[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 36 (Wednesday, February 27, 2019)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1551-S1552]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
VENEZUELA
Mr. President, I actually rise now not on this topic, which affects
Virginia significantly, especially sea level rise, but I want to talk a
little about the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Venezuela. I do this on
behalf of Venezuelans. I do this on behalf of Venezuelan-Americans,
many of whom live in Virginia, but I also do it on behalf of
democracies, because what is happening in Venezuela today demonstrates,
really, in just one country, a global battle between democracies and
authoritarian nations.
Authoritarian nations are supporting the regime of Maduro, and the
democracies of the world are supporting the interim government of
President Guaido.
If you want to know, circa 2019, in the battle being waged between
authoritarians and democracies, Venezuela is a place where you can see
it in one country. You see this global challenge between democracy and
dictatorship.
The Maduro regime has been destroying Venezuela, which is home to the
world's largest oil reserve, and it was once, in recent history, the
richest country in all of Latin America. It is now in full-fledged
economic and political collapse, with nearly 80 percent of the
country's population living below the poverty line and more than half
of the families unable to meet their basic food needs.
Right now, inflation in Venezuela is 2.7 million percent and will
grow to 10 million percent this year, and most Venezuelans can't afford
one meal a day. Medicines and other lifesaving commodities are too
expensive for the average citizen to purchase, while Maduro and his
colleagues and cronies syphon funds from state-owned enterprises into
personal accounts and prohibit humanitarian assistance from entering
the country.
Infants have starved to death because their families couldn't afford
or access formula. Infectious diseases like malaria, measles, and
diphtheria, which were previously eradicated in Venezuela, are emerging
as public health system catastrophes.
Maduro is using the power of the state to subjugate and repress the
Venezuelan people. His security forces use detention, torture, and
lethal force against demonstrators and political opposition in what the
United Nations and the Organization of American States called possible
crimes against humanity.
It has provoked a massive refugee crisis. There are 3.4 million
people and counting who have made the difficult decision to leave their
homeland because life has become untenable. Many have come to Virginia
and to the United States as they have fled two countries throughout the
region and created Latin America's worst refugee crisis, which is
worsening by the day. Make no mistake--this is a manmade political
crisis in a beautiful nation with beautiful people that would have
ample resources if it were not so poorly governed.
In May 2018, Maduro declared victory for a second term in office in
an election so flawed that the Organization of American States, the
European Union, and the United States refused to recognize it as
legitimate.
Following months of protests, on January 23, the National Assembly,
which is Venezuela's only democratic body, determined that Maduro had
usurped the Office of the President, and in accordance with the
Venezuelan Constitution's provision for succession--and this is
important--the President of the National Assembly, Juan Guaido, assumed
the role of the Interim President of Venezuela. Again, that was done
pursuant to Venezuelan constitutional law. The announcement, which I
supported, was swiftly backed by the United States, by the Organization
of American States, and by over 50 countries worldwide, including most
of the democracies of the West. In contrast, which nations are
supporting the Maduro regime? They are Russia, China, Iran, Syria,
Turkey, Cuba, Nicaragua, Bolivia, and Belarus--authoritarian nations.
There is a clear international divide between democracies and
authoritarians. We must defend our convictions and bolster the
democracies of the world. It is about supporting the Venezuelan people,
but it is also about sending an important message globally that the
United States remains confident that democracy is the way for people to
achieve their hopes and dreams, and when authoritarians try to crush
the democratic desires of populations, the United States should be an
ally.
The United States should never tell another nation who its leader
should be. We have no business being in regime change. We support free
and fair elections. We support constitutions. That is why I support the
current interim Government of Venezuela, which has been designated
pursuant to the Venezuelan Constitution.
I recently met with the Guaido interim government's representative to
the United States. I was encouraged to hear that the National
Assembly's goal was to move to a democratic system and replace the
interim government with a national government that would follow free
and transparent elections, which Maduro has blocked repeatedly. Support
for this goal must continue to come from the international community,
the Organization of American States, and other democracies.
A caution: As a missionary in Honduras in the 1970s, I lived in a
military dictatorship, and I am keenly aware of the history and the
legacy of U.S. intervention in the Americas. That is why I was very
troubled and remain troubled by the Trump administration's threats of
military intervention in Venezuela. That would be a massive mistake.
The rhetoric is reckless and counterproductive. Our leaders should not
be bombastic and enflame a delicate situation that could go in the
direction of violence and civil unrest. In fact, the suggestion of U.S.
military intervention actually strengthens the hand of the dictator
because the Maduro dictatorship would like to blame Venezuela's
economic challenges on Uncle Sam or the West rather than on its own
mismanagement of the economy. The United States should not be making
military threats against Venezuela.
There are many steps we can take, though, that would be appropriate.
I support the increase in direct U.S. humanitarian aid for the
Venezuelan people as the transition unfolds. It is unbelievable that
for years, the government has refused to allow humanitarian aid to
enter the country to help its own people. The scenes we have seen over
the past weekend of roadblocks on highways entering Venezuela and the
Venezuelan military fighting to stop humanitarian aid from reaching
citizens epitomizes the Maduro regime's ongoing disregard for the
plight of everyday people.
I support the long needed aid package that will help international
organizations provide assistance inside Venezuela that interim
President Guaido welcomes and that former President Maduro should
welcome as well. That is why I joined Senator Menendez in cosponsoring
the Venezuela Humanitarian Relief Act and the Rule of Law Act, and I
will support them in their reintroductions.
I support the United States in its playing a role in convincing other
nations and the Organization of American States to also stand for the
people of Venezuela. OAS's leadership is very strong, but in the OAS,
every member country has one vote. Venezuela has used its petroleum
reserves to convince a number of Caribbean nations to back the
dictatorship. I think the United States could use very plain diplomacy
with Caribbean nations to get them to support the democracy, the
current interim government, and we could do that and attain some
significant success.
We should amplify the pressure we have applied by recognizing the
interim government and deploying humanitarian assistance to the border.
South America is absorbing 3.4 million refugees from Venezuela. The
Trump administration condemns the brutality of the Maduro Government,
but we are reducing our support for refugees from Venezuela and
elsewhere.
I think the crisis warrants the extension of temporary protected
status to
[[Page S1552]]
the Venezuelans who are already in the United States. If the Trump
administration is serious about helping Venezuela recover from a
devastating crisis, it cannot require Venezuelans to return to a
deteriorating security situation there.
It is not our place to dictate the negotiated terms of a resolution
that will end this crisis. That is the role and the responsibility of
the people of Venezuela and their representatives, but the United
States and the international community should create the right
environment for those negotiations to go forward, and they should
provide the assistance to allow this transition to occur.
We don't want to see greater violence or greater civil war in
Venezuela. Interim President Guaido's offer of amnesty to Maduro's
military and political supporters who wish to end their support for
autocratic rule is a good step, as is his explicit call for a
transitional government and free and fair elections. His role should
and must remain that of a steward until those elections take place
pursuant to the Venezuelan Constitution.
There is an example in the region. The peace agreement in Colombia
signaled the end of six decades of conflict. The hemisphere is on a
trajectory toward peace with there being no ongoing hostilities in the
more than 30 countries. It is critical that we keep it that way.
In conclusion, during my time in Honduras, I learned a very important
prayer that we used to say at mealtime. It was this: (English
translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:) ``Lord,
give bread to those who hunger and hunger for justice to those who have
bread.''
I call on this body and our colleagues in the international community
to support the people of Venezuela in their quest for both bread and
justice.
I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. CARPER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. CARPER. Mr. President, before my colleague from Virginia leaves,
I admire him so much. I just want to applaud him and applaud his early
work as a missionary in Honduras.
During our past recess, Senator Jeff Merkley and I and four of our
colleagues from the House were privileged to be a part of a 5-day
congressional delegation to Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador. We
were there to find out how the Alliance for Prosperity was being
implemented, of which the Senator has been very supportive, as have I,
in order to focus on hope, economic opportunity, crime, violence, and
corruption.
The Alliance for Prosperity is focused on all of those matters. The
United States puts up some of the money to address them, but we expect
the other countries, including Honduras, to put up even more. It is
like being at Home Depot--you can do it, and we can help. For every $1
in El Salvador, they put up $7, and we leverage our money to get the
support of foundations, NGOs, private companies, and others to do their
share. It is like turning the course of an aircraft carrier, and it is
starting to turn.
Probably late this week--maybe tomorrow--I suspect Senator Merkley
and I will want to have a colloquy on the floor. It would be great if
the Senator could join us because he has forgotten more about that part
of the world than we will ever know.
Thank you.
I didn't come to the floor to focus on that, but I am glad I had the
chance to since Senator Kaine was here.
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