somewhat analogous ``dual
loyalty'' trope increasingly deployed against Muslim Americans. This
includes the recent implication by one of our colleagues that another
colleague is a spy and a State Republican poster in the West Virginia
State capitol that implied an association between that same colleague
and the September 11, 2001, attacks in New York.
Indeed, statements have repeatedly been made in the recent past by
public officials, including the President, which can fairly be
characterized as anti-Muslim more generally.
Particularly since the September 11 attacks, Muslim Americans have
faced a gauntlet of prejudice alleging that they are inherently
violent, disloyal, and foreign, and this has led to hate-motivated
violence. In 2017, for example, at least five mosques were bombed or
burned in various cities around the country.
Efforts to question the loyalty or patriotism of anyone in this
country based on their religion or on any innate characteristic is
completely out of bounds.
It is my fervent hope that this resolution will be a chance for us,
both as an institution and also as a Nation, to remind ourselves of
what we all believe in, and to come together and heal.
I urge my colleagues to join me in voting for this resolution today,
and I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Raskin).
Mr. RASKIN. Mr. Speaker, at Sunday school, Jewish kids learn the
imperishable words of Hillel, who said: If I am not for myself, who
will be for me? But if I am for myself only, then who am I? And if not
now, when?
Today, we must all stand strongly and proudly for ourselves and our
communities, but we must also stand in strong solidarity with other
people and their communities. We must act now because in America and in
nations all over the world, anti-Semitism, anti-Muslim bigotry, and
other forms of racism and intolerance are sharply on the rise.
These old and lethal poisons are not only a threat to individual Jews
and Muslims and African Americans and Hispanic Americans and Asian
Americans and Native Americans walking down the street, and to our
children playing at school, they are the common enemy of liberal
democracy, which depends upon tolerance and pluralism to survive.
As the world's oldest liberal democracy and a thriving multiracial
and multicultural society, America must reject the myths and
stereotypes and libels and tropes that make up these ancient hatreds.
Anti-Semitism and racism are the gateway to destruction for
everything that we believe in as a society. They are a threat to the
values of our constitutional creed: pluralism and tolerance, religious
freedom and freedom of association, equal protection for all citizens.
Let us stand up today for our most hard-won American ideals, and let
us vote for this resolution condemning racism and anti-Muslim bigotry
and other forms of racism and intolerance.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
I don't know where to begin. I really don't. As Members of Congress
duly elected by a constituency to serve in this body, who come here
with the hope and the thought that we exchange ideas and come to this
body to actually participate, for the second time in 8 weeks, I am here
with my friend from New York debating a resolution that all of us
should have learned in kindergarten: Be nice; don't hate.
This resolution doesn't need to be seven pages. It is just wordy. I
agree with it. We don't need to hate, no matter where it comes from.
But what
[[Page H2549]]
bothers me the most, Mr. Speaker, is what I am finding right here.
Just the other day on this floor, we celebrated the institution of
this body with the dean of the House. We spoke of Mr. Dingell. We spoke
of Don Young. We spoke about the institution of this House. What is
becoming more and more concerning for me about this process and what
breaks my heart as much as any anti-Semitic thought, any anti-Muslim
thought, any anti-anybody thought, is that we have broken down in this
House.
Last week, we brought to the floor a bill that was supposed to be
about firearms, which my friends across the aisle mistakenly didn't
understand the penalty associated with the bill.
Yesterday, I was just on the floor of this House talking about a bill
that really, because they rushed it through committee, came to the
floor of this House in which, if you keep a 4-year-old from voting, you
are a criminal. This is what happens when we rush.
This week, the entire week almost, has been taken up by sentiments of
a Member that were anti-Semitic, repeating, as Rahm Emanuel said, some
of the ugliest stereotypes that we have had.
But it goes back, again, to my concern here. At 3:20 this afternoon,
I was handed, or at least it was printed, one of the resolutions. I
have three more of this resolution that has taken all week. How long
does it take to figure out ``just don't hate''? How many times, how
many, you know, pages does it take to cite evil is evil?
My heart breaks, Mr. Speaker. My heart breaks for this institution
when we say that we see something that is anti-Semitic, but we say,
well, they may not have known it was. It is anti-Semitic. It is anti-
Muslim. It is whatever you want to call it. It is just wrong. My heart
breaks.
Then I find out that we changed it now lately as to add other groups
in here who undoubtedly saw they weren't a part of the group, so we
added in new groups to the list. I guess since we are at it, why didn't
we add Mormons? Why didn't we add Jehovah's Witnesses? They have been
attacked. Mormons have many times been accused of dual allegiance. Ask
a former Presidential candidate.
Mr. Speaker, I wish the Chair and I could engage in a colloquy. He is
a good gentleman from North Carolina. Explain this to me, why it took a
whole week to figure out to say, ``Hate is hate.'' We don't need seven
pages.
We need people to understand that words have consequences; that being
a Member of Congress matters; that being a Member of Congress says that
when you say something, we can debate civilly.
My friends from New York and Maryland, we disagree on most anything.
We could probably disagree about how many clouds are in the sky, about
policy, but it is not a disagreement that hate is hate.
{time} 1615
And we shouldn't overlook it and try and lump it with everything else
and give moral equivalency. But here we are again. Here we are again.
Mr. Speaker, I hope we are not here in another 4 weeks, because the
first 8 weeks we have been here twice. Please let us get back to being
the people that this country needs us to be.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, listening to the gentleman from Georgia, I
think I heard him say that he and his colleagues were going to vote for
this resolution. I am glad to hear that, especially since I noted that
after the march in Charlottesville and the murder in Charlottesville
when a censure resolution was brought up, the Republicans, who were
then in control of the House, refused to bring it to the floor. So I am
glad that they are willing to vote for this resolution today.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentlewoman from
Virginia (Mrs. Luria).
Mrs. LURIA. Mr. Speaker, I am a Jewish American woman who served for
20 years in uniform and continue to serve in the United States
Congress.
At the age of 17, when I entered the United States Naval Academy, I
first took the oath to support and defend the Constitution against all
enemies, foreign and domestic. I subsequently repeated that oath six
times at every promotion in rank and, most recently, when I had the
honor to become a Member of Congress.
Is that not enough to prove my loyalty to our Nation?
I deployed six times, serving in six ships in the Middle East and
Western Pacific, working under challenging conditions while operating
complex weapons systems, overseeing nuclear reactors, driving ships,
and, ultimately, commanding a combat-ready unit of 400 sailors.
Is that not enough to prove my loyalty to our Nation?
In the first 3 years my husband and I were married, we spent almost 2
years apart so that we could both serve at sea and deploy three times.
Is that not enough to prove my loyalty to our Nation?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentlewoman from Virginia an
additional 30 seconds.
Mrs. LURIA. Mr. Speaker, am I to look back on my military career and
the sacrifices it meant for my family and remain silent in the face of
people questioning my loyalty to my country?
I believe that I speak clearly for all fellow Jewish veterans that
this echoes of language that has been used to marginalize and persecute
the Jewish people for centuries.
The recent accusations of dual loyalty call into question the equal
footing of Jewish Members in elected office and, by extension, all Jews
living in America.
Mr. Speaker, I am proud to vote on this resolution in condemnation of
this rhetoric.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I don't think the gentleman from
New York (Mr. Nadler) would question my belief that what happened in
Charlottesville or anywhere else was bad. I don't think he really meant
that, Mr. Speaker, because I do believe it is bad. And I think what is
bad is having to write this thing, seven pages, and having to figure
this out.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Zeldin).
Mr. ZELDIN. Mr. Speaker, let's all be honest with each other. We are
here today, right now, because of anti-Semitic rhetoric from one Member
of this Chamber said again and again and again. We would not be on this
floor right now otherwise to discuss this topic.
If that Member were a Republican, that Member's name would be in this
resolution, and this resolution would be all about condemning anti-
Semitism, and it would be done so forcefully.
That Member in January had to apologize for talking about a hypnosis
of Israel that they had over the entire world. That Member had to
apologize in February for saying: If you support Israel, it must be
because you are bought off by Jews. That Member called it an
unequivocal apology even though she filled it with equivocation.
Now we are back again this time by the Member saying that, if you
support the U.S.-Israel relationship, that you must have pledged
allegiance to a foreign government--except this time that Member is
refusing to apologize.
Even if you gave that Member every benefit of the doubt that she had
no idea what she was doing, why now wouldn't she be apologizing? Why
would she be more emboldened to refuse an apology altogether?
I, apparently, am giving Representative Omar more credit than the
Speaker is because I don't believe she is naive. I believe that she
knows exactly what she is doing.
It is an American value, by the way, to have reasonable, legitimate
criticism of a government, whether it be the U.S. Government, Israel,
or any other government. It is not an American value, though, to be
hurling anti-Semitic rhetoric.
Anti-Semitism must be condemned, unequivocally and emphatically.
We have Members of this Chamber who associate with Louis Farrakhan,
who says: ``Hitler was a very great man.'' Let's talk about a double
standard.
In January, we all came to this Chamber. We condemned white
supremacy. We named a Republican Member. We kicked that Member off of
his committees; he can't serve on the Small Business Committee. But
this Member will continue to serve on the House Foreign Affairs
Committee.
[[Page H2550]]
But, no, now we can't come here and just emphatically, solely,
forcefully condemn anti-Semitism and name names. But if it was a
Republican, we would.
It is time to call out these statements for what they are: pointed,
bigoted, unreasonable, illegitimate, anti-Semitic.
I commend my colleagues on the other side of the aisle who have been
speaking out about all this anti-Semitism. A few Members come to mind:
Chairman Engel, Congressman Deutch, Congressman Nadler, Congresswoman
Lowey, Congressman Gottheimer.
Many of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle, I believe, to
their core know how very wrong this is.
There are many other Members to name as well, and I would be remiss
if I didn't take this opportunity to say thank you to each and every
one of them, because support of Israel, support of Jews, standing
against anti-Semitism has been bipartisan in the past. It should be
bipartisan today, and it should be bipartisan for every moment in the
future.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from
South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn), the distinguished whip.
Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr.
Nadler) for yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution condemning anti-
Semitism, Islamophobia, and bigotry against minorities.
This resolution expresses our rejection of all attempts to weaponize
words and sow discord and division.
Make no mistake, our Caucus is unified, but unity does not mean
unanimity. We are the most diverse Caucus in the history of Congress.
We are a true reflection of who and what America is.
Each of us brings our own familiar backgrounds and personal
experiences to this august body. Those experiences help shape our
values and our perspectives as we do the work of the American people.
We learn from one another, and we do so following President Lincoln's
declaration: ``With malice toward none; with charity for all; with
firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive
on to finish the work we are in.''
This resolution condemns hateful expressions of intolerance, honors
the heritages and experiences of all who serve in this body, and
commits all of us to the continued search of a more perfect Union.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Biggs).
Mr. BIGGS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Georgia (Mr.
Collins) for yielding me time, and I thank the gentleman from New York
(Mr. Nadler) for his comments.
We are here today because a Member of this body issued a series of
anti-Semitic statements, and I couldn't help but think of what justice
means and what mercy means.
Well, we want to temper justice with mercy. So the first time we come
to understand that maybe the depth of what was said was maybe
accidental; the second time maybe less so; and certainly the third
time, we now have a pattern.
We begin to wonder how we extend mercy when justice cries out against
one who is anti-Semitic.
It doesn't help that the Democratic leaders have attempted to
rationalize and protect this individual, whether it is appearing on the
cover of a national magazine, whether it is saying: ``She did not
understand the full weight of the words.'' One wonders what more needs
to be done to try to eradicate anti-Semitism from this body.
Some have said that to specifically condemn these statements and
remove her from her committee assignment would stifle legitimate
criticism of Israel. But the problem with that argument is this:
The comments made were not directed at Israel, were not directed to
policy, were not directed towards the American-Israel relationship.
They were, instead, directed to Americans with the allegation that they
have a dual loyalty, which is an ancient anti-Semitic cliche that has
been used to target the Jewish community throughout history.
How about this in the future? If a Member of Congress desires to
criticize Israel or criticize American policy towards Israel, maybe
they can do so without resorting to an anti-Semitic rhetoric that is
inflammatory, unnecessary, and, frankly, it is hateful.
So we stand here today and we look at a resolution condemning hatred
of any kind. Who can disagree with that? I don't. I don't disagree with
that.
But what I will say is you cannot temper justice any longer with
mercy, with rationalization. Sooner or later, you have to face what the
awful truth is. And if someone is going to persist in making anti-
Semitic, hateful statements, to bury that is inexcusable.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the distinguished majority leader.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, let me suggest at the outset that no party be
too self-righteous on the issue of supporting prejudice and bigotry too
often. This is a very serious matter. It is important to call out anti-
Semitism in a way that is unmistakable and unambiguous.
We must do so because whenever some people begin to question the
allegiance or patriotism of Americans, indeed, whether certain people
fully belong as part of our country, it is critical to set the record
straight.
Recent statements employing timeworn tropes of dual loyalty have
deeply and correctly unsettled American Jewish communities because
their allegation is, simply put, that American Jews who support Israel
are not loyal to this country.
I stand as a very strong supporter of Israel and a very loyal
American. Such allegations fall into--as has been said--a century-old
and dark history of Jews being marginalized and set apart. They recall
past evils that occurred in other countries and in our own when,
according to the Anti-Defamation League, people accuse Jews of ``being
disloyal neighbors or citizens'' because of their connection to Israel
or Jewish communities elsewhere in the world.
That was false, and it was bigoted.
To be clear, the First Amendment protects the right of every American
to criticize policies and leaders, whether our own country or others.
That is the glory of our democracy.
{time} 1630
However, in these past few weeks, those who say they are only
criticizing Israel's leaders or policies have, instead, been making
claims about the allegiance and motivation of Israel's defenders.
I do not believe there is anyone in our Caucus, not one, who wishes
to silence debate over policy. Rather, what is being called for is an
end to the invocation of age-old, anti-Semitic tropes that demonize
people instead of criticize policies.
Accusations that Jews bear dual allegiance because of support for
Israel or concern for its safety are false and they are also hurtful
canards that must be opposed and exposed for what they are: bigotry.
They elicit legitimate fear and uncertainty in the individuals and
communities they target.
In much the same way, we have also seen vile examples of hatred aimed
at painting Muslim Americans as somehow disloyal to our Nation, or not
fully belonging, causing similar feelings of insecurity and distress.
No Muslims could come to our country. Those feelings cannot be
discounted either. One of our own colleagues was the target of an
Islamophobic attack, impugning a Member of this House. That ought to be
unacceptable to all of us.
We have seen this same form of exclusion, hatred in recent years
whenever acts of bigotry have been directed towards African Americans,
and when Latino and Latina citizens have been yelled at to ``go back''
to their country. This is their country.
This phenomenon is also a reminder of the horrific internment of
Japanese Americans during the Second World War. None of us ought to be
like Pontius Pilate and think that we have not fallen short of the
principles enunciated in our Declaration.
In our multicultural Republic, sometimes it is incumbent upon the
American people to speak as one Nation, indivisible, and make a clear
affirmation that all Americans have an equal share
[[Page H2551]]
in our Republic, that no one's race, or creed, or origin can call into
question one's love of country.
I will continue to urge unity in the face of anti-Semitism,
Islamophobia, xenophobia, homophobia, transphobia, racism against
African American, Latino, Asian Americans, and other forms of prejudice
and discrimination.
American Jews, including those who serve our Nation in Congress, need
to be reassured that they are equal partners in the diverse coalition
for justice, opportunity, tolerance, and equality, and that they have
true allies who stand with them as firmly as they have stood with
others.
I will continue to make that clear. America is rightfully respected
for its Declaration of Independence and its Constitution, as amended
and perfected, both of which proclaim the dignity and rights of
individuals endowed by our Creator.
But America has also seen, too often, the denial of that dignity and
equality to millions of its citizens based upon the color of their
skin, the land of their birth, or the faith of their forebearers.
My colleagues, if we are to be better than our past, we must reject
all forms of bigotry and prejudice directed at any of our fellow human
beings and fellow Americans. Let us all, in solidarity and in union
with the principles of our country, support this resolution.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, could you please tell me how much time the
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Collins) has remaining, and how much time
do I have remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York has 9 minutes
remaining. The gentleman from Georgia has 8\3/4\ minutes remaining.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Gohmert).
Mr. GOHMERT. Mr. Speaker, according to Proverbs, something that
people who are practicing Jews and Christians believe, it says that
there are seven things that are detestable to the Lord. They are:
``Haughty eyes, a lying tongue, hands that shed innocent blood, a heart
that devises wicked schemes, feet that are quick to rush into evil, a
false witness who pours out lies, and a person who stirs up conflict in
the community.''
It goes so far as to say, these are things the Lord hates. So the
word hate is not wrong in the Jewish and Christian tradition, but
anything beyond this is wrong. And, yes, there has been persecution of
Christians. There has been persecution of Muslims, but anybody who is
persecuting a people in the name of Christianity is not acting as a
Christian. That is not part of the faith.
But what makes this so dangerous--and the reason I will vote against
this resolution--is because we came here because of an anti-Semitic
remark. We came here to condemn anti-Semitism, but this resolution, as
changed up over the last hour, now condemns just about everything, and
the reason that is so dangerous is that anti-Semitism, hatred for the
children of Israel, is a very special kind of hatred that should never
be watered down.
There has never been a persecution of a people like the Jewish people
from 1933 to 1945. Over 6 million were killed. It started with little
things, hateful remarks made about the children of Israel that grew and
grew, and it was okay because it was made by somebody who had a grudge.
It was let go, and it built until it led to the death of 6 million
Jews. We have to say no.
We will not let it go on. That is why I will vote against it. It has
watered down the sentiment.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Bass).
Ms. BASS. Mr. Speaker, the Congressional Black Caucus condemns all
forms of white supremacy, anti-Semitism, and Islamophobia in the
strongest terms possible.
This could have been an issue that sowed further division among the
country, but, instead, has united everyone around our shared values,
condemning all forms of bigotry and hatred. The Congressional Black
Caucus stands firmly against all expressions of hate, and is concerned
by the recent uptick in hateful rhetoric and crimes targeting minority
communities.
For example, a white nationalist murdered nine African American
worshipers at Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston,
South Carolina, on the evening of June 15, 2015, in hopes of igniting a
nationwide race war; or the perpetrator of the deadliest attack on
Jewish people in the United States' history at the Tree of Life
synagogue building in Pittsburgh that killed 11 worshippers.
It is unfortunate that the President of the United States has shown a
complete lack of leadership on these issues and has, in fact, fanned
the flames.
As chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, the CBC remains committed
to building a more perfect union by engaging in constructive dialogue
that affirms America as a nation welcoming to all.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I want to go back to what I was talking about when we
first started this, and being saddened to be here, and also how we are
continually rushing stuff to the floor. I know it is an oversight, but
it goes back to my very first statement here, and, again, I can remind
everyone here, if we wanted to write a simple resolution here, hate is
hate. It is not good. Don't say it. Think about what you are doing. You
could have done this in half of a paragraph.
Not to belittle any of this, this is all wrong, but on page 7, number
7, we have a resolution that says, ``condemns death threats received by
Jewish and Muslim Members of Congress.''
I am a Member who has had someone put in jail for threatening to kill
me and my daughter. Why don't we condemn that? We forgot it. We forgot
it. Like we had other groups in this bill, that we have written three
times, that we had to add because we forgot them. As I mentioned
earlier, why didn't we add Mormons? Why didn't we add Jehovah's
Witnesses?
It is not that the issue here is the hate and what happened and where
it went back to. Our speakers on both sides have gone to the very issue
of why we are here. I go back to the issue of what I talked about
earlier, that I am saddened for the state of our House that we are so
concerned about trying to make talking points and finishing it, that we
rush stuff to this floor. This is not what we do or who we are.
Hate is hate. It is bad. It is wrong. Quit saying it, but don't keep
rushing stuff to the floor when you don't even really understand what
you put in the bill.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Engel), the distinguished chairman of the Foreign Affairs
Committee.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I am going to vote ``yes'' on this measure today, but I
do have concerns about how we are dealing with these issues. Obviously,
all forms of hatred and bigotry are intolerable and we should go on the
record as saying so.
I am voting for this because when I read the resolution, I agreed
with everything it says. But let me say this to the criticism that the
Democratic majority won't condemn anti-Semitism. A few weeks back we
took the virtually unprecedented step of accepting a Republican motion
to recommit, the procedural tool the majority never supports because it
condemned anti-Semitism. We were proud to set aside precedent to
condemn anti-Semitism then, and in today's resolution, we are doing so
again today.
So contrary to what some are saying, that is twice in the course of a
month that the Democratic majority is condemning anti-Semitism on the
floor of the House.
But I must say, the words spoken by our colleague from Minnesota last
week touched a very real, very raw place for me. My desire for the
House to go on record again, specifically condemning anti-Semitism,
wasn't a desire to single the gentlewoman out or to stifle debate on
U.S. policy towards Israel, but it was a desire and need to say that
certain words, no matter who utters them, have no place in our public
discourse and, indeed, can be very dangerous.
When a Member of our body speaks the way the Representative from
Minnesota spoke, then we need to single it out and say we will not
tolerate it. In the last week, these problems have been compounded.
[[Page H2552]]
Since the comments that sparked this controversy, the gentlewoman
from Minnesota has become the target of vile, racist Islamophobic
smears and threats. One begets another. And we have got to put a stop
to it now. That is horrific. Islamophobia has no place in this body or
anywhere in the United States, and anti-Semitism certainly doesn't
either.
I wish we had had a separate resolution about anti-Semitism. I think
we deserved it. I think it was wrong not to have it. I don't think we
should mix everything. But I want to say very clearly and very loudly
that anti-Semitism will never be tolerated by me, never be tolerated by
this body, and no Member of Congress should be making anti-Semitic
statements.
No Member of Congress should be saying hurtful things and then not
apologizing for them. So I hope we can put everything together to
support this resolution. It condemns all kinds of hatred, whether it is
Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, any kind of hatred that is what we need to
do. And any time that anti-Semitism rears its ugly head, we need to
stop it.
This resolution is a fine resolution, and I will support it. But I am
very disappointed that we weren't able to have a separate resolution to
specifically condemn anti-Semitism and what our colleague said that
really was a very hateful term.
I hope we can put everything together in this House. I know we can. I
know people on both sides of the aisle want to work together. We want
to stomp out any form of hatred, particularly anti-Semitism.
I will continue to work with anybody who wants to do that.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate my colleague from
New York's statement just then. It is frankly a shame that he had to
come say that in this context, but I appreciate what he said because he
is right on. He is correct.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Florida
(Mr. Gaetz).
Mr. GAETZ. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I
fully associate myself with the comments of the gentleman from New York
condemning anti-Semitism, full stop, an entirely appropriate thing to
do.
I just think it is curious how we ended up here. We are having this
debate right now because Democrats had an objection to something said
by a Democrat. So they launch off on this drafting project, and then lo
and behold, I hear all of the remarks on the floor, and a lot of the
substance in the resolution is about President Trump, and criticizing
him and trying to open wounds.
This is, unfortunately, becoming the new mantra of the left in the
Congress. When they have got a problem that they can't solve, it must
be President Trump's fault.
It is a lot of the sentiment that we see echoed out of the Judiciary
Committee where there is no Russian collusion. The Mueller report is
about to drop and Democrats know it is not going to allege Russian
collusion, so they have to launch an 81-pronged investigation to harass
our President.
They can't get their own House in order, so everything has to be the
fault of a President who is creating more economic opportunity,
reducing unemployment, ending wars, and doing a heck of a job for the
country.
{time} 1645
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 45 seconds to the distinguished
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Gottheimer).
Mr. GOTTHEIMER. Mr. Speaker, as a Jewish Member of Congress who lost
family in the Holocaust and whose grandfather fought the Nazis, I need
no reminder about our responsibility to confront bigotry, hatred, and
intolerance wherever it is found.
No matter how hard one tries, the allegation of dual loyalty simply
does not constitute legitimate opinion about foreign policy. It is a
slur against Jews. It is indefensible, and it is deserving of
condemnation by everyone every time. More than anything, it is
offensive to question my loyalty or anyone's loyalty to the United
States of America here simply because I am Jewish, the same way it was
appalling to question President John Kennedy's loyalty to the United
States because he was Catholic.
I am glad that Congress is voicing its opposition to anti-Semitism
and made it clear that a dual loyalty smear is unacceptable.
Unfortunately, it was also clear from the discussions this week and
the ultimate resolution that anti-Semitism is being treated differently
than other forms of bigotry and hatred. There shouldn't be an asterisk
next to anti-Semitism, and I will continue to fight it.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, how much time is remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York has 4\1/4\
minutes remaining. The gentleman from Georgia has 4 minutes remaining.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 45 seconds to the distinguished
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Wasserman Schultz).
Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. Mr. Speaker, one thing we are all reminded of
this week is that words have power, and divisive words cause pain.
Every Jewish person in America, no matter where they are from, could
share a story of deeply painful anti-Semitism that they have personally
experienced. For me, at its worst, Nazi-obsessed internet trolls
mercilessly taunted my children with Holocaust threats too vile for me
to describe on this floor.
This pain is frequently felt by all too many Americans. How you look
or speak, whom you love, or where you live and pray can still invite
unwanted and potentially dangerous words of hostility.
The conversation today about anti-Semitism, allegiance, and loyalty
is necessary because remaining silent against hatred and bigotry is not
an option.
I am a second-generation American on both sides of my family. Two
generations later, it was possible for me to become a Member of the
U.S. Congress--only in America. So, questioning my allegiance is
painful and personal.
Unfortunately, this dual loyalty question is not isolated to Jews.
Words have power. We must carefully choose our words and make sure that
we use them to unite us and not to divide us.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
California (Ms. Pelosi), who is the distinguished Speaker of the House.
Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I
thank him for bringing this important resolution to the floor of the
House.
I commend the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Raskin) and the very
distinguished gentleman from Louisiana for his participation in writing
this important resolution.
It is in the spirit of unity and solidarity with my colleagues as we
come together in this Chamber of our American democracy to condemn all
forms of hatred, racism, prejudice, and discrimination with a hopefully
single and strong voice.
It is a profoundly disturbing reality that anti-Semitism is on the
rise in America today, and anti-Semitic attacks increasingly are at the
highest rate on record. Appalling acts of hatred and bigotry are being
inflicted on all elements of our society, be they African American,
Latino, people from Asia, and attacks in terms of people being Muslim
or other religious faiths. This isn't who we are as a country.
We all believe that there is a spark of divinity in every person who
exists, that we are all God's children, and that we come to meet with
each other in a way that commands respect for that provenance of our
being all God's children. Then we see people making attacks on each
other throughout the country, whether it is in Charlottesville or
whether it is anti-immigrant attitudes that have reared their ugly
heads in our country. It is in that spirit that I come to the floor
almost emotionally to speak about this.
In the Congress and across the country, we must accept debate on any
subject in a legitimate way, whether it is on our U.S.-Israel policies
and the rest. That is protected by the value of free speech and
democratic debate in the United States and in Israel.
Israel is our friend in that region. We support Israel out of
friendship and out of shared values, but also because it is in our
national interests to do so. But not every one of us in this body
agrees
[[Page H2553]]
on every provision or any consideration in that relationship. That is a
separate and complete issue from anti-Semitism.
Anti-Semitism, whether it is in the form of attacks on Jewish people,
anti-Semitic tropes, prejudicial accusations, or any other form of
hatred, is deeply and unequivocally offensive and must be condemned
wherever it is heard. All of us must remember, as Members of Congress
and as the President of the United States, that our words are weightier
once we cross the threshold into Congress, and, indeed, they weigh a
ton when someone becomes the President of the United States.
It is also disturbing that Islamophobia and white supremacism remain
a sinister and shameful presence in America today. Too often that goes
undernoticed or unchecked. Such attacks have even targeted some of us
in this body.
We must condemn these attacks and confront them. As Members of
Congress and Americans, we have a solemn and urgent responsibility to
fight to end the scourge of bigotry, racism, and hatred in our country.
I do want to again salute our colleague, Cedric Richmond, our
distinguished former chair of the Congressional Black Caucus and now
distinguished leader in the whip's operation, for his leadership in
shaping this legislation, and, again, Congressman Jamie Raskin of
Maryland for his leadership role in all of this.
I salute all of our Members for demonstrating the courage to have
this difficult conversation and for doing so in a spirit of great
respect, disagreeing sometimes, but never questioning the patriotism or
motivation of anyone with whom we serve.
I thank Chairman Nadler of the Judiciary Committee for the work that
he has done to give us this important moment on the floor of the House.
Mr. Speaker, I hope that we will have a unanimous vote in support of
this resolution.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I do again want to go back to
something.
I appreciate the words that have been said here. Again, I cannot
emphasize this enough. It took seven pages to describe what simply can
be said is: Don't hate; watch what you say; you are a Member of
Congress; we deserve better; the House deserves better. When we
understand this, then we can begin to understand.
Also, I want to go back to something that I will hit again. It goes
back to this is again something put together because we couldn't come
to agreement on the very nature of what started this, which was anti-
Semitic comments. And having to have some of our Jewish legislators
come down here and condemn that is sad, wanting to have to vote for
something that, at the very heart, tore them apart. You can hear it in
their voices, but yet they have to vote for this.
We also put it together getting it at 3:20 this afternoon. We left
out the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. We left out
Wiccans. We left out Jehovah's Witnesses. We left out disabled people
who are often discriminated against and have hateful things said about
them.
We also, in the thing, found out that the only ones we are going to
condemn getting death threats are Jewish Members and Muslim Members. We
are not condemning anything else. This is just another attempt to rush
to do something, to fix something.
I said last week, and I will say it again: What makes you feel good
doesn't always heal you. This is another example of a rush project.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr.
McCarthy), who is the minority leader.
Mr. McCARTHY. Mr. Speaker, I want to start by thanking a Member from
the other side of the aisle, Chairman Eliot Engel. I thank the
gentleman, for when he heard the language, he stood up. I thank the
gentleman for his work.
To all the Members who are here, this shouldn't be this hard. We
should not have to go through the number of versions that we had to. We
shouldn't have to be on this floor even speaking about this. I hope we
won't be back.
Of all the things that have happened this Congress, this is what we
have talked about the most. This is the action that this Congress has
taken the most. Twice we have to make a statement that we are opposed
to anti-Semitism.
The first time it took the minority. It doesn't have very many
abilities to bring something to the floor, but we did, and we spoke
with one voice. But now we are back in a few weeks stating the same
thing, but without apologies, without apologies from that voice.
It did not have to be this hard. Mr. Speaker, we didn't have to break
the 72-hour rule that you put in this year to make it less than an hour
because of fear of what would happen tomorrow on a motion to recommit.
I will pledge to you this from this side of the aisle, and I hope you
understand this clearly: Any hatred, we take action.
I hope you have seen from the action on this side of the aisle where
we stand, Mr. Speaker. We didn't have to have a resolution, but when it
came to the floor, we voted for it. We took action before it came to
the floor, and it wasn't simply: Please apologize.
It didn't have to be this hard.
Yes, Mr. Speaker, our Madam Speaker was right. America is better than
this. But to my Members, Congress is better than this.
Please do not make history write about our time with these 2 years
that the most we have ever done is that we had to keep bringing
resolutions to the floor to tell people that anti-Semitism is wrong if
that is the only action we are going to take. I know we are better than
this.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my
time.
Mr. Speaker, as we come to the conclusion of our second time doing
this, I will echo the sentiments of our leader who just spoke, and I
will echo the sentiments of most everyone who has spoken here that this
is wrong.
One time, we should learn; two times, we are getting nothing out of
this anymore because, undoubtedly, we are getting no input because we
are just putting everything we can imaginable that we could think of in
a short amount of time unless somebody brought it up into a resolution
and saying: This is hate. We don't need to do this.
We don't need a manual to tell us who we can't hate.
How is it so hard?
Why do we blow process?
Why do we disrespect this institution by bringing together things
that are thrown together at the last minute that leave out death
threats to any other Member besides two groups of Members, that leave
out others who have been hated upon?
{time} 1700
It breaks my heart. After just a day or so ago speaking of the
institutional spirit and hearing the dean of this House talking about
working together, it breaks my heart that we are 8, 9 weeks into the
session and this is our largest accomplishment, telling the world:
Don't hate.
That is our largest accomplishment?
Mr. Speaker, my fear is, with this today, I don't want to be here
again. But with the way this was handled, I fear we may be.
We are better than this. This should not be where we are at.
Why do we keep coming back? Because many times, Members forget the
awesome responsibility that they have been given as Members of
Congress.
Our mouths and our tongues can be our greatest enemy. Let us remember
that as we seek guidance each day.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the
distinguished gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Richmond).
Mr. RICHMOND. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York for
yielding.
Let me just say that we are better than this, and we have seen in
this body where we have had Members attacked. We came together right
here in this body, where we all held hands. We said that words have
consequences, and we were going to do better. We were going to set an
example. Before we could walk off the floor, there was a commercial
running to attack the
[[Page H2554]]
character of our then-leader, Nancy Pelosi.
So hollow words mean nothing to me.
Booker T. Washington once said that we are as separate as the
fingers, but we are as whole as the hand. We come together today,
hopefully as whole as the hand, to condemn anti-Semitism, bigotry,
racism, all of the phobias, Islamophobia, homophobia. What we do is
push love, like Dr. King said.
But in the eulogy for Dr. King, Dr. Benjamin E. Mays blamed, in part,
the American people for the assassination. He pointed out that the
assassin heard enough condemnation of Dr. King and of Negroes to feel
that he had public support.
When Dylann Roof murdered nine worshippers in Charleston, he thought
he had public support.
The shooter at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh thought he
had public support.
The neo-Nazis and the white nationalists who marched in
Charlottesville thought they had public support.
The shooter of Gabby Giffords thought he had public support.
The shooter of Steve Scalise thought he had public support.
What we are doing here today is making it unequivocally clear to the
public that no one has the support to engage in discrimination and
racism and anti-Semitism.
Dr. Mays went on to challenge us as Americans to do better. He said:
``We, and not the assassin, represent America at its best.'' He said we
have the power--not the prejudiced, not the bigoted, not the anti-
Semite, not the assassin--to make things better.
We, too, in Congress have the power and the obligation to make things
right. Though we come from dramatically diverse backgrounds and though
we have lived very different lives, we must all, right now, stand
together against bigotry.
We must make clear to those who traffic in all forms of hatred--neo-
Nazis, white nationalists, racists of all kinds, anti-Semites,
Islamophobes, homophobes, transphobes, and those who demonize and
demean immigrants from Latin America and throughout the world--that
they have no place in the public discourse.
For the record, this will be our third time on anti-Semitic measures.
We voted against both of them. You all voted for one and then voted
against the other.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. TLAIB. Mr. Speaker, as one of the first Muslim woman elected ever
in the history of the United States to Congress, I rise in support of
opposing all forms of hate. No one should ever experience feeling less
than, live in fear, or be exposed to oppression, discrimination or
violence because of their sexual orientation, their immigration status,
their faith, the color of their skin, their ethnicity, their income
status or any other form of identifiers. I rise in support of our
United States Constitution where all beings are created equal and will
fight every day to oppose racism in our country.
I urge my colleagues to have an open heart, to be present, to serve
with compassion, and to hear one another. My colleagues have a rare
opportunity to serve with me, an American Muslim woman, who can offer a
different understanding of what it is to be a country that is truly
equal and inclusive.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler) that the House suspend the rules
and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 183, as amended.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 407,
nays 23, answered ``present'' 1, not voting 1, as follows:
[Roll No. 108]
YEAS--407
Abraham
Adams
Aderholt
Aguilar
Allen
Allred
Amash
Amodei
Armstrong
Arrington
Axne
Babin
Bacon
Baird
Balderson
Banks
Barr
Barragan
Bass
Beatty
Bera
Bergman
Beyer
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (UT)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Bost
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brady
Brindisi
Brooks (IN)
Brown (MD)
Brownley (CA)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Burchett
Bustos
Butterfield
Byrne
Calvert
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson (IN)
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cartwright
Case
Casten (IL)
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chabot
Chu, Judy
Cicilline
Cisneros
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Cleaver
Cline
Cloud
Clyburn
Cohen
Cole
Collins (GA)
Comer
Connolly
Cook
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Cox (CA)
Craig
Crenshaw
Crist
Crow
Cuellar
Cummings
Cunningham
Curtis
Davids (KS)
Davidson (OH)
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny K.
Davis, Rodney
Dean
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
Delgado
Demings
DeSaulnier
DesJarlais
Deutch
Diaz-Balart
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Duffy
Dunn
Emmer
Engel
Escobar
Eshoo
Espaillat
Estes
Evans
Ferguson
Finkenauer
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fletcher
Flores
Fortenberry
Foster
Foxx (NC)
Frankel
Fudge
Fulcher
Gabbard
Gaetz
Gallagher
Gallego
Garamendi
Garcia (IL)
Garcia (TX)
Gianforte
Gibbs
Golden
Gomez
Gonzalez (OH)
Gonzalez (TX)
Gooden
Gottheimer
Granger
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green (TN)
Green (TX)
Griffith
Grijalva
Grothman
Guest
Guthrie
Haaland
Hagedorn
Harder (CA)
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings
Hayes
Heck
Hern, Kevin
Herrera Beutler
Hice (GA)
Higgins (LA)
Higgins (NY)
Hill (AR)
Hill (CA)
Himes
Holding
Hollingsworth
Horn, Kendra S.
Horsford
Houlahan
Hoyer
Hudson
Huffman
Huizenga
Hunter
Hurd (TX)
Jackson Lee
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson (SD)
Johnson (TX)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Joyce (PA)
Kaptur
Katko
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kennedy
Khanna
Kildee
Kilmer
Kim
Kind
Kinzinger
Kirkpatrick
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster (NH)
Kustoff (TN)
LaHood
Lamb
Lamborn
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latta
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee (CA)
Lee (NV)
Lesko
Levin (CA)
Levin (MI)
Lewis
Lieu, Ted
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren
Long
Loudermilk
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lujan
Luria
Lynch
Malinowski
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Marchant
Marshall
Mast
Matsui
McAdams
McBath
McCarthy
McCaul
McClintock
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McHenry
McKinley
McNerney
Meadows
Meeks
Meng
Meuser
Miller
Mitchell
Moolenaar
Mooney (WV)
Moore
Morelle
Moulton
Mucarsel-Powell
Mullin
Murphy
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Neguse
Newhouse
Norcross
Norman
Nunes
O'Halleran
Ocasio-Cortez
Olson
Omar
Pallone
Palmer
Panetta
Pappas
Pascrell
Payne
Pelosi
Pence
Perlmutter
Perry
Peters
Peterson
Phillips
Pingree
Pocan
Porter
Posey
Pressley
Price (NC)
Quigley
Raskin
Ratcliffe
Reed
Reschenthaler
Rice (NY)
Rice (SC)
Richmond
Riggleman
Roby
Rodgers (WA)
Roe, David P.
Rogers (KY)
Rooney (FL)
Rose (NY)
Rose, John W.
Rouda
Rouzer
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Rutherford
Ryan
Sanchez
Sarbanes
Scalise
Scanlon
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schrier
Schweikert
Scott (VA)
Scott, Austin
Scott, David
Sensenbrenner
Serrano
Sewell (AL)
Shalala
Sherman
Sherrill
Shimkus
Simpson
Sires
Slotkin
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Smucker
Soto
Spanberger
Spano
Speier
Stanton
Stauber
Stefanik
Steil
Stevens
Stewart
Stivers
Suozzi
Swalwell (CA)
Takano
Taylor
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Timmons
Tipton
Titus
Tlaib
Tonko
Torres (CA)
Torres Small (NM)
Trahan
Trone
Turner
Underwood
Upton
Van Drew
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Visclosky
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walorski
Waltz
Wasserman Schultz
Waters
Watkins
Watson Coleman
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Welch
Wenstrup
Westerman
Wexton
Wild
Williams
Wilson (FL)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Woodall
Wright
Yarmuth
Young
NAYS--23
Biggs
Brooks (AL)
Buck
Budd
Burgess
Cheney
Collins (NY)
Conaway
Crawford
Duncan
Gohmert
Gosar
Graves (GA)
King (NY)
LaMalfa
Massie
Palazzo
Rogers (AL)
Roy
Steube
Walker
Yoho
Zeldin
ANSWERED ``PRESENT''--1
King (IA)
NOT VOTING--1
Clay
{time} 1732
Messrs. BROOKS of Alabama, STEUBE, WALKER, and BURGESS changed their
vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
[[Page H2555]]
Messrs. SWALWELL of California, BRADY, MEUSER, WEBER of Texas, BABIN,
and GROTHMAN changed their vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
So (two-thirds being in the affirmative) the rules were suspended and
the resolution, as amended, was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________