[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 28 (Wednesday, February 13, 2019)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1297-S1298]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Black History Month
Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, 54 years ago, 600 nonviolent protesters
set off to march from Selma to Montgomery, AL, to protest the
disenfranchisement of Black voters in the South.
They got as far as the Edmund Pettus Bridge when they saw police
officers lined up on the other end, waiting with tear gas, clubs, and
dogs. The iconic bridge stood between the police and protesters like a
physical barrier between hope and violence, democracy and second-class
citizenship.
Although the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments--which cemented into law
the freedom, citizenship, and voting rights of Black Americans--passed
nearly 100 years earlier across the country, literacy tests, poll
taxes, violence, and intimidation stood in the way of this
constitutional promise. This was especially true in Alabama.
According to the 1961 Civil Rights Commission report, at the time of
the famous protests, fewer than 10 percent of the voting-age Black
population was registered in Alabama's Montgomery County. This infamous
march from Selma was intended to right the wrong and to shine light on
the injustice of all the many laws that kept voting from being
accessible to Black Americans.
For months leading up to it, a community of activists--led by Martin
Luther King, Jr., and of course our esteemed colleague Representative
John Lewis--carried out voting registration drives and nonviolent
demonstrations, all against the resistance of the local government and
members of the Ku Klux Klan. These efforts laid the groundwork for the
march from Selma, which ended with Alabama State troopers attacking the
protesters.
The images of the State-sponsored violence were shown across the
country, galvanizing the American public in favor of voting rights in a
day that has since become known as Bloody Sunday.
Five months later, on August 6, 1965, the Voting Rights Act was
signed into law. The bill is one of the crowing victories of the civil
rights movement and for our American democracy.
This monumental legislation outlawed the malicious barriers to the
polls and held States accountable for the discriminatory obstacles
imposed on citizens who sought to fulfill their constitutional right.
It opened doors for Black citizens across the South to register, to
cast a vote, or to run for office in higher numbers than ever before.
As we celebrate this February as Black History Month, we must
remember that Black history is American history. We must remember that
too often in our Nation's past, the work to create a more perfect Union
has fallen upon the shoulders of Americans whose full rights of
citizenship were discounted simply because of the color of their skin.
The right to vote is a fundamental American tenet. Yet it has
historically been denied to men and women of color.
We must remember that when we tell stories of those who fought and
struggled to secure voting rights in our Nation's past, it is because
their stories serve as a precursor to our own.
Today voting rights are still under attack. Many who survived the
brutal attack on Bloody Sunday and lived to see the passage of the
Voting Rights Act have also lived to see the same monumental bill
weakened by the 2013 Shelby County Supreme Court decision.
They have watched our President and Republican legislators tout myths
of voter fraud to justify strict voter ID laws, partisan
gerrymandering, and limited access to voting information. These efforts
undoubtedly disadvantage Black Americans more than most and put a
scourge on the system that defines our democracy. It is an insult to
those who were robbed of their freedom and oftentimes their lives to
create a more equal future.
One such example of modern voter disenfranchisement can be found in
the fact that the United States denies voting rights to citizens with
felony convictions. We are one of the exceedingly few Western
democracies that permanently strip citizens of their right to vote as a
punishment for their crimes.
Let's be clear. We are not talking about voting rights for felons
currently incarcerated; we are talking about voting rights for those
who have served their time and have since been released, attained jobs,
raised a family, paid taxes, and moved on with their lives. Under the
current law in 34 States, these individuals are still denied the right
to vote, and that is simply unfair and undemocratic.
Black History Month demands that we bring this injustice to light
because felony disenfranchisement disproportionately affects men and
women of color. One out of thirteen Black Americans is currently unable
to vote because of a prior conviction for which they have already
served time--a rate that is more than four times greater than the non-
Black Americans.
Right now, in total, more than 2 million Americans are unable to vote
because of prior convictions, despite having already served their time
and paying their debt to society. That is why this year I will again be
introducing the Democracy Restoration Act, a bill that would restore
voting rights to individuals after they have been released and returned
to their community.
I am committed to seeing this legislation passed. My hope is that
Black History Month inspires all of my colleagues on both sides of the
aisle to join me.
We must also combat efforts to intimidate and disenfranchise voters.
That is why last year I introduced legislation that would prohibit and
penalize knowingly spreading misinformation, such as incorrect polling
locations, times, or the necessary forms of identification. This
Deceptive Practices and Voter Intimidation Act will prohibit and
penalize intentionally and knowingly spreading misinformation to voters
that is intended to suppress the vote, including the time and place of
an election and restrictions on voter eligibility.
Reliably, these tactics always seem to target minority neighborhoods
and are blatant attempts to reduce turnout. Such tactics undermine and
corrode our very democracy and threaten the integrity of our electoral
system.
In Stacey Abrams' response to the State of the Union last week, she
said that ``the foundation of our moral leadership around the globe is
free and fair
[[Page S1298]]
elections, where voters pick their leaders--not where politicians pick
their voters.'' This is precisely why I have chosen to speak out about
voting rights this month--because this issue defines our moral and
democratic character as a nation and because it is an area where we
still have so much work left to do.
Casting a vote is one of the most basic and fundamental freedoms in
any democracy, and Congress has the responsibility to ensure the right
is protected.
Congress has the responsibility to remove barriers to voting and make
it easier for people to register to vote, cast their vote, and make
sure their votes are counted. No one can appreciate the need for us to
meet this responsibility better than Black Americans whose collective
story is one of triumph over racist laws and undemocratic norms.
On Black History Month, Congress must vow to follow their example and
work together across party lines to make voting easier, fairer, and
more accessible to all.
I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Romney). The Senator from Minnesota.
Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.