[Congressional Record Volume 165, Number 8 (Tuesday, January 15, 2019)]
[House]
[Pages H572-H578]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
REJECTING WHITE NATIONALISM AND WHITE SUPREMACY
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to
the resolution (H. Res. 41) rejecting White nationalism and White
supremacy.
The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
The text of the resolution is as follows:
H. Res. 41
Whereas, on January 10, 2019, Representative Steve King was
quoted as asking, ``White nationalist, white supremacist,
Western civilization--how did that language become
offensive?'';
Whereas a 2006 Federal Bureau of Intelligence (FBI)
assessment defined a White supremacist as follows: ``White
supremacists believe that the white race is superior to all
other races and was created to rule them. They view non-
whites as subhuman and usually refer to them in derogatory
terms'';
Whereas the same 2006 FBI intelligence assessment defined a
White nationalist as follows: ``To be a white nationalist is
to be pro-white. The domestic white nationalist movement
seeks to promote, honor, and defend the white race. They
believe the white race is under attack from Jewish interests
that dominate the government (referred to as the Zionist
Occupied Government, or ZOG), the media, banking, and
entertainment industries and act to the detriment of the
white race. White nationalists view multiculturalism,
diversity, and illegal immigration as direct assaults on the
white race and race-mixing as akin to white genocide. They
hope to appeal to mainstream whites, believing that the
majority of white people do not understand the imminent or
long-term threat to their race. Many contend that a race war,
often referred to as RAHOWA, or Racial Holy War, is a
certainty'';
Whereas White supremacy and White nationalism are contrary
to the ideals of the United States of America, which was
established according to the principle stated in the
Declaration of Independence that all men are created equal, a
principle that was updated in 1848 in Seneca Falls, New York,
to include all people;
Whereas while our country has often fallen short of these
ideals, patriotic Americans have sought to form a more
perfect Union by rejecting White nationalism and White
supremacy, embracing inclusive patriotism, and welcoming
immigrants from across the globe who have continuously
enriched our Nation;
Whereas Abraham Lincoln in an 1858 speech said of the
Founders, ``Wise statesmen as they were, they knew the
tendency of prosperity to breed tyrants, and so they
established these great self-evident truths, that when in the
distant future some man, some faction, some interest, should
set up the doctrine that none but rich men, or none but white
men, were entitled to life, liberty, and pursuit of
happiness, their posterity might look up again to the
Declaration of Independence and take courage to renew the
battle which their fathers began--so that truth, and justice,
and mercy, and all the humane and Christian virtues might not
be extinguished from the land; so that no man would hereafter
dare to limit and circumscribe the great principles on which
the temple of liberty was being built'';
Whereas Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., while recognizing that
``no other nation can mean to us what our nation means'',
condemned ``nationalism perverted into chauvinism and
isolationism'' as ``preached by . . . the advocators of white
supremacy'' and asked, ``Will we continue to serve the false
god of racial prejudice or will we serve the God who made of
one blood all men to dwell upon the face of the earth?'';
Whereas President Reagan observed in a 1988 speech,
``Anyone, from any corner of the Earth, can come to live in
America and become an American . . . This, I believe, is one
of the most important sources of America's greatness. We lead
the world because, unique among nations, we draw our people--
our strength--from every country and every corner of the
world. And by doing so we continuously renew and enrich our
nation. While other countries cling to the stale past, here
in America we breathe life into dreams. We create the future,
and the world follows us into tomorrow. Thanks to each wave
of new arrivals to this land of opportunity, we're a nation
forever young, forever bursting with energy and new ideas,
and always on the cutting edge, always leading the world to
the next frontier. This quality is vital to our future as a
nation. If we ever closed the door to new Americans, our
leadership in the world would soon be lost'';
Whereas according to FBI statistics, hate crimes nationwide
increased in 2015, 2016, and 2017, the three most recent
years for which data is available;
Whereas the perpetrator of the shooting that killed 9
African-American worshippers at Emanuel African Methodist
Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina, on June 17,
2015, was motivated by White supremacy and White nationalism
to carry out this act of terrorism, and stated that he would
``be rescued by white nationalists after they took over the
government'';
Whereas the perpetrator of the shooting that killed 11
Jewish worshippers at Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania, on October 27, 2018, accused Jews of ``waging a
propaganda war against Western civilization'' and
``committing genocide'' against Whites by promoting
immigration and refugee resettlement, and accused the
President of being ``a globalist, not a nationalist'' because
of the ``infestation'' of Jews; and
Whereas Public Law 115-58, a joint resolution signed into
law on September 14, 2017, rejects ``white nationalism, white
supremacists, the Ku Klux Klan, neo-Nazis, and other hate
groups'': Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the House of Representatives once again
rejects White nationalism and White supremacy as hateful
expressions of intolerance that are contradictory to the
values that define the people of the United States.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. Adams). Pursuant to the rule, the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler) and the gentleman from Georgia
(Mr. Collins) each will control 20 minutes.
[[Page H573]]
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York.
General Leave
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include
extraneous materials on the measure under consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New York?
There was no objection.
{time} 1400
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Speaker, this resolution stands for one very simple
proposition: White nationalism and white supremacy are hateful
expressions of intolerance that have no place in the United States of
America.
Unfortunately, what should be an obvious statement in 2019 has been
challenged in recent days, and not for the first time, by one of our
own colleagues. As those elected to represent all of America, Members
of Congress should be the first to condemn white nationalism and white
supremacy, which are the source of so much violence, so much hatred,
and so much divisiveness throughout our Nation's history. These hateful
ideologies are diametrically opposed to what America is supposed to be.
But, as the New York Times reported last week, Mr. King of Iowa was
quoted as saying:
``White nationalist, white supremacist, Western civilization--how did
that language become offensive?''
Well, I will tell him, and anyone else who may be confused.
This language has always been offensive. We fought a civil war to
establish that. But this language and the philosophy it represents
persisted. It motivated the Ku Klux Klan to terrorize African
Americans; it sparked Jim Crow laws that oppressed African Americans
through institutionalized racism; it inspired the murder of nine Black
congregants in a Charleston, South Carolina, church; and the murder of
11 Jewish worshippers in a Pittsburgh synagogue; and it inspired
racists, anti-Semites, and other assorted bigots at the Unite the Right
rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, that spread fear, hatred, and,
ultimately, violence in celebration of white supremacy.
These hateful ideologies are dangerous, not because they too often
lead to violence. These noxious views can also infect the policies that
govern our Nation, sowing more division, and leading to more injustice
in our society. When we establish Muslim bans; when we try to build
walls to keep out those who do not look like us; and when we reverse a
half century of progress on voting rights and civil rights, we are
putting these hateful views into action.
I thank the distinguished majority whip, the gentleman from South
Carolina (Mr. Clyburn), for bringing this resolution forward. He knows
from his experience--both as a leader in the civil rights movement, and
as a Member of Congress whose own constituents were recently targeted
in a vicious attack motivated by white supremacy--that when we see
bigotry and hatred expressed in any form, we must condemn it, loudly
and forcefully.
We can pretend that these sentiments do not exist in our country, in
this Congress, or in the White House. We can try to sweep them under
the rug, and to convince ourselves that we have moved past our shameful
history on race. But we ignore white supremacy at our peril. If we do
not speak out now, collectively as a Congress, clearly and without
reservation, we will send the message that these views are acceptable,
and they will continue to fester in communities across the country,
generating more hatred, more repression, and more violence, in their
wake.
Madam Speaker, I call upon all of my colleagues--Republican and
Democrat alike--to reject the hateful ideology of white nationalism and
white supremacy, the policies that flow from such hatred, and anyone
who would espouse those views. Vote ``yes'' on this important
resolution.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Madam Speaker, this resolution resolves that ``the House of
Representatives once again rejects white nationalism and white
supremacy as hateful expressions of intolerance that are contradictory
to the values that define the people of the United States,'' and with
that I agree.
As the ranking member of the Judiciary Committee, I would like to use
my time to consider with my colleagues how firmly America has stood,
and continues to stand, against white supremacy. It is a basic human
flaw that our eyes open to truth too slowly and close on wickedness too
quickly. Today, we have the opportunity to renew our gaze at the truth
about our fellow men and women, and that each of them is created with
untold dignity and worth.
As a result, we recognize that white supremacy and white nationalism
peddle lies about our brothers and sisters in dignity. We reject these
lies, and we stand on the shoulders of Americans who have gone before
us in rejecting white supremacy and racism.
As Martin Luther King, Jr., observed, ``When the architects of our
Republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the
Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to
which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all
men''--yes, Black men as well as White men--``would be guaranteed the
inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.''
Dr. King's words are historical fact rooted in universal truth.
America's Founders gave us an incredible inheritance in the
Declaration of Independence, in which they said ``all men are created
equal.'' This declaration helped the Founders and all Americans who
have lived after them identify the many ways that we dishonor that
equality, recognize and rectify it, and set a more just path forward.
In 1807, President Thomas Jefferson--himself a slave owner--publicly
supported the abolition of the slave trade, imploring Congress to
``withdraw the citizens of the United States from all further
participation in those violations of human rights which have been so
long continued on the unoffending inhabitants of Africa.''
George Washington said, ``There is not a man living who wishes more
sincerely than I do to see a plan adopted for the abolition of
slavery.''
John Adams wrote that ``Every measure of prudence, therefore, ought
to be assumed for the eventual tota extirpation of slavery from the
United States . . . `' and ``I have, through my whole life, held the
practice of slavery in . . . abhorrence.''
Benjamin Franklin believed ``Slavery is . . . an atrocious debasement
of human nature.''
Alexander Hamilton cited racial prejudice as something that ``makes
us fancy many things that are founded neither in reason nor
experience.''
And James Madison wrote that ``We have seen the mere distinction of
color made in the most enlightened period of time, a ground of the most
oppressive dominion ever exercised by man over man.''
The words of our Founders indict anyone who would believe that white
supremacy or actions born out of that world view is in any way
defensible.
It does all Americans good to revisit our path out of darkness that
feeds racial injustice so that we never find ourselves slipping back,
but rather move forward knowing that we are all created equal and all
are created in God's image.
At the beginning of the American Revolution, slavery existed in all
the 13 original States, and the slave trade with Africa was carried on
unconstrained. Official actions to abolish slavery began in 1774,
before independence was even declared, and this moral movement gained
substantial ground over the next 35 years.
Delegates to the First Continental Congress in 1774 pledged to stop
the importation of slaves into America, and by 1798 every State had
outlawed slave importation. During the founding era, eight States
proceeded to abolish slavery, either gradually or immediately. Were
these good steps? Yes. Were they enough? Certainly not.
Congress passed the Northwest Ordinance in 1787, forbidding slavery
in the territory where the future States of Ohio, Indiana, Michigan,
Illinois, and Wisconsin would be established. This law proved to be
decisive in ending
[[Page H574]]
slavery in America. In the 1850s, Abraham Lincoln cited the Northwest
Ordinance frequently to show that the Founders opposed the expansion of
slavery. And, in the 1860s, these States, along with a number of their
fellow States, formed the coalition that elected Lincoln President, won
the Civil War, and abolished slavery nationwide.
The principle that all men are created equal and have a fundamental
right to liberty gave the emancipation movement its foundation.
As James Madison wrote in the Federalist Papers, defending the
ratification of the Constitution, the Constitution was grounded on
``the fundamental principles of the revolution,'' namely, ``the
transcendent laws of nature and of nature's God'' and ``the rights of
humanity announced in the Declaration of Independence.''
Our first Republican President, Lincoln, understood this well. When
Lincoln was a young man, he said the Founders established ``political
institutions, conducing more essentially to the ends of civil and
religious liberty, than any of which the history of former times tell
us.''
In the Gettysburg Address, President Lincoln explained that America
was ``conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all
men are created equal.'' As Lincoln argued to his opponent, Stephen
Douglas, this equality applies to all human beings, regardless of race.
When President Lincoln spoke of America's earlier days, he said, ``I
will remind Judge Douglas and this audience, that while Mr. Jefferson
was the owner of slaves, as undoubtedly he was, in speaking upon this
very subject, he used the strong language that he trembled for his
Nation when he remembered that God was just.''
Mr. Speaker, from my faith background, I will tell you, God is just,
and I do tremble when I consider his justice. I tremble when any
person, in any way, pretends that white supremacy has any affinity with
the Christian faith or its heritage, and, frankly, am very offended
when that is brought up. The Bible is clear on the equality of all
people. White people are entitled to no special privilege on this
Earth, and they will have no unique standing in heaven. In fact, my
Bible tells me we will all give account for what we do. Heaven is a
place where every person there is united in bowing before the God who
made us equal.
Knowing this, we understand that we should use this life to honor our
brothers and sisters without exception. As James tells us, ``If you
really fulfill the royal law according to the Scripture, `You shall
love your neighbor as yourself,' you are doing well. But if you show
partiality, you are committing sin.''
Partiality is unacceptable in God's economy, and racial prejudice
finds no shelter among American values. Favoritism rooted in racism is
evil in all its forms, including white supremacy and white nationalism.
Today, Madam Speaker, is a day like many others. Today, like every
day, the world is watching America to see if we still believe in
equality, if we still elevate human dignity at every turn, and if we
will reject hypocrisy whenever it tries to take root among us. Today,
our fellow citizens are watching to see their leaders live out the
American principles alongside them.
Today, I stand here with colleagues to reaffirm these values and
reject white supremacy as both dangerous and foolish. Its tenets are as
ridiculous as America's democracy is remarkable.
Today, Madam Speaker, our message is, as it ever was, that every
person is created equal in value, and that the hill of equality is one
Americans will stand tall to defend, and, yes, even die to defend.
We are all, Madam Speaker, created in God's wonderful image. He made
us and he breathed life into us. We are the very essence of his beloved
creation. There is not a person you will find today, Madam Speaker, no
one--I challenge you from the depths of any prison, to the sidewalks of
any major city, anywhere in this country, White, Black, any color
imaginable, any race imaginable, any place that they come from, male or
female--there is not one person you will find today that, when you look
into their eyes, they are not deeply beloved by their God who created
them, and how can we choose any different. Any ideology that comes in
face-to-face confrontation with God's creation is an abomination, and
that is exactly what this ideology is.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn), the distinguished majority whip.
Mr. CLYBURN. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the
time.
Madam Speaker, I want to say to my colleague, Mr. Collins, that I
wish to associate myself with the sentiments that he expressed here
today. However, I also rise today to speak of how the tale of two Kings
has brought us to this moment in history.
If he had been allowed to live, today would have been the 90th
birthday of Martin Luther King, Jr. Today, this august body stands
ready to vote to disapprove of Representative Steve King's recent
comments and condemn the evil concepts of white nationalism and white
supremacy.
White supremacy and white nationalism are evils, they are insidious,
and are clear and present dangers to our great Republic. Reported hate
crimes rose 17 percent last year, which was the third consecutive year
that we have seen an increase in this insidiousness. This is appalling
and unacceptable.
When elected representatives give cover and comfort to those who
spread racial divisiveness, we embolden those on the fringes of our
society, and we have seen some of the results: the massacre of nine
parishioners in historic Charleston's Emanuel AME Church at the hands
of a young man who believed he would be, in his words, ``rescued by
white nationalists after they took over the government;'' the murder of
11 Jewish worshippers at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh by a
gunman who believed the Jews were, in his words, ``waging a propaganda
war against Western civilization.''
The other term used by Mr. King in his comments to the New York
Times; and we saw in Charlottesville, Virginia, at the white
nationalists' Unite the Right rally, where they chanted the Nazi
phrase, ``blood and soil.''
{time} 1415
Some have questioned the timing of this resolution. Why now? they
ask.
My guidance, Madam Speaker, comes from Dr. King, who wrote in his
letter from the Birmingham jail: ``Time itself is neutral; it can be
used either destructively or constructively. More and more I feel,''
continued Dr. King, ``that the people of ill will have used time much
more effectively than have the people of good will.''
Then he closed his thought with these words: ``We must use time
creatively, in the knowledge that the time is always ripe to do
right.''
Now is the time to do right. We have reached a tipping point. Racial
divisiveness is a fault line that is ripping our Nation apart. This
body must speak out against this evil. The time has come to condemn
those of ill will and say that no part in our great Nation can be had
by them.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the
gentleman from South Carolina.
Mr. CLYBURN. Madam Speaker, when the French historian Alexis de
Tocqueville came to this country, he observed its greatness and set out
to find the genius that made it so. He wrote in his book ``Democracy in
America'' that: ``The greatness of America lies not in being more
enlightened than any other Nation, but rather in her ability to repair
her faults.''
White supremacy and white nationalism are faults that cannot be
repaired but must be removed.
White supremacy and white nationalism should be condemned by this
body, and I call upon my colleagues to join me in doing so.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the
gentleman from Iowa (Mr. King).
Mr. KING of Iowa. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Georgia
for yielding me time to address this issue.
I understand and recognize the gravity of this issue that is before
us. I can hear it from the voice of the gentleman from Georgia. I can
hear it from Mr. Clyburn. And I can hear it from Mr. Nadler.
I know all of you, and I think I know all of you well. I thought you
all knew
[[Page H575]]
me well. But I began to read this resolution, Madam Speaker, and I
started with the first ``whereas,'' and I am going to read it as it is
here: ``Whereas, on January 10, 2019, Representative Steve King was
quoted as asking, `White nationalist, white supremacist, Western
civilization' ''--there is a dash in there, a pause--`` `how did that
language become offensive?' ''
I understand how you interpreted my words when you read them this
way. There is no tape for this interview that I did. It was 56 minutes
long. There are some notes on the other end, but there is no tape.
There is no way to go back and listen. But I can tell you this: That
ideology never shows up in my head. I don't know how it could possibly
come out of my mouth.
So I am going to tell you that the words are likely what I said, but
I want to read it to you the way I believe I said it. And that is this:
``White nationalist, white supremacist, Western civilization--how did
that language become offensive? Why did I sit in classes teaching me
about the merits of our history and civilization''--that is the end of
the quote--just to watch ``Western civilization'' become a derogatory
term in political discourse today? That is what I believe happened.
And it is 13 words, ironically, that has caused this firestorm. And,
again, I regret that we are in this place. I read all of the rest of
the resolutions that are here.
Number two, I reject the ideology. The statement is true, Mr.
Clyburn.
Number three, same story. I reject the ideology that is noted in
here. Your statement is true.
As I read these so far down, number four, number five, all the way
through all of these resolutions, all of the ``whereases'' that are
here in this resolution, I agree with all of them.
I agree with every word that you have put in this. It is an honest
and a direct resolution put together to address a subject that has been
too long before the public dialogue in this country.
And when I look down at the ``resolved''--that is usually the meat of
these--it says: ``Resolved, That the House of Representatives once
again rejects white nationalism and white supremacy as hateful
expressions of intolerance that are contradictory to the values that
define the people of the United States.'' Well, I agree with that.
Just a couple of weeks ago, I stood on this floor with a Bible in my
hand, and I took an oath to support and defend the Constitution of the
United States. That Bible wasn't just a regular Bible picked up
somewhere. That was a shirt-pocket-sized leather Bible that my Great
Uncle John Richardson carried in his shirt pocket for 3 years in the
Civil War.
I come from a family of abolitionists. Maybe I would have some
artifacts from his cousin, my five times great-grandfather, if he
hadn't been killed in that conflict.
This means something to me, the abolitionism that goes clear back
into my family, and they paid a price with their lives to make sure
that all men, and now all women, are created equal, and we are endowed
by our Creator with certain unalienable rights. Those rights are life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
I absolutely believe in that. It is in my heart and my soul, and in
my works. By their fruits you shall know them.
But The New York Times has a different version of this. They make a
habit of attacking the President, as a matter of fact. And I look at
this language that is here, this resolution that the House of
Representatives once again rejects white nationalism, white supremacy,
and hateful expressions of intolerance that are contradictory to the
values that define the people of the United States. I agree with that
language, as I have said. But I would add to it the language that I
used on this floor, this very place, last Friday afternoon, when I said
I would strengthen it by adding my previous statements, which not only
correctly reject white nationalism and white supremacy as evil
ideologies, but also condemn anyone that supports this evil and bigoted
ideology that saw in its ultimate expression the systematic murder of 6
million innocent Jewish lives.
That is where I stand. That is what I believe.
So I want to compliment the gentleman from South Carolina for
bringing this resolution. I have carefully studied every word in this
resolution, and even though I would add some more that are stronger
language, I agree with the language in it.
So I want to ask my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, let's vote
for this resolution. I am putting up a ``yes'' on the board here
because what you state here is right, and it is true, and it is just,
and so is what I have stated here on the floor of the House of
Representatives.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, how much time do I have remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York has 11\1/2\
minutes remaining.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman. I beg to
differ with my good friend from Iowa. I do believe that we are all
created equal with certain inalienable rights. What I would say to him
is that Western civilization is what we all are. There is no
denigrating of Western civilization. It is what America is.
We are the greatest leader of Western civilization. We are the
greatest leader of the free world. But what we are speaking about is,
of course, the words ``white nationalism'' and ``white supremacy,'' for
it is clear that the FBI makes a direct point between dehumanizing and
derogatory comments, which come from white nationalists and white
supremacists, to the idea that it generates, as you have heard here on
the floor of the House. It generates the death of Dr. Martin Luther
King. It generates Charlottesville. It generates Charleston, South
Carolina. It generates hateful acts that result in death.
This is the kind of tolerating of this that we cannot suffer and the
intolerance that we cannot suffer. Because the idea of white
nationalism, as superior to others, and white supremacy indicates that
somebody else might die.
This resolution is an important resolution to affirm to this Congress
and this Nation that we believe that we all are created equal and, as
Dr. King said, that, ``We shall overcome.'' And, some day, we shall
overcome.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the
gentlewoman from West Virginia (Mrs. Miller).
Mrs. MILLER. Madam Speaker, I rise today to speak out against white
supremacy. As a Christian, I live my life by the guidance and teachings
of Jesus Christ and by the many great lessons in the Bible.
Matthew 7:12 tells us: ``So whatever you wish that others would do to
you, do also to them.''
This is the golden rule, that we treat every person as we wish to be
treated. This is why I stand here today to say that there is no place
for white supremacy, anti-Semitism, racism, or bigotry of any kind in
Congress.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Tennessee (Mr. Cohen), a distinguished member of the Judiciary
Committee.
Mr. COHEN. Madam Speaker, I thank Mr. Nadler for yielding me the
time.
Madam Speaker, I want to thank Mr. Clyburn for bringing this
resolution, and I want to thank the Republican leadership, Mr. McCarthy
and company, who have condemned white supremacist and white nationalist
language.
It is important that we come together and condemn this language
because, unfortunately, in Charlottesville, Virginia, we had Ku Klux
Klan people and neo-Nazis marching and saying: ``Jews will not replace
us in blood and soil.'' Our President said there were fine people on
both sides.
We must condemn bigotry, racial superiority, and hate whenever it
raises its ugly head so that it will not come back to bite us once
again.
So today, hopefully, in the House, we have done that. I commend my
Republican colleagues and Mr. Collins, and I hope that when hatred and
bigotry once against surface, raises its head, which it will, that we
will stand together as Americans to condemn it and not see fine people
on both sides.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the
gentleman from Utah (Mr. Stewart).
Mr. STEWART. Madam Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding. I rise
[[Page H576]]
in support of this resolution, which, again, rejects white nationalism
and white supremacy as hateful expressions of intolerance that are
contradictory to our values that define the people of the United
States.
I call on my colleagues, both Republicans and Democrats, to denounce
racial and religious bigotry of all stripes.
Like many, I do have some personal insight into this problem. It
doesn't come as a surprise to many that, being from Utah, I am a
Mormon. And my church, as many know, was founded in New York in the
early 1800s. We were driven further and further west as members of my
church were targeted, harassed, and killed for their sincerely held
religious beliefs, culminating in the murder of our founder and
subsequent decision to relocate to Utah.
My own ancestors were targeted in this bigotry. They lost their
possessions. They lost their lands. They lost their freedom. And in
some cases, they lost their lives. Unfortunately, such hatred still
exists today.
Three years ago, we witnessed the tragedy in Charleston, where a
deranged individual motivated by white supremacy shot and killed nine
Black worshipers and injured many others.
We remember the riots in Charlottesville, where a white nationalist
struck and killed a White woman who was protesting, once again, white
supremacy.
{time} 1430
But the problem is more widespread than just these individuals who
advocate for white supremacy. We also need to condemn anti-Semitism,
anti-Zionism, and those who enable it.
Last October, a perpetrator shot and killed 11 Jewish worshippers at
the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh, which we all remember.
All of these should be condemned by all of us here in this body:
Black, White, rich, poor, Muslim, Christian, or Jewish. We are all, I
believe, children of the same God.
I hope that the majority is sincere in ushering in this resolution to
the floor not as just an opportunity to shame one party as irredeemably
racist, but as a united statement against bigotry.
When bigotry goes unchallenged, it festers and rears its ugly head in
ways that test our Nation's greatest triumphs in shedding these
shameful practices of slavery and other types of racial and religious
intolerance. This is something that must unite this body. I hope that
it does, and I believe that it will.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished
gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline).
Mr. CICILLINE. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of Mr.
Clyburn's resolution condemning white supremacy and white nationalism.
Congressman Steve King's recent comments asserting that terms like
``white supremacist'' should be acceptable have rightly drawn strong
condemnation from both sides of the aisle in this Chamber. Sadly, these
comments are part of a well-documented history of embracing the far
right and making racist and anti-immigrant remarks for more than a
decade.
As all of us know, more and more people are feeling emboldened today
to publicly voice bigoted and evil views like these. We have seen it in
discussions around Charlottesville, the current debate on immigration,
and in criticism of football players silently and peacefully protesting
police brutality.
These views are contrary to our country's founding values of fairness
and equality. America was founded on the simple but powerful idea that
all are created equal and are worthy of dignity and respect.
White nationalism and white supremacy are a vile assault on that
magnificent ideal. These views belong on the ash heap of history. That
is exactly where this resolution will put them.
Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes.''
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Reschenthaler), who is a freshman.
Mr. RESCHENTHALER. Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Res.
41, a resolution rejecting white nationalism and white supremacy.
As a lifelong resident of southwestern Pennsylvania, I was devastated
by the shooting that killed 11 Jewish worshippers and wounded six
others at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, on
October 27, 2018. This despicable act of domestic terrorism reminded us
that evil is alive in this world and must be confronted in a spirit of
courage.
The day after this cowardly act of violence, I stood in solidarity
with Americans of all religions, all races, and all ethnicities at a
vigil honoring the victims of this heinous crime. There is no place for
this kind of thinking in our country.
When the rights of any community are under attack, all of our rights
are under attack. We must come together as a nation to stand up against
hatred, white nationalism, and bigotry in our country.
I commend the leadership of my party for their strong response to any
comments that divide our country, and I thank my colleague from South
Carolina for introducing this important resolution.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished
gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Demings).
Mrs. DEMINGS. Madam Speaker, it is surely a shame that it is
necessary in the year 2019 for the U.S. Congress to denounce white
nationalism in Congress.
As a police officer, I worked white supremacist rallies. The words
alone hurt enough, but as a police officer, I also saw vicious acts of
violence by those inspired by those hateful words.
Words do have consequences, and if you promote hateful, ignorant
beliefs, then you will be held accountable. Certainly, Congress should
lead the way.
This week, the ignorance of white nationalism was defended by one of
my colleagues. Today, as we recognize Dr. King's birthday, I am
reminded that Dr. King called on all Americans to enlist in a crusade
finally to end the race question and make it an ugly relic of a dark
past. But still we know hate crimes are on the rise. We understand why.
Madam Speaker, if we are who we say we are, a great nation, one
nation with liberty and justice for all, then we all must exercise our
power and take a stand so strong that even the white supremacists
cannot ignore it.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished
gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. Jayapal).
Ms. JAYAPAL. Madam Speaker, it has been an open secret for too long
that Representative Steve King of Iowa has made his trade in saying
and pushing fundamentally racist and unacceptable ideas. While I am
glad that my colleagues on the other side are speaking out and have
taken this important act of stripping Mr. King of his committees, let
us be very clear that those of us who have served with Mr. King on the
Judiciary Committee, those of us who are African American, Latino,
immigrant, those of us who are Caucasian and steeped in our country's
history of slavery and racism, we all know that the record of these
kinds of comments is long.
In 2013, Mr. King said that, for every Dreamer who is a
valedictorian, there are another 100 undocumented immigrants who have
calves the size of cantaloupes because they are hauling 75 pounds of
drugs across the border.
In 2017, he said that we couldn't restore civilization with
``somebody else's babies.'' Madam Speaker, how dare he. I was born in
India. I am somebody else's baby, and I am a proud American.
Just last year, Mr. King met with a Nazi-linked party in Austria. He
is a Member of Congress who continuously makes these comments that
cause the deepest of harm to real people, physical harm in the form of
hate crimes, and psychological harm.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield the gentlewoman from Washington an
additional 30 seconds.
Ms. JAYAPAL. Madam Speaker, all of us, whether African American,
people of color, immigrants, we are not other categories of people. We
are not somebody else. We are America, all of us.
The terrible truth is that racism and xenophobia escalates when
racism and white supremacy are permitted here in
[[Page H577]]
Congress and all the way up to the White House to be issues with both
sides. There are no both sides when it comes to white supremacy.
So, Madam Speaker, I hope that this is just the start of a definitive
partywide turn away from racism for all of us on both sides.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, how much time do I have remaining?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New York has 6 minutes
remaining.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to distinguished
gentleman from California (Mr. Swalwell).
Mr. SWALWELL of California. Madam Speaker, I rise to reject white
nationalism, to reject white supremacy, and to reject anyone who
supports these immoral ideas.
I reject Steve King. So does America.
Do you know what? So do the people of Iowa's Fourth Congressional
District.
How do I know that? Because I was born there to a police officer as a
father and a mom who raised four boys. The way that they raised us is
the way that every family in cities like Ames, Algona, and Sac City
raised their kids: to love each other, to love God, to work together,
and to believe that, in a community, we come together and that love
always conquers. They reject the bigotry that they hear day after day
from their Representative.
I want to make sure that every person in the United States knows that
what was expressed by our colleague is an exception and does not define
the hardworking people of western Iowa.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, may I inquire of the time
remaining in the debate.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Georgia has 3 minutes
remaining. The gentleman from New York has 5 minutes remaining.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to distinguished
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee).
Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, I thank Chairman Nadler for
yielding, and I also want to thank Majority Whip Clyburn for his
leadership in putting this resolution together.
Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, which
sends a clear message that we will not accept hate or bigotry within
this House.
Let me be clear: While Congressman King's comments condoning white
supremacy were abhorrent, they were not a surprise to many of us. In
years past, Congressman King has implied that Dreamers are drug
dealers; he has endorsed far right, authoritarian, and neo-Nazis
sympathizers; and he has repeatedly reiterated the belief that
multicultural communities are a threat to our society. These racist
beliefs should not be espoused by anyone, let alone a United States
Congressman.
I grew up in the Jim Crow South, Madam Speaker. I know that racism
and discrimination don't just cause pain. When these beliefs become
policies, which Congressman King votes on and writes, they
institutionalize a vicious system that people of color have to deal
with as it relates to being denied equal rights and equal respect.
These are the consequences of white supremacy.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield the gentlewoman an additional 30
seconds.
Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, I ask my colleagues in both
parties to vote today, on what would have been Dr. King's 90th
birthday, to condemn white nationalism and white supremacy.
Madam Speaker, I urge a ``yes'' vote on this resolution.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished
gentlewoman from California (Ms. Judy Chu).
Ms. JUDY CHU of California. Madam Speaker, as chair of the
Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus, I rise to reject white
nationalism and white supremacy. These philosophies divide us, teach
fear, and lead to violence. They are to blame for the worst of American
history, from slavery and Jim Crow to the fatal shooting of Sikhs at an
Oak Creek gurdwara and Jews at the Tree of Life synagogue.
White nationalism led to the passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act,
forcing Chinese immigrants like my grandfather to be condemned to life
as a second-class citizen. But today, his granddaughter stands here as
the first Chinese American woman in Congress.
I am not alone. This is the most diverse and representative Congress
in our history.
The message is clear: diversity has a place in Congress, prejudice
does not.
But white nationalism is finding a home in politics once again
through racist rhetoric and xenophobic misinformation aimed at
immigrants and others. Any attempt by politicians at any level to
encourage fear of those who look different must be rejected.
Madam Speaker, I urge support for this resolution.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished
gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Cunningham.)
Mr. CUNNINGHAM. Madam Speaker, I rise to support H. Res. 41 rejecting
white nationalism and white supremacy.
Today, on what would have been Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s 90th
birthday, I am honored to join Majority Whip Clyburn in denouncing the
racist remarks of Representative Steve King and condemning white
supremacy and white nationalism in all forms. Hatred and bigotry should
have no home in America, and certainly not one in the Halls of
Congress.
Dr. King was one of the finest citizens this country has produced: a
champion for justice and a fearless crusader for equality. Today and
every day, we must honor the life and legacy of Dr. King, while also
acknowledging the work which remains. We must strongly condemn hateful
expressions of intolerance wherever and whenever we see them.
America is strongest when we stand together. From the Lowcountry to
the heartland, I believe that today is a promising start.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Ryan).
Mr. RYAN. Madam Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution, but I
also believe that the House of Representatives should go one step
further, and I believe we should institute a censure for Mr. King to
signal to this country and to our children that this behavior is
unacceptable.
The underlying premise is that we have had leaders at the highest
levels down the street from here condone and continue to perpetuate
race-baiting and white supremacist language that is not good for this
country. We need to come together. We are a weaker country today
because we are so divided.
What this is all about is whether the United States is going to move
forward saying that we are a united country, that we respect
diversity--and not only respect it, but recognize that our diversity in
this country is our greatest strength. It is our greatest cultural
strength, and it is our greatest economic strength. This House needs to
take this resolution one step further.
{time} 1445
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my
time.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Allred) for a unanimous consent request.
(Mr. ALLRED asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. ALLRED. Madam Speaker, I rise to support the resolution against
white nationalism and against white supremacy.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, may I inquire the time I have
left.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Georgia has 3 minutes
remaining.
[[Page H578]]
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of
my time.
Madam Speaker, we have heard from many here today, and I think we
have all come to a common theme, and the common theme goes back to the
simple rule that most of us would have learned growing up--and we have
heard it referenced here today, but it may be as simple as in
kindergarten--you hold hands; you look after each other; you treat
people with respect no matter where they come from, what they look
like, what the color of their skin is, what their gender may be, or
what religion they may practice.
What is true on the floor today and what should be true in the hearts
of every American--and, frankly, not just every American, but those
around the world--is that we realize that we have been given a gift by
God, that we have been given the strength by God, and we have been
given the hope by God to treat each other with dignity, respect, and
love. When we understand that, then it takes away.
But we also, Madam Speaker, today have realized that, when we as
Members speak, people pay attention and people hold us accountable. We
have talked about that in many ways, and that cannot continue in the
way that we have seen it.
White supremacy is wrong. White nationalism is wrong. Anti-Semitism
is wrong.
When we divide ourselves and we classify ourselves against each
other, we bring ourselves down, not those whom we go after.
As long as we ever have anyone in this country who believes that they
can climb to the top on the backs of others because they make fun of
their race, their gender, their ethnicity, or any other thing, then we
devalue the very breath that God gives us.
Madam Speaker, as I said earlier when I opened this up, there is not
anyone we face today, anyone we come in contact with today who is not
inherently and deeply loved by God. And it is pretty simple; He
breathed life into them. I believe it with all that I am here.
And if I can believe that God created each and every person I see and
everything we see around us, how can I not value that creation? How can
I not stand against anyone who would tear that down, especially if
there was ever a thought in this country from anybody, anywhere, to
take and say this is a Christian value? Then I challenge them and say
there will be a judgment. It is already written down that no man stands
that way.
So today it is pretty simple. Place a ``yes'' vote on the floor. We
support this resolution because it is not an American value; it is not
what we stand for.
Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Krishnamoorthi) to close the debate on our
side.
Mr. KRISHNAMOORTHI. Madam Speaker, I rise on Martin Luther King,
Jr.'s birthday to urge passage of H. Res. 41 and to reject white
nationalism and supremacy in all its forms.
I applaud both sides for taking up this resolution in support of
rejecting white nationalism.
But today, Madam Speaker, I ask one question: Where does President
Trump stand on this resolution? Will President Trump do as we are doing
and reject white supremacy in all its forms?
So far, we have heard nothing but silence. I ask him to act and do
the same: reject white supremacy and white nationalism, today.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. RUSH. Madam Speaker, while I strongly condemn white supremacy and
white nationalism, my position remains unchanged. Anything short of
censure is shallow. Steve King has made a career of making racist
statements. That is the only thing he is known for and this pattern of
rabid racism must be confronted head on by the House of
Representatives. This resolution just restates the obvious. It does not
address Steve King's violent, vitriolic, and rabid racism. This
Democratic resolution is an insult to the legacy of Martin Luther King,
Jr. as we recognize his birthday. We must proceed with a vote to
censure him with the same zeal that the House used when censuring
Charlie Rangel. Yesterday, the notice I provided of my privileged
resolution to formally censure the Member from Iowa, started the clock
for a floor vote to punish him for his bigotry and racism. We need to
be clear to the American people that we use condemnation to express our
disapproval of those not in the House. We use censure for those in the
House, Steve King is a sitting member.
Ms. JOHNSON of Texas. Madam Speaker, I rise today to support the
gentleman from South Carolina's resolution condemning the recent
remarks of our colleague Steven King.
As we celebrate the 90th birthday of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., he
indicated that ``there comes a time when one must take a position that
is neither safe, nor politic, nor popular, but he must take it because
conscience tells him that it is right.''
Unfortunately, the recent rhetoric of Mr. King not only highlights
the wrongs of our nation's dark past, but it promotes a spirit of
division, bitterness and fear.
At a time when our nation is looking to its leaders to bring
confidence and security, we must take the steps toward unity and seek
out understanding and denounce thoughts that are divisive.
There is no room for such rhetoric in the most diverse Congress ever
and I stand with my colleagues to censure Congressman Steven King.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the
gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler) that the House suspend the rules
and agree to the resolution, H. Res. 41.
The question was taken.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
Mr. NADLER. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further
proceedings on this motion will be postponed.
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