[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 41 (Thursday, March 7, 2019)]
[House]
[Pages H2547-H2555]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




        CONDEMNING ANTI-SEMITISM AND ANTI-MUSLIM DISCRIMINATION

  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the 
resolution (H. Res. 183) condemning anti-Semitism as hateful 
expressions of intolerance that are contradictory to the values and 
aspirations that define the people of the United States and condemning 
anti-Muslim discrimination and bigotry against minorities as hateful 
expressions of intolerance that are contrary to the values and 
aspirations of the United States, as amended.
  The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
  The text of the resolution is as follows:

                              H. Res. 183

       Whereas the first amendment to the Constitution established 
     the United States as a country committed to the principles of 
     tolerance and religious freedom, and the 14th amendment to 
     the Constitution established equal protection of the laws as 
     the heart of justice in the United States;
       Whereas adherence to these principles is vital to the 
     progress of the American people and the diverse communities 
     and religious groups of the United States;
       Whereas whether from the political right, center, or left, 
     bigotry, discrimination, oppression, racism, and imputations 
     of dual loyalty threaten American democracy and have no place 
     in American political discourse;
       Whereas white supremacists in the United States have 
     exploited and continue to exploit bigotry and weaponize hate 
     for political gain, targeting traditionally persecuted 
     peoples, including African Americans, Latinos, Native 
     Americans, Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders and other 
     people of color, Jews, Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, the LGBTQ 
     community, immigrants, and others with verbal attacks, 
     incitement, and violence;
       Whereas the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., taught that 
     persecution of any American is an assault on the rights and 
     freedoms of all Americans;
       Whereas on August 11 and 12, 2017, self-identified neo-
     Confederates, white nationalists, neo-Nazis, and Ku Klux 
     Klansmen held white supremacist events in Charlottesville, 
     Virginia, where they marched on a synagogue under the Nazi 
     swastika, engaged in racist and anti-Semitic demonstrations 
     and committed brutal and deadly violence against peaceful 
     Americans;
       Whereas a white nationalist murdered nine African American 
     worshipers at the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church 
     in Charleston, South Carolina, on the evening of June 17, 
     2015, in the hopes of igniting a nationwide race war;
       Whereas on October 27, 2018, the perpetrator of the 
     deadliest attack on Jewish people in the history of the 
     United States killed 11 worshippers at the Tree of Life 
     Synagogue building in Pittsburgh and reportedly stated that 
     he ``wanted all Jews to die'';
       Whereas anti-Semitism is the centuries-old bigotry and form 
     of racism faced by Jewish people simply because they are 
     Jews;
       Whereas in 2017 the Federal Bureau of Investigation 
     reported a 37 percent increase in hate crimes against Jews or 
     Jewish institutions and found that attacks against Jews or 
     Jewish institutions made up 58.1 percent of all religious-
     based hate crimes;
       Whereas there is an urgent need to ensure the safety and 
     security of Jewish communities, including synagogues, 
     schools, cemeteries, and other institutions;
       Whereas Jews are the targets of anti-Semitic violence at 
     even higher rates in many other countries than they are in 
     the United States;
       Whereas it is a foreign policy priority of the United 
     States to monitor and combat anti-Semitism abroad;
       Whereas anti-Semitism includes blaming Jews as Jews when 
     things go wrong; calling for, aiding, or justifying the 
     killing or harming of Jews in the name of a radical ideology 
     or extremist view of religion; or making mendacious, 
     dehumanizing, demonizing, or stereotyped allegations about 
     Jews;
       Whereas Jewish people are subject in the media and 
     political campaigns to numerous other dangerous anti-Semitic 
     myths as well, including that Jews control the United States 
     Government or seek global, political, and financial 
     domination and that Jews are obsessed with money;
       Whereas scapegoating and targeting of Jews in the United 
     States have persisted for many years, including by the Ku 
     Klux Klan, the America First Committee, and by modern neo-
     Nazis;
       Whereas accusing Jews of being more loyal to Israel or to 
     the Jewish community than to the United States constitutes 
     anti-Semitism because it suggests that Jewish citizens cannot 
     be patriotic Americans and trusted neighbors, when Jews have 
     loyally served our Nation every day since its founding, 
     whether in public or community life or military service;
       Whereas accusations of dual loyalty generally have an 
     insidious and pernicious history, including--
       (1) the discriminatory incarceration of Americans of 
     Japanese descent during World War II on their basis of race 
     and alleged dual loyalty;
       (2) the Dreyfus affair, when Alfred Dreyfus, a Jewish 
     French artillery captain, was falsely convicted of passing 
     secrets to Germany based on his Jewish background;
       (3) when the loyalty of President John F. Kennedy was 
     questioned because of his Catholic faith; and
       (4) the post-9/11 conditions faced by Muslim-Americans in 
     the United States, including Islamophobia and false and 
     vicious attacks on and threats to Muslim-Americans for 
     alleged association with terrorism;
       Whereas anti-Muslim bigotry entails prejudicial attitudes 
     towards Muslims and people who are perceived to be Muslim, 
     including the irrational belief that Muslims are inherently 
     violent, disloyal, and foreign;
       Whereas Muslims and people perceived to be Muslim are 
     subjected to false and dangerous stereotypes and myths 
     including unfair allegations that they sympathize with 
     individuals who engage in violence or terror or support the 
     oppression of women, Jews, and other vulnerable communities;
       Whereas in 2017, mosques were bombed in Bloomington, 
     Minnesota, and burned in Austin, Texas, Victoria, Texas, 
     Bellevue, Washington, and Thonotosassa, Florida, and mass 
     attacks on Muslim communities were planned against 
     communities in Islamberg, New York, in 2019, Jacksonville, 
     Florida, in 2017, and Garden City, Kansas, in 2016;
       Whereas the Federal Bureau of Investigation reported that 
     hate crimes against Muslims or Muslim institutions in the 
     United States increased by over 99 percent between 2014 and 
     2016;
       Whereas attacks motivated by bigotry against those who are 
     Muslim or perceived to be Muslim have substantially increased 
     since the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks;
       Whereas the violation of an individual's civil rights based 
     on his or her actual or perceived membership in a particular 
     religious group clearly violates the Constitution and laws of 
     the United States; and
       Whereas all Americans, including Jews, Muslims, and 
     Christians and people of all faiths and no faith, have a 
     stake in fighting anti-Semitism, as all Americans have a 
     stake in fighting every form of bigotry and hatred against 
     people based on religion, race, or place of birth and origin: 
     Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
       (1) rejects the perpetuation of anti-Semitic stereotypes in 
     the United States and around the world, including the 
     pernicious myth of dual loyalty and foreign allegiance, 
     especially in the context of support for the United States-
     Israel alliance;
       (2) condemns anti-Semitic acts and statements as hateful 
     expressions of intolerance that are contradictory to the 
     values that define the people of the United States;
       (3) reaffirms its support for the mandate of the United 
     States Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism as 
     part of the broader policy priority of fostering 
     international religious freedom and protecting human rights 
     all over the world;
       (4) rejects attempts to justify hatred or violent attacks 
     as an acceptable expression of disapproval or frustration 
     over political events in the Middle East or elsewhere;
       (5) acknowledges the harm suffered by Muslims and others 
     from the harassment, discrimination, and violence that result 
     from anti-Muslim bigotry;
       (6) condemns anti-Muslim discrimination and bigotry against 
     all minorities as contrary to the values of the United 
     States;
       (7) condemns the death threats received by Jewish and 
     Muslim Members of Congress, including in recent weeks;
       (8) encourages law enforcement and government officials to 
     avoid conduct that raises the specter of unconstitutional 
     profiling against anyone because of their

[[Page H2548]]

     race, religion, nationality, political, or particular social 
     group, including the assignment of blame or targeting members 
     of an entire religious group for increased suspicion, based 
     on the conduct of a single individual or small group of 
     individuals; and
       (9) encourages all public officials to confront the reality 
     of anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, racism, and other forms of 
     bigotry, as well as historical struggles against them, to 
     ensure that the United States will live up to the 
     transcendent principles of tolerance, religious freedom, and 
     equal protection as embodied in the Declaration of 
     Independence and the first and 14th amendments to the 
     Constitution.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Nadler) and the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Collins) each 
will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York.


                             General Leave

  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include 
extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from New York?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 5 minutes.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 183, which condemns 
anti-Semitism unambiguously, as well as anti-Muslim bigotry and all 
forms of prejudice against minorities, as contrary to fundamental 
American values and principles. This resolution makes clear that we 
condemn anti-Semitism, Islamophobia, and racism no matter where on the 
political spectrum they may emanate from, right, left, or center.
  This resolution is a statement of our values as a Nation. While it 
focuses on concerns raised in the last few weeks regarding anti-
Semitism and Islamophobia, it addresses those noxious forms of bigotry 
in the context of our broader concern with all forms of bigotry and 
hatred in our country.
  Bigotry against members of minority groups based on their actual or 
perceived religion, ethnicity, race, or national origin are among the 
cardinal sins of our Nation. As the resolution notes, tolerance and 
religious freedom are among our country's fundamental principles, so 
much so that they are enshrined in the very First Amendment to the 
Constitution.
  Sadly, without constant vigilance, our Nation has seen darker moments 
where religious and other forms of hate have reared their ugly heads. 
Often, our Nation has fallen short of its ideals when they succumbed to 
the demagoguery of bigots.
  Indeed, one of the biggest problems facing our country today, and one 
that has bedeviled it in the past, is the fact that white supremacists 
have weaponized bigotry and hatred to achieve political gains. They do 
so by stoking hatred and division among Americans based on religion, 
race, ethnicity, or other characteristics.
  To combat this, it is imperative that all of us--but especially those 
of us in public life--speak out against such hate. Unfortunately, 
sometimes the perpetrators of religious and other forms of bigotry are 
themselves public figures and even, distressingly, Members of this 
House.
  Indeed, in the last few weeks, comments have been made by some of my 
colleagues on both sides of the aisle that can fairly be characterized 
as anti-Semitic, and I have condemned these remarks.
  Anti-Semitism is among the most ancient of prejudices and is 
associated with pernicious stereotypes, including the claim that Jews 
exert control over the government and the global political and 
financial systems, that they are obsessed with money, and that their 
loyalty to their home countries is somehow in question.
  Assertion of these beliefs does not constitute merely making 
statements of political or policy positions. Rather, propagation of 
these beliefs has, throughout history, resulted in harassment, 
discrimination, violence, and murder against Jews.
  While anti-Semitism is an ancient prejudice, its effects are not 
ancient history. Less than 6 months ago, a gunman murdered 11 
worshippers at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh, reportedly 
stating that he ``wanted all Jews to die.'' Nearly 2 years ago in 
Charlottesville, Virginia, white supremacists chanted, ``Jews will not 
replace us.''
  Despite this ugly history, Members on both sides have questioned the 
loyalty and patriotism of Members of this House. The trope that support 
for Israel, particularly among Jewish Americans, is the result of a 
``dual loyalty'' to Israel and the United States is deeply offensive to 
me.
  What I find equally despicable is a somewhat analogous ``dual 
loyalty'' trope increasingly deployed against Muslim Americans. This 
includes the recent implication by one of our colleagues that another 
colleague is a spy and a State Republican poster in the West Virginia 
State capitol that implied an association between that same colleague 
and the September 11, 2001, attacks in New York.
  Indeed, statements have repeatedly been made in the recent past by 
public officials, including the President, which can fairly be 
characterized as anti-Muslim more generally.
  Particularly since the September 11 attacks, Muslim Americans have 
faced a gauntlet of prejudice alleging that they are inherently 
violent, disloyal, and foreign, and this has led to hate-motivated 
violence. In 2017, for example, at least five mosques were bombed or 
burned in various cities around the country.
  Efforts to question the loyalty or patriotism of anyone in this 
country based on their religion or on any innate characteristic is 
completely out of bounds.
  It is my fervent hope that this resolution will be a chance for us, 
both as an institution and also as a Nation, to remind ourselves of 
what we all believe in, and to come together and heal.
  I urge my colleagues to join me in voting for this resolution today, 
and I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my 
time.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Raskin).
  Mr. RASKIN. Mr. Speaker, at Sunday school, Jewish kids learn the 
imperishable words of Hillel, who said: If I am not for myself, who 
will be for me? But if I am for myself only, then who am I? And if not 
now, when?
  Today, we must all stand strongly and proudly for ourselves and our 
communities, but we must also stand in strong solidarity with other 
people and their communities. We must act now because in America and in 
nations all over the world, anti-Semitism, anti-Muslim bigotry, and 
other forms of racism and intolerance are sharply on the rise.

  These old and lethal poisons are not only a threat to individual Jews 
and Muslims and African Americans and Hispanic Americans and Asian 
Americans and Native Americans walking down the street, and to our 
children playing at school, they are the common enemy of liberal 
democracy, which depends upon tolerance and pluralism to survive.
  As the world's oldest liberal democracy and a thriving multiracial 
and multicultural society, America must reject the myths and 
stereotypes and libels and tropes that make up these ancient hatreds.
  Anti-Semitism and racism are the gateway to destruction for 
everything that we believe in as a society. They are a threat to the 
values of our constitutional creed: pluralism and tolerance, religious 
freedom and freedom of association, equal protection for all citizens.
  Let us stand up today for our most hard-won American ideals, and let 
us vote for this resolution condemning racism and anti-Muslim bigotry 
and other forms of racism and intolerance.
  Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  I don't know where to begin. I really don't. As Members of Congress 
duly elected by a constituency to serve in this body, who come here 
with the hope and the thought that we exchange ideas and come to this 
body to actually participate, for the second time in 8 weeks, I am here 
with my friend from New York debating a resolution that all of us 
should have learned in kindergarten: Be nice; don't hate.
  This resolution doesn't need to be seven pages. It is just wordy. I 
agree with it. We don't need to hate, no matter where it comes from. 
But what

[[Page H2549]]

bothers me the most, Mr. Speaker, is what I am finding right here.
  Just the other day on this floor, we celebrated the institution of 
this body with the dean of the House. We spoke of Mr. Dingell. We spoke 
of   Don Young. We spoke about the institution of this House. What is 
becoming more and more concerning for me about this process and what 
breaks my heart as much as any anti-Semitic thought, any anti-Muslim 
thought, any anti-anybody thought, is that we have broken down in this 
House.
  Last week, we brought to the floor a bill that was supposed to be 
about firearms, which my friends across the aisle mistakenly didn't 
understand the penalty associated with the bill.
  Yesterday, I was just on the floor of this House talking about a bill 
that really, because they rushed it through committee, came to the 
floor of this House in which, if you keep a 4-year-old from voting, you 
are a criminal. This is what happens when we rush.
  This week, the entire week almost, has been taken up by sentiments of 
a Member that were anti-Semitic, repeating, as Rahm Emanuel said, some 
of the ugliest stereotypes that we have had.
  But it goes back, again, to my concern here. At 3:20 this afternoon, 
I was handed, or at least it was printed, one of the resolutions. I 
have three more of this resolution that has taken all week. How long 
does it take to figure out ``just don't hate''? How many times, how 
many, you know, pages does it take to cite evil is evil?
  My heart breaks, Mr. Speaker. My heart breaks for this institution 
when we say that we see something that is anti-Semitic, but we say, 
well, they may not have known it was. It is anti-Semitic. It is anti-
Muslim. It is whatever you want to call it. It is just wrong. My heart 
breaks.
  Then I find out that we changed it now lately as to add other groups 
in here who undoubtedly saw they weren't a part of the group, so we 
added in new groups to the list. I guess since we are at it, why didn't 
we add Mormons? Why didn't we add Jehovah's Witnesses? They have been 
attacked. Mormons have many times been accused of dual allegiance. Ask 
a former Presidential candidate.
  Mr. Speaker, I wish the Chair and I could engage in a colloquy. He is 
a good gentleman from North Carolina. Explain this to me, why it took a 
whole week to figure out to say, ``Hate is hate.'' We don't need seven 
pages.
  We need people to understand that words have consequences; that being 
a Member of Congress matters; that being a Member of Congress says that 
when you say something, we can debate civilly.
  My friends from New York and Maryland, we disagree on most anything. 
We could probably disagree about how many clouds are in the sky, about 
policy, but it is not a disagreement that hate is hate.

                              {time}  1615

  And we shouldn't overlook it and try and lump it with everything else 
and give moral equivalency. But here we are again. Here we are again.
  Mr. Speaker, I hope we are not here in another 4 weeks, because the 
first 8 weeks we have been here twice. Please let us get back to being 
the people that this country needs us to be.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, listening to the gentleman from Georgia, I 
think I heard him say that he and his colleagues were going to vote for 
this resolution. I am glad to hear that, especially since I noted that 
after the march in Charlottesville and the murder in Charlottesville 
when a censure resolution was brought up, the Republicans, who were 
then in control of the House, refused to bring it to the floor. So I am 
glad that they are willing to vote for this resolution today.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentlewoman from 
Virginia (Mrs. Luria).
  Mrs. LURIA. Mr. Speaker, I am a Jewish American woman who served for 
20 years in uniform and continue to serve in the United States 
Congress.
  At the age of 17, when I entered the United States Naval Academy, I 
first took the oath to support and defend the Constitution against all 
enemies, foreign and domestic. I subsequently repeated that oath six 
times at every promotion in rank and, most recently, when I had the 
honor to become a Member of Congress.
  Is that not enough to prove my loyalty to our Nation?
  I deployed six times, serving in six ships in the Middle East and 
Western Pacific, working under challenging conditions while operating 
complex weapons systems, overseeing nuclear reactors, driving ships, 
and, ultimately, commanding a combat-ready unit of 400 sailors.
  Is that not enough to prove my loyalty to our Nation?
  In the first 3 years my husband and I were married, we spent almost 2 
years apart so that we could both serve at sea and deploy three times.
  Is that not enough to prove my loyalty to our Nation?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentlewoman from Virginia an 
additional 30 seconds.
  Mrs. LURIA. Mr. Speaker, am I to look back on my military career and 
the sacrifices it meant for my family and remain silent in the face of 
people questioning my loyalty to my country?
  I believe that I speak clearly for all fellow Jewish veterans that 
this echoes of language that has been used to marginalize and persecute 
the Jewish people for centuries.
  The recent accusations of dual loyalty call into question the equal 
footing of Jewish Members in elected office and, by extension, all Jews 
living in America.
  Mr. Speaker, I am proud to vote on this resolution in condemnation of 
this rhetoric.
  Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I don't think the gentleman from 
New York (Mr. Nadler) would question my belief that what happened in 
Charlottesville or anywhere else was bad. I don't think he really meant 
that, Mr. Speaker, because I do believe it is bad. And I think what is 
bad is having to write this thing, seven pages, and having to figure 
this out.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Zeldin).
  Mr. ZELDIN. Mr. Speaker, let's all be honest with each other. We are 
here today, right now, because of anti-Semitic rhetoric from one Member 
of this Chamber said again and again and again. We would not be on this 
floor right now otherwise to discuss this topic.
  If that Member were a Republican, that Member's name would be in this 
resolution, and this resolution would be all about condemning anti-
Semitism, and it would be done so forcefully.
  That Member in January had to apologize for talking about a hypnosis 
of Israel that they had over the entire world. That Member had to 
apologize in February for saying: If you support Israel, it must be 
because you are bought off by Jews. That Member called it an 
unequivocal apology even though she filled it with equivocation.
  Now we are back again this time by the Member saying that, if you 
support the U.S.-Israel relationship, that you must have pledged 
allegiance to a foreign government--except this time that Member is 
refusing to apologize.
  Even if you gave that Member every benefit of the doubt that she had 
no idea what she was doing, why now wouldn't she be apologizing? Why 
would she be more emboldened to refuse an apology altogether?
  I, apparently, am giving Representative Omar more credit than the 
Speaker is because I don't believe she is naive. I believe that she 
knows exactly what she is doing.
  It is an American value, by the way, to have reasonable, legitimate 
criticism of a government, whether it be the U.S. Government, Israel, 
or any other government. It is not an American value, though, to be 
hurling anti-Semitic rhetoric.
  Anti-Semitism must be condemned, unequivocally and emphatically.
  We have Members of this Chamber who associate with Louis Farrakhan, 
who says: ``Hitler was a very great man.'' Let's talk about a double 
standard.
  In January, we all came to this Chamber. We condemned white 
supremacy. We named a Republican Member. We kicked that Member off of 
his committees; he can't serve on the Small Business Committee. But 
this Member will continue to serve on the House Foreign Affairs 
Committee.

[[Page H2550]]

  But, no, now we can't come here and just emphatically, solely, 
forcefully condemn anti-Semitism and name names. But if it was a 
Republican, we would.
  It is time to call out these statements for what they are: pointed, 
bigoted, unreasonable, illegitimate, anti-Semitic.

  I commend my colleagues on the other side of the aisle who have been 
speaking out about all this anti-Semitism. A few Members come to mind: 
Chairman Engel, Congressman Deutch, Congressman Nadler, Congresswoman 
Lowey, Congressman Gottheimer.
  Many of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle, I believe, to 
their core know how very wrong this is.
  There are many other Members to name as well, and I would be remiss 
if I didn't take this opportunity to say thank you to each and every 
one of them, because support of Israel, support of Jews, standing 
against anti-Semitism has been bipartisan in the past. It should be 
bipartisan today, and it should be bipartisan for every moment in the 
future.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from 
South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn), the distinguished whip.
  Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York (Mr. 
Nadler) for yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution condemning anti-
Semitism, Islamophobia, and bigotry against minorities.
  This resolution expresses our rejection of all attempts to weaponize 
words and sow discord and division.
  Make no mistake, our Caucus is unified, but unity does not mean 
unanimity. We are the most diverse Caucus in the history of Congress. 
We are a true reflection of who and what America is.
  Each of us brings our own familiar backgrounds and personal 
experiences to this august body. Those experiences help shape our 
values and our perspectives as we do the work of the American people.
  We learn from one another, and we do so following President Lincoln's 
declaration: ``With malice toward none; with charity for all; with 
firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive 
on to finish the work we are in.''
  This resolution condemns hateful expressions of intolerance, honors 
the heritages and experiences of all who serve in this body, and 
commits all of us to the continued search of a more perfect Union.
  Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Biggs).
  Mr. BIGGS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. 
Collins) for yielding me time, and I thank the gentleman from New York 
(Mr. Nadler) for his comments.
  We are here today because a Member of this body issued a series of 
anti-Semitic statements, and I couldn't help but think of what justice 
means and what mercy means.
  Well, we want to temper justice with mercy. So the first time we come 
to understand that maybe the depth of what was said was maybe 
accidental; the second time maybe less so; and certainly the third 
time, we now have a pattern.
  We begin to wonder how we extend mercy when justice cries out against 
one who is anti-Semitic.
  It doesn't help that the Democratic leaders have attempted to 
rationalize and protect this individual, whether it is appearing on the 
cover of a national magazine, whether it is saying: ``She did not 
understand the full weight of the words.'' One wonders what more needs 
to be done to try to eradicate anti-Semitism from this body.
  Some have said that to specifically condemn these statements and 
remove her from her committee assignment would stifle legitimate 
criticism of Israel. But the problem with that argument is this:
  The comments made were not directed at Israel, were not directed to 
policy, were not directed towards the American-Israel relationship. 
They were, instead, directed to Americans with the allegation that they 
have a dual loyalty, which is an ancient anti-Semitic cliche that has 
been used to target the Jewish community throughout history.
  How about this in the future? If a Member of Congress desires to 
criticize Israel or criticize American policy towards Israel, maybe 
they can do so without resorting to an anti-Semitic rhetoric that is 
inflammatory, unnecessary, and, frankly, it is hateful.
  So we stand here today and we look at a resolution condemning hatred 
of any kind. Who can disagree with that? I don't. I don't disagree with 
that.
  But what I will say is you cannot temper justice any longer with 
mercy, with rationalization. Sooner or later, you have to face what the 
awful truth is. And if someone is going to persist in making anti-
Semitic, hateful statements, to bury that is inexcusable.
  Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my 
time.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the distinguished majority leader.
  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, let me suggest at the outset that no party be 
too self-righteous on the issue of supporting prejudice and bigotry too 
often. This is a very serious matter. It is important to call out anti-
Semitism in a way that is unmistakable and unambiguous.
  We must do so because whenever some people begin to question the 
allegiance or patriotism of Americans, indeed, whether certain people 
fully belong as part of our country, it is critical to set the record 
straight.
  Recent statements employing timeworn tropes of dual loyalty have 
deeply and correctly unsettled American Jewish communities because 
their allegation is, simply put, that American Jews who support Israel 
are not loyal to this country.
  I stand as a very strong supporter of Israel and a very loyal 
American. Such allegations fall into--as has been said--a century-old 
and dark history of Jews being marginalized and set apart. They recall 
past evils that occurred in other countries and in our own when, 
according to the Anti-Defamation League, people accuse Jews of ``being 
disloyal neighbors or citizens'' because of their connection to Israel 
or Jewish communities elsewhere in the world.
  That was false, and it was bigoted.
  To be clear, the First Amendment protects the right of every American 
to criticize policies and leaders, whether our own country or others.
  That is the glory of our democracy.

                              {time}  1630

  However, in these past few weeks, those who say they are only 
criticizing Israel's leaders or policies have, instead, been making 
claims about the allegiance and motivation of Israel's defenders.
  I do not believe there is anyone in our Caucus, not one, who wishes 
to silence debate over policy. Rather, what is being called for is an 
end to the invocation of age-old, anti-Semitic tropes that demonize 
people instead of criticize policies.
  Accusations that Jews bear dual allegiance because of support for 
Israel or concern for its safety are false and they are also hurtful 
canards that must be opposed and exposed for what they are: bigotry. 
They elicit legitimate fear and uncertainty in the individuals and 
communities they target.
  In much the same way, we have also seen vile examples of hatred aimed 
at painting Muslim Americans as somehow disloyal to our Nation, or not 
fully belonging, causing similar feelings of insecurity and distress.
  No Muslims could come to our country. Those feelings cannot be 
discounted either. One of our own colleagues was the target of an 
Islamophobic attack, impugning a Member of this House. That ought to be 
unacceptable to all of us.
  We have seen this same form of exclusion, hatred in recent years 
whenever acts of bigotry have been directed towards African Americans, 
and when Latino and Latina citizens have been yelled at to ``go back'' 
to their country. This is their country.
  This phenomenon is also a reminder of the horrific internment of 
Japanese Americans during the Second World War. None of us ought to be 
like Pontius Pilate and think that we have not fallen short of the 
principles enunciated in our Declaration.
  In our multicultural Republic, sometimes it is incumbent upon the 
American people to speak as one Nation, indivisible, and make a clear 
affirmation that all Americans have an equal share

[[Page H2551]]

in our Republic, that no one's race, or creed, or origin can call into 
question one's love of country.
  I will continue to urge unity in the face of anti-Semitism, 
Islamophobia, xenophobia, homophobia, transphobia, racism against 
African American, Latino, Asian Americans, and other forms of prejudice 
and discrimination.
  American Jews, including those who serve our Nation in Congress, need 
to be reassured that they are equal partners in the diverse coalition 
for justice, opportunity, tolerance, and equality, and that they have 
true allies who stand with them as firmly as they have stood with 
others.
  I will continue to make that clear. America is rightfully respected 
for its Declaration of Independence and its Constitution, as amended 
and perfected, both of which proclaim the dignity and rights of 
individuals endowed by our Creator.
  But America has also seen, too often, the denial of that dignity and 
equality to millions of its citizens based upon the color of their 
skin, the land of their birth, or the faith of their forebearers.
  My colleagues, if we are to be better than our past, we must reject 
all forms of bigotry and prejudice directed at any of our fellow human 
beings and fellow Americans. Let us all, in solidarity and in union 
with the principles of our country, support this resolution.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, could you please tell me how much time the 
gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Collins) has remaining, and how much time 
do I have remaining?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York has 9 minutes 
remaining. The gentleman from Georgia has 8\3/4\ minutes remaining.
  Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Gohmert).
  Mr. GOHMERT. Mr. Speaker, according to Proverbs, something that 
people who are practicing Jews and Christians believe, it says that 
there are seven things that are detestable to the Lord. They are: 
``Haughty eyes, a lying tongue, hands that shed innocent blood, a heart 
that devises wicked schemes, feet that are quick to rush into evil, a 
false witness who pours out lies, and a person who stirs up conflict in 
the community.''
  It goes so far as to say, these are things the Lord hates. So the 
word hate is not wrong in the Jewish and Christian tradition, but 
anything beyond this is wrong. And, yes, there has been persecution of 
Christians. There has been persecution of Muslims, but anybody who is 
persecuting a people in the name of Christianity is not acting as a 
Christian. That is not part of the faith.
  But what makes this so dangerous--and the reason I will vote against 
this resolution--is because we came here because of an anti-Semitic 
remark. We came here to condemn anti-Semitism, but this resolution, as 
changed up over the last hour, now condemns just about everything, and 
the reason that is so dangerous is that anti-Semitism, hatred for the 
children of Israel, is a very special kind of hatred that should never 
be watered down.
  There has never been a persecution of a people like the Jewish people 
from 1933 to 1945. Over 6 million were killed. It started with little 
things, hateful remarks made about the children of Israel that grew and 
grew, and it was okay because it was made by somebody who had a grudge. 
It was let go, and it built until it led to the death of 6 million 
Jews. We have to say no.
  We will not let it go on. That is why I will vote against it. It has 
watered down the sentiment.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Bass).
  Ms. BASS. Mr. Speaker, the Congressional Black Caucus condemns all 
forms of white supremacy, anti-Semitism, and Islamophobia in the 
strongest terms possible.
  This could have been an issue that sowed further division among the 
country, but, instead, has united everyone around our shared values, 
condemning all forms of bigotry and hatred. The Congressional Black 
Caucus stands firmly against all expressions of hate, and is concerned 
by the recent uptick in hateful rhetoric and crimes targeting minority 
communities.
  For example, a white nationalist murdered nine African American 
worshipers at Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, 
South Carolina, on the evening of June 15, 2015, in hopes of igniting a 
nationwide race war; or the perpetrator of the deadliest attack on 
Jewish people in the United States' history at the Tree of Life 
synagogue building in Pittsburgh that killed 11 worshippers.
  It is unfortunate that the President of the United States has shown a 
complete lack of leadership on these issues and has, in fact, fanned 
the flames.
  As chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, the CBC remains committed 
to building a more perfect union by engaging in constructive dialogue 
that affirms America as a nation welcoming to all.
  Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to go back to what I was talking about when we 
first started this, and being saddened to be here, and also how we are 
continually rushing stuff to the floor. I know it is an oversight, but 
it goes back to my very first statement here, and, again, I can remind 
everyone here, if we wanted to write a simple resolution here, hate is 
hate. It is not good. Don't say it. Think about what you are doing. You 
could have done this in half of a paragraph.
  Not to belittle any of this, this is all wrong, but on page 7, number 
7, we have a resolution that says, ``condemns death threats received by 
Jewish and Muslim Members of Congress.''
  I am a Member who has had someone put in jail for threatening to kill 
me and my daughter. Why don't we condemn that? We forgot it. We forgot 
it. Like we had other groups in this bill, that we have written three 
times, that we had to add because we forgot them. As I mentioned 
earlier, why didn't we add Mormons? Why didn't we add Jehovah's 
Witnesses?
  It is not that the issue here is the hate and what happened and where 
it went back to. Our speakers on both sides have gone to the very issue 
of why we are here. I go back to the issue of what I talked about 
earlier, that I am saddened for the state of our House that we are so 
concerned about trying to make talking points and finishing it, that we 
rush stuff to this floor. This is not what we do or who we are.
  Hate is hate. It is bad. It is wrong. Quit saying it, but don't keep 
rushing stuff to the floor when you don't even really understand what 
you put in the bill.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Engel), the distinguished chairman of the Foreign Affairs 
Committee.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I am going to vote ``yes'' on this measure today, but I 
do have concerns about how we are dealing with these issues. Obviously, 
all forms of hatred and bigotry are intolerable and we should go on the 
record as saying so.
  I am voting for this because when I read the resolution, I agreed 
with everything it says. But let me say this to the criticism that the 
Democratic majority won't condemn anti-Semitism. A few weeks back we 
took the virtually unprecedented step of accepting a Republican motion 
to recommit, the procedural tool the majority never supports because it 
condemned anti-Semitism. We were proud to set aside precedent to 
condemn anti-Semitism then, and in today's resolution, we are doing so 
again today.
  So contrary to what some are saying, that is twice in the course of a 
month that the Democratic majority is condemning anti-Semitism on the 
floor of the House.
  But I must say, the words spoken by our colleague from Minnesota last 
week touched a very real, very raw place for me. My desire for the 
House to go on record again, specifically condemning anti-Semitism, 
wasn't a desire to single the gentlewoman out or to stifle debate on 
U.S. policy towards Israel, but it was a desire and need to say that 
certain words, no matter who utters them, have no place in our public 
discourse and, indeed, can be very dangerous.
  When a Member of our body speaks the way the Representative from 
Minnesota spoke, then we need to single it out and say we will not 
tolerate it. In the last week, these problems have been compounded.

[[Page H2552]]

  Since the comments that sparked this controversy, the gentlewoman 
from Minnesota has become the target of vile, racist Islamophobic 
smears and threats. One begets another. And we have got to put a stop 
to it now. That is horrific. Islamophobia has no place in this body or 
anywhere in the United States, and anti-Semitism certainly doesn't 
either.
  I wish we had had a separate resolution about anti-Semitism. I think 
we deserved it. I think it was wrong not to have it. I don't think we 
should mix everything. But I want to say very clearly and very loudly 
that anti-Semitism will never be tolerated by me, never be tolerated by 
this body, and no Member of Congress should be making anti-Semitic 
statements.
  No Member of Congress should be saying hurtful things and then not 
apologizing for them. So I hope we can put everything together to 
support this resolution. It condemns all kinds of hatred, whether it is 
Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, any kind of hatred that is what we need to 
do. And any time that anti-Semitism rears its ugly head, we need to 
stop it.
  This resolution is a fine resolution, and I will support it. But I am 
very disappointed that we weren't able to have a separate resolution to 
specifically condemn anti-Semitism and what our colleague said that 
really was a very hateful term.
  I hope we can put everything together in this House. I know we can. I 
know people on both sides of the aisle want to work together. We want 
to stomp out any form of hatred, particularly anti-Semitism.
  I will continue to work with anybody who wants to do that.
  Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate my colleague from 
New York's statement just then. It is frankly a shame that he had to 
come say that in this context, but I appreciate what he said because he 
is right on. He is correct.

  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Florida 
(Mr. Gaetz).
  Mr. GAETZ. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I 
fully associate myself with the comments of the gentleman from New York 
condemning anti-Semitism, full stop, an entirely appropriate thing to 
do.
  I just think it is curious how we ended up here. We are having this 
debate right now because Democrats had an objection to something said 
by a Democrat. So they launch off on this drafting project, and then lo 
and behold, I hear all of the remarks on the floor, and a lot of the 
substance in the resolution is about President Trump, and criticizing 
him and trying to open wounds.
  This is, unfortunately, becoming the new mantra of the left in the 
Congress. When they have got a problem that they can't solve, it must 
be President Trump's fault.
  It is a lot of the sentiment that we see echoed out of the Judiciary 
Committee where there is no Russian collusion. The Mueller report is 
about to drop and Democrats know it is not going to allege Russian 
collusion, so they have to launch an 81-pronged investigation to harass 
our President.
  They can't get their own House in order, so everything has to be the 
fault of a President who is creating more economic opportunity, 
reducing unemployment, ending wars, and doing a heck of a job for the 
country.

                              {time}  1645

  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 45 seconds to the distinguished 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Gottheimer).
  Mr. GOTTHEIMER. Mr. Speaker, as a Jewish Member of Congress who lost 
family in the Holocaust and whose grandfather fought the Nazis, I need 
no reminder about our responsibility to confront bigotry, hatred, and 
intolerance wherever it is found.
  No matter how hard one tries, the allegation of dual loyalty simply 
does not constitute legitimate opinion about foreign policy. It is a 
slur against Jews. It is indefensible, and it is deserving of 
condemnation by everyone every time. More than anything, it is 
offensive to question my loyalty or anyone's loyalty to the United 
States of America here simply because I am Jewish, the same way it was 
appalling to question President John Kennedy's loyalty to the United 
States because he was Catholic.
  I am glad that Congress is voicing its opposition to anti-Semitism 
and made it clear that a dual loyalty smear is unacceptable.
  Unfortunately, it was also clear from the discussions this week and 
the ultimate resolution that anti-Semitism is being treated differently 
than other forms of bigotry and hatred. There shouldn't be an asterisk 
next to anti-Semitism, and I will continue to fight it.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, how much time is remaining?
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York has 4\1/4\ 
minutes remaining. The gentleman from Georgia has 4 minutes remaining.
  Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my 
time.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 45 seconds to the distinguished 
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Wasserman Schultz).
  Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. Mr. Speaker, one thing we are all reminded of 
this week is that words have power, and divisive words cause pain. 
Every Jewish person in America, no matter where they are from, could 
share a story of deeply painful anti-Semitism that they have personally 
experienced. For me, at its worst, Nazi-obsessed internet trolls 
mercilessly taunted my children with Holocaust threats too vile for me 
to describe on this floor.
  This pain is frequently felt by all too many Americans. How you look 
or speak, whom you love, or where you live and pray can still invite 
unwanted and potentially dangerous words of hostility.
  The conversation today about anti-Semitism, allegiance, and loyalty 
is necessary because remaining silent against hatred and bigotry is not 
an option.
  I am a second-generation American on both sides of my family. Two 
generations later, it was possible for me to become a Member of the 
U.S. Congress--only in America. So, questioning my allegiance is 
painful and personal.
  Unfortunately, this dual loyalty question is not isolated to Jews. 
Words have power. We must carefully choose our words and make sure that 
we use them to unite us and not to divide us.
  Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my 
time.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
California (Ms. Pelosi), who is the distinguished Speaker of the House.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I 
thank him for bringing this important resolution to the floor of the 
House.
  I commend the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Raskin) and the very 
distinguished gentleman from Louisiana for his participation in writing 
this important resolution.
  It is in the spirit of unity and solidarity with my colleagues as we 
come together in this Chamber of our American democracy to condemn all 
forms of hatred, racism, prejudice, and discrimination with a hopefully 
single and strong voice.
  It is a profoundly disturbing reality that anti-Semitism is on the 
rise in America today, and anti-Semitic attacks increasingly are at the 
highest rate on record. Appalling acts of hatred and bigotry are being 
inflicted on all elements of our society, be they African American, 
Latino, people from Asia, and attacks in terms of people being Muslim 
or other religious faiths. This isn't who we are as a country.
  We all believe that there is a spark of divinity in every person who 
exists, that we are all God's children, and that we come to meet with 
each other in a way that commands respect for that provenance of our 
being all God's children. Then we see people making attacks on each 
other throughout the country, whether it is in Charlottesville or 
whether it is anti-immigrant attitudes that have reared their ugly 
heads in our country. It is in that spirit that I come to the floor 
almost emotionally to speak about this.
  In the Congress and across the country, we must accept debate on any 
subject in a legitimate way, whether it is on our U.S.-Israel policies 
and the rest. That is protected by the value of free speech and 
democratic debate in the United States and in Israel.
  Israel is our friend in that region. We support Israel out of 
friendship and out of shared values, but also because it is in our 
national interests to do so. But not every one of us in this body 
agrees

[[Page H2553]]

on every provision or any consideration in that relationship. That is a 
separate and complete issue from anti-Semitism.
  Anti-Semitism, whether it is in the form of attacks on Jewish people, 
anti-Semitic tropes, prejudicial accusations, or any other form of 
hatred, is deeply and unequivocally offensive and must be condemned 
wherever it is heard. All of us must remember, as Members of Congress 
and as the President of the United States, that our words are weightier 
once we cross the threshold into Congress, and, indeed, they weigh a 
ton when someone becomes the President of the United States.

  It is also disturbing that Islamophobia and white supremacism remain 
a sinister and shameful presence in America today. Too often that goes 
undernoticed or unchecked. Such attacks have even targeted some of us 
in this body.
  We must condemn these attacks and confront them. As Members of 
Congress and Americans, we have a solemn and urgent responsibility to 
fight to end the scourge of bigotry, racism, and hatred in our country.
  I do want to again salute our colleague, Cedric Richmond, our 
distinguished former chair of the Congressional Black Caucus and now 
distinguished leader in the whip's operation, for his leadership in 
shaping this legislation, and, again, Congressman Jamie Raskin of 
Maryland for his leadership role in all of this.
  I salute all of our Members for demonstrating the courage to have 
this difficult conversation and for doing so in a spirit of great 
respect, disagreeing sometimes, but never questioning the patriotism or 
motivation of anyone with whom we serve.
  I thank Chairman Nadler of the Judiciary Committee for the work that 
he has done to give us this important moment on the floor of the House.
  Mr. Speaker, I hope that we will have a unanimous vote in support of 
this resolution.
  Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my 
time.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close.
  Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I do again want to go back to 
something.
  I appreciate the words that have been said here. Again, I cannot 
emphasize this enough. It took seven pages to describe what simply can 
be said is: Don't hate; watch what you say; you are a Member of 
Congress; we deserve better; the House deserves better. When we 
understand this, then we can begin to understand.
  Also, I want to go back to something that I will hit again. It goes 
back to this is again something put together because we couldn't come 
to agreement on the very nature of what started this, which was anti-
Semitic comments. And having to have some of our Jewish legislators 
come down here and condemn that is sad, wanting to have to vote for 
something that, at the very heart, tore them apart. You can hear it in 
their voices, but yet they have to vote for this.
  We also put it together getting it at 3:20 this afternoon. We left 
out the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. We left out 
Wiccans. We left out Jehovah's Witnesses. We left out disabled people 
who are often discriminated against and have hateful things said about 
them.
  We also, in the thing, found out that the only ones we are going to 
condemn getting death threats are Jewish Members and Muslim Members. We 
are not condemning anything else. This is just another attempt to rush 
to do something, to fix something.
  I said last week, and I will say it again: What makes you feel good 
doesn't always heal you. This is another example of a rush project.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. 
McCarthy), who is the minority leader.
  Mr. McCARTHY. Mr. Speaker, I want to start by thanking a Member from 
the other side of the aisle, Chairman Eliot Engel. I thank the 
gentleman, for when he heard the language, he stood up. I thank the 
gentleman for his work.
  To all the Members who are here, this shouldn't be this hard. We 
should not have to go through the number of versions that we had to. We 
shouldn't have to be on this floor even speaking about this. I hope we 
won't be back.
  Of all the things that have happened this Congress, this is what we 
have talked about the most. This is the action that this Congress has 
taken the most. Twice we have to make a statement that we are opposed 
to anti-Semitism.
  The first time it took the minority. It doesn't have very many 
abilities to bring something to the floor, but we did, and we spoke 
with one voice. But now we are back in a few weeks stating the same 
thing, but without apologies, without apologies from that voice.
  It did not have to be this hard. Mr. Speaker, we didn't have to break 
the 72-hour rule that you put in this year to make it less than an hour 
because of fear of what would happen tomorrow on a motion to recommit.
  I will pledge to you this from this side of the aisle, and I hope you 
understand this clearly: Any hatred, we take action.
  I hope you have seen from the action on this side of the aisle where 
we stand, Mr. Speaker. We didn't have to have a resolution, but when it 
came to the floor, we voted for it. We took action before it came to 
the floor, and it wasn't simply: Please apologize.

  It didn't have to be this hard.
  Yes, Mr. Speaker, our Madam Speaker was right. America is better than 
this. But to my Members, Congress is better than this.
  Please do not make history write about our time with these 2 years 
that the most we have ever done is that we had to keep bringing 
resolutions to the floor to tell people that anti-Semitism is wrong if 
that is the only action we are going to take. I know we are better than 
this.
  Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, as we come to the conclusion of our second time doing 
this, I will echo the sentiments of our leader who just spoke, and I 
will echo the sentiments of most everyone who has spoken here that this 
is wrong.
  One time, we should learn; two times, we are getting nothing out of 
this anymore because, undoubtedly, we are getting no input because we 
are just putting everything we can imaginable that we could think of in 
a short amount of time unless somebody brought it up into a resolution 
and saying: This is hate. We don't need to do this.
  We don't need a manual to tell us who we can't hate.
  How is it so hard?
  Why do we blow process?
  Why do we disrespect this institution by bringing together things 
that are thrown together at the last minute that leave out death 
threats to any other Member besides two groups of Members, that leave 
out others who have been hated upon?

                              {time}  1700

  It breaks my heart. After just a day or so ago speaking of the 
institutional spirit and hearing the dean of this House talking about 
working together, it breaks my heart that we are 8, 9 weeks into the 
session and this is our largest accomplishment, telling the world: 
Don't hate.
  That is our largest accomplishment?
  Mr. Speaker, my fear is, with this today, I don't want to be here 
again. But with the way this was handled, I fear we may be.
  We are better than this. This should not be where we are at.
  Why do we keep coming back? Because many times, Members forget the 
awesome responsibility that they have been given as Members of 
Congress.
  Our mouths and our tongues can be our greatest enemy. Let us remember 
that as we seek guidance each day.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the 
distinguished gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Richmond).
  Mr. RICHMOND. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New York for 
yielding.
  Let me just say that we are better than this, and we have seen in 
this body where we have had Members attacked. We came together right 
here in this body, where we all held hands. We said that words have 
consequences, and we were going to do better. We were going to set an 
example. Before we could walk off the floor, there was a commercial 
running to attack the

[[Page H2554]]

character of our then-leader, Nancy Pelosi.
  So hollow words mean nothing to me.
  Booker T. Washington once said that we are as separate as the 
fingers, but we are as whole as the hand. We come together today, 
hopefully as whole as the hand, to condemn anti-Semitism, bigotry, 
racism, all of the phobias, Islamophobia, homophobia. What we do is 
push love, like Dr. King said.
  But in the eulogy for Dr. King, Dr. Benjamin E. Mays blamed, in part, 
the American people for the assassination. He pointed out that the 
assassin heard enough condemnation of Dr. King and of Negroes to feel 
that he had public support.
  When Dylann Roof murdered nine worshippers in Charleston, he thought 
he had public support.
  The shooter at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh thought he 
had public support.
  The neo-Nazis and the white nationalists who marched in 
Charlottesville thought they had public support.
  The shooter of Gabby Giffords thought he had public support.
  The shooter of   Steve Scalise thought he had public support.
  What we are doing here today is making it unequivocally clear to the 
public that no one has the support to engage in discrimination and 
racism and anti-Semitism.
  Dr. Mays went on to challenge us as Americans to do better. He said: 
``We, and not the assassin, represent America at its best.'' He said we 
have the power--not the prejudiced, not the bigoted, not the anti-
Semite, not the assassin--to make things better.
  We, too, in Congress have the power and the obligation to make things 
right. Though we come from dramatically diverse backgrounds and though 
we have lived very different lives, we must all, right now, stand 
together against bigotry.
  We must make clear to those who traffic in all forms of hatred--neo-
Nazis, white nationalists, racists of all kinds, anti-Semites, 
Islamophobes, homophobes, transphobes, and those who demonize and 
demean immigrants from Latin America and throughout the world--that 
they have no place in the public discourse.
  For the record, this will be our third time on anti-Semitic measures. 
We voted against both of them. You all voted for one and then voted 
against the other.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Ms. TLAIB. Mr. Speaker, as one of the first Muslim woman elected ever 
in the history of the United States to Congress, I rise in support of 
opposing all forms of hate. No one should ever experience feeling less 
than, live in fear, or be exposed to oppression, discrimination or 
violence because of their sexual orientation, their immigration status, 
their faith, the color of their skin, their ethnicity, their income 
status or any other form of identifiers. I rise in support of our 
United States Constitution where all beings are created equal and will 
fight every day to oppose racism in our country.
  I urge my colleagues to have an open heart, to be present, to serve 
with compassion, and to hear one another. My colleagues have a rare 
opportunity to serve with me, an American Muslim woman, who can offer a 
different understanding of what it is to be a country that is truly 
equal and inclusive.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler) that the House suspend the rules 
and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 183, as amended.
  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds 
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
  Mr. NADLER. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 407, 
nays 23, answered ``present'' 1, not voting 1, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 108]

                               YEAS--407

     Abraham
     Adams
     Aderholt
     Aguilar
     Allen
     Allred
     Amash
     Amodei
     Armstrong
     Arrington
     Axne
     Babin
     Bacon
     Baird
     Balderson
     Banks
     Barr
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Bergman
     Beyer
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (GA)
     Bishop (UT)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Bost
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brady
     Brindisi
     Brooks (IN)
     Brown (MD)
     Brownley (CA)
     Buchanan
     Bucshon
     Burchett
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Byrne
     Calvert
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson (IN)
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Cartwright
     Case
     Casten (IL)
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Chabot
     Chu, Judy
     Cicilline
     Cisneros
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Cleaver
     Cline
     Cloud
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Cole
     Collins (GA)
     Comer
     Connolly
     Cook
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
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                                NAYS--23

     Biggs
     Brooks (AL)
     Buck
     Budd
     Burgess
     Cheney
     Collins (NY)
     Conaway
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     Duncan
     Gohmert
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     Steube
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     Yoho
     Zeldin

                        ANSWERED ``PRESENT''--1

       
     King (IA)
       

                             NOT VOTING--1

       
     Clay
       

                              {time}  1732

  Messrs. BROOKS of Alabama, STEUBE, WALKER, and BURGESS changed their 
vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''

[[Page H2555]]

  

  Messrs. SWALWELL of California, BRADY, MEUSER, WEBER of Texas, BABIN, 
and GROTHMAN changed their vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
  So (two-thirds being in the affirmative) the rules were suspended and 
the resolution, as amended, was agreed to.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

                          ____________________