[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 36 (Wednesday, February 27, 2019)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1551-S1552]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                               VENEZUELA

  Mr. President, I actually rise now not on this topic, which affects 
Virginia significantly, especially sea level rise, but I want to talk a 
little about the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Venezuela. I do this on 
behalf of Venezuelans. I do this on behalf of Venezuelan-Americans, 
many of whom live in Virginia, but I also do it on behalf of 
democracies, because what is happening in Venezuela today demonstrates, 
really, in just one country, a global battle between democracies and 
authoritarian nations.
  Authoritarian nations are supporting the regime of Maduro, and the 
democracies of the world are supporting the interim government of 
President Guaido.
  If you want to know, circa 2019, in the battle being waged between 
authoritarians and democracies, Venezuela is a place where you can see 
it in one country. You see this global challenge between democracy and 
dictatorship.
  The Maduro regime has been destroying Venezuela, which is home to the 
world's largest oil reserve, and it was once, in recent history, the 
richest country in all of Latin America. It is now in full-fledged 
economic and political collapse, with nearly 80 percent of the 
country's population living below the poverty line and more than half 
of the families unable to meet their basic food needs.
  Right now, inflation in Venezuela is 2.7 million percent and will 
grow to 10 million percent this year, and most Venezuelans can't afford 
one meal a day. Medicines and other lifesaving commodities are too 
expensive for the average citizen to purchase, while Maduro and his 
colleagues and cronies syphon funds from state-owned enterprises into 
personal accounts and prohibit humanitarian assistance from entering 
the country.
  Infants have starved to death because their families couldn't afford 
or access formula. Infectious diseases like malaria, measles, and 
diphtheria, which were previously eradicated in Venezuela, are emerging 
as public health system catastrophes.
  Maduro is using the power of the state to subjugate and repress the 
Venezuelan people. His security forces use detention, torture, and 
lethal force against demonstrators and political opposition in what the 
United Nations and the Organization of American States called possible 
crimes against humanity.
  It has provoked a massive refugee crisis. There are 3.4 million 
people and counting who have made the difficult decision to leave their 
homeland because life has become untenable. Many have come to Virginia 
and to the United States as they have fled two countries throughout the 
region and created Latin America's worst refugee crisis, which is 
worsening by the day. Make no mistake--this is a manmade political 
crisis in a beautiful nation with beautiful people that would have 
ample resources if it were not so poorly governed.
  In May 2018, Maduro declared victory for a second term in office in 
an election so flawed that the Organization of American States, the 
European Union, and the United States refused to recognize it as 
legitimate.
  Following months of protests, on January 23, the National Assembly, 
which is Venezuela's only democratic body, determined that Maduro had 
usurped the Office of the President, and in accordance with the 
Venezuelan Constitution's provision for succession--and this is 
important--the President of the National Assembly, Juan Guaido, assumed 
the role of the Interim President of Venezuela. Again, that was done 
pursuant to Venezuelan constitutional law. The announcement, which I 
supported, was swiftly backed by the United States, by the Organization 
of American States, and by over 50 countries worldwide, including most 
of the democracies of the West. In contrast, which nations are 
supporting the Maduro regime? They are Russia, China, Iran, Syria, 
Turkey, Cuba, Nicaragua, Bolivia, and Belarus--authoritarian nations.
  There is a clear international divide between democracies and 
authoritarians. We must defend our convictions and bolster the 
democracies of the world. It is about supporting the Venezuelan people, 
but it is also about sending an important message globally that the 
United States remains confident that democracy is the way for people to 
achieve their hopes and dreams, and when authoritarians try to crush 
the democratic desires of populations, the United States should be an 
ally.
  The United States should never tell another nation who its leader 
should be. We have no business being in regime change. We support free 
and fair elections. We support constitutions. That is why I support the 
current interim Government of Venezuela, which has been designated 
pursuant to the Venezuelan Constitution.
  I recently met with the Guaido interim government's representative to 
the United States. I was encouraged to hear that the National 
Assembly's goal was to move to a democratic system and replace the 
interim government with a national government that would follow free 
and transparent elections, which Maduro has blocked repeatedly. Support 
for this goal must continue to come from the international community, 
the Organization of American States, and other democracies.
  A caution: As a missionary in Honduras in the 1970s, I lived in a 
military dictatorship, and I am keenly aware of the history and the 
legacy of U.S. intervention in the Americas. That is why I was very 
troubled and remain troubled by the Trump administration's threats of 
military intervention in Venezuela. That would be a massive mistake. 
The rhetoric is reckless and counterproductive. Our leaders should not 
be bombastic and enflame a delicate situation that could go in the 
direction of violence and civil unrest. In fact, the suggestion of U.S. 
military intervention actually strengthens the hand of the dictator 
because the Maduro dictatorship would like to blame Venezuela's 
economic challenges on Uncle Sam or the West rather than on its own 
mismanagement of the economy. The United States should not be making 
military threats against Venezuela.
  There are many steps we can take, though, that would be appropriate. 
I support the increase in direct U.S. humanitarian aid for the 
Venezuelan people as the transition unfolds. It is unbelievable that 
for years, the government has refused to allow humanitarian aid to 
enter the country to help its own people. The scenes we have seen over 
the past weekend of roadblocks on highways entering Venezuela and the 
Venezuelan military fighting to stop humanitarian aid from reaching 
citizens epitomizes the Maduro regime's ongoing disregard for the 
plight of everyday people.
  I support the long needed aid package that will help international 
organizations provide assistance inside Venezuela that interim 
President Guaido welcomes and that former President Maduro should 
welcome as well. That is why I joined Senator Menendez in cosponsoring 
the Venezuela Humanitarian Relief Act and the Rule of Law Act, and I 
will support them in their reintroductions.
  I support the United States in its playing a role in convincing other 
nations and the Organization of American States to also stand for the 
people of Venezuela. OAS's leadership is very strong, but in the OAS, 
every member country has one vote. Venezuela has used its petroleum 
reserves to convince a number of Caribbean nations to back the 
dictatorship. I think the United States could use very plain diplomacy 
with Caribbean nations to get them to support the democracy, the 
current interim government, and we could do that and attain some 
significant success.
  We should amplify the pressure we have applied by recognizing the 
interim government and deploying humanitarian assistance to the border. 
South America is absorbing 3.4 million refugees from Venezuela. The 
Trump administration condemns the brutality of the Maduro Government, 
but we are reducing our support for refugees from Venezuela and 
elsewhere.
  I think the crisis warrants the extension of temporary protected 
status to

[[Page S1552]]

the Venezuelans who are already in the United States. If the Trump 
administration is serious about helping Venezuela recover from a 
devastating crisis, it cannot require Venezuelans to return to a 
deteriorating security situation there.
  It is not our place to dictate the negotiated terms of a resolution 
that will end this crisis. That is the role and the responsibility of 
the people of Venezuela and their representatives, but the United 
States and the international community should create the right 
environment for those negotiations to go forward, and they should 
provide the assistance to allow this transition to occur.
  We don't want to see greater violence or greater civil war in 
Venezuela. Interim President Guaido's offer of amnesty to Maduro's 
military and political supporters who wish to end their support for 
autocratic rule is a good step, as is his explicit call for a 
transitional government and free and fair elections. His role should 
and must remain that of a steward until those elections take place 
pursuant to the Venezuelan Constitution.
  There is an example in the region. The peace agreement in Colombia 
signaled the end of six decades of conflict. The hemisphere is on a 
trajectory toward peace with there being no ongoing hostilities in the 
more than 30 countries. It is critical that we keep it that way.
  In conclusion, during my time in Honduras, I learned a very important 
prayer that we used to say at mealtime. It was this: (English 
translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:) ``Lord, 
give bread to those who hunger and hunger for justice to those who have 
bread.''
  I call on this body and our colleagues in the international community 
to support the people of Venezuela in their quest for both bread and 
justice.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. CARPER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. CARPER. Mr. President, before my colleague from Virginia leaves, 
I admire him so much. I just want to applaud him and applaud his early 
work as a missionary in Honduras.
  During our past recess, Senator Jeff Merkley and I and four of our 
colleagues from the House were privileged to be a part of a 5-day 
congressional delegation to Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador. We 
were there to find out how the Alliance for Prosperity was being 
implemented, of which the Senator has been very supportive, as have I, 
in order to focus on hope, economic opportunity, crime, violence, and 
corruption.
  The Alliance for Prosperity is focused on all of those matters. The 
United States puts up some of the money to address them, but we expect 
the other countries, including Honduras, to put up even more. It is 
like being at Home Depot--you can do it, and we can help. For every $1 
in El Salvador, they put up $7, and we leverage our money to get the 
support of foundations, NGOs, private companies, and others to do their 
share. It is like turning the course of an aircraft carrier, and it is 
starting to turn.
  Probably late this week--maybe tomorrow--I suspect Senator Merkley 
and I will want to have a colloquy on the floor. It would be great if 
the Senator could join us because he has forgotten more about that part 
of the world than we will ever know.
  Thank you.
  I didn't come to the floor to focus on that, but I am glad I had the 
chance to since Senator Kaine was here.

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