[Congressional Record Volume 164, Number 160 (Thursday, September 27, 2018)]
[House]
[Pages H9146-H9148]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
GEORGE WASHINGTON
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Ms. Cheney). Under the Speaker's announced
policy of January 3, 2017, the Chair recognizes the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Gohmert) for 30 minutes.
Mr. GOHMERT. Madam Speaker, I appreciated so much hearing the
fantastic presentation about George Washington. It was interesting in
the last several months to hear a presentation by a biographer of
Benjamin Franklin over at the Library of Congress.
He was asked: Do you see anybody in America today, in politics, that
reminds you of Benjamin Franklin?
He said:
Well, I see, basically, a lot of different people with
different parts of Franklin. He was brilliant, genius, funny,
and clever.
But it is not like he was George Washington. There was only
one of those.
We heard from the director of the Society of the Cincinnati, which
has been around since the Revolution and is dedicated to the study of
the Revolution. It is particularly named for the Roman General
Cincinnatus who had come from the farm, won a great campaign, and went
back to the farm.
George Washington, it is very clear, could have been emperor or czar,
whatever title he wanted. There were at least a couple efforts to have
a military coup when the government was falling apart.
Washington replied to one effort. They told him he didn't even have
to participate in the coup. They would even agree, when he didn't want
to serve or passed away, that they would honor whomever he chose as his
subordinate. Basically, his response was: If you have any regard for me
or this Nation, you will never mention such a notion to anyone again.
What an incredible man George Washington was. He was a man of honor
and a man of integrity. His word was his bond.
That is why, for example, when he found out about Benedict Arnold, a
man who was really the hero of the Battle of Saratoga--it wasn't
General Gates; it was really Benedict Arnold--he couldn't believe it.
It just crushed him to his soul that this great leader, Benedict
Arnold, had turned on him and was ready to surrender him to the enemy.
He just couldn't believe, as such an incredible person of honor, that
somebody he trusted would be such a traitor.
We had a service in what was the largest Christian church in
Washington for 60 or so years. That happened to be the old House
Chamber down the hall. We had that last night led by Pastor Dan
Cummins; his wife, JoAnne; and an incredible singer, Steve Amerson.
I told people about the story of Isaac Potts. The big Potts family
had land in Pennsylvania where Washington wintered his Army at Valley
Forge. That was mainly on Potts land. Isaac Potts himself was a Quaker.
He didn't believe Christians should ever fight.
He was out in the woods. A painting that depicted that scene was
painted by Friberg. I am advised that there had been more prints made
of that painting than any other American painting in history. It was
Washington down on one knee beside his big, gray horse. He was praying
to God.
He had made mistakes as Commander of the United States, the
Revolution. Potts heard him pray. He prayed out loud. In the painting
he is seen with eyes closed basically looking down. My understanding is
normally he looked up and spoke out in prayer.
Alexander Hamilton found him on his knees praying in his tent many
times early in the morning when he had to interrupt him for something
important.
But there he was, out in the snow. Potts listened to him. When
Washington got on his big, gray horse and rode back into Valley Forge,
Potts hurried home.
First, he told his wife and told others. This was something that was
passed from Potts and his wife. They told it, and they retold it.
It had an incredible impact on this strong, Christian Quaker, because
he was totally against the Revolution. He thought it was a disastrous
mistake. He felt like no one who was a Christian could participate in a
revolution, in any kind of military operation.
But there was fake news back in those days, too. There was a
biographer in the early 1800s who was trying to disprove that George
Washington was a man of faith, a Christian.
Peter Lillback in his big, wonderful book regarding George Washington
takes on all of that fake news back in the day. That includes the early
biographer's account that everyone had heard the story about Isaac
Potts. But he said that, in essence, he had talked to witnesses or
people who thought it actually may not have ever happened.
Kind of like news today, you don't talk to the people who were actual
witnesses. You talk to people who don't know firsthand anything. All
they know is hearsay, and they just happen to support your particular
position.
By the way, ``George Washington's Sacred Fire'' is the name of Peter
Lillback's book.
That night, Potts came back. We know what was said because it was
repeated over and over again by Isaac Potts and by his wife. His
granddaughter reduced it to writing. He said that Washington prayed out
loud, and in his prayer, and this is quoting, ``He utterly disclaimed
all ability of his own for this arduous conflict.''
We are talking about George Washington, 6 foot 4, even though
Chernow's book said he was a little shorter than 6 foot 2. That was one
of the numerous mistakes in Chernow's book. There is no question at
all. It is indisputable that when Washington in 1799 was flat on a
slab, he was 6 foot 3\1/2\.
But, in any event, this big, athletic, courageous man of faith,
according to Potts, ``wept at the thought of that irretrievable ruin
which his mistakes might bring on his country.'' Potts said: ``And with
the patriot's pathos spreading the interests of unborn millions before
the eye of Eternal Mercy, he implored the aid of that arm which guides
the starry host.''
Now, that is an incredible human being. His biographers, as the
director of the Society of the Cincinnati had pointed out, say that
there has never been anybody like him.
When I was on islands south of India some years back on a trip where
we had gone to check on our Special Forces, I had a leader there tell
me:
We are a new democracy, and we are always hearing about a
potential military coup to overthrow our elected government.
He paused. He looked at me, and he said:
We never had a George Washington to set the proper example
here, so we are always worried about a coup.
He was an incredible man.
Potts said: ``I have seen this day what I shall never forget. Till
now, I have thought that a Christian and a soldier were characters
incompatible; but if George Washington be not a man of God, I am
mistaken, and still more shall I be disappointed if God do not through
him perform some great thing for this country.''
So Isaac Potts was talking about a man known since 1755 in the French
and Indian War for his relentless courage, his leadership, and his
faith. As he said of a battle of the French and Indian War:
That night when I took off my coat, I had bullet holes
through and through my coat, but I had not a scratch on me. I
took off my hat, and it had bullet holes through it.
But he shook out his hair. Fragments flew everywhere.
He said: Truly, I was protected by divine providence.
And he truly was.
Indians referred to him from that battle as the man God would not let
die.
He was such a man of honor and integrity that set this country on a
path to freedom and into being a light on the hilltop.
As a former President of the Czech Republic told me last night here,
he said: America has always been seen, even when we disagreed with it,
as that light on the hilltop. It was a beacon. It was showing the way
for truth.
He said: You don't have that light on the hill here anymore.
We can get it back. But Washington, of course, in his ``Farewell
Address''
[[Page H9147]]
warned about the dangers of political parties. He encouraged us not to
use them and not to have them. But we have.
{time} 1745
As I think about things that I was told by Africans in West Africa,
what the former President of the Czech Republic said last night, and so
many comments in so many parts of the world about even when they
disagreed with this, they knew America wanted to do what was right.
They wanted to create fairness in the world. Yet, they provided hope
for people around the world, like Natan Sharansky talked about in the
Soviet Gulag when he heard the courageous comments of President Reagan.
But when political parties, political operatives have more of the
characteristics of the former hero of the Battle of Saratoga when he
became a traitor, more desirous of their own political gain, their own
personal gain, their own political power, than just doing what is
right, this country as we have known it as a light on the hill, as so
many countries around the world have known us for so long, it won't be
there.
I deeply regret when I hear how some of our children have been
educated, and you talk to some young people who think that socialism is
a better way to go. They have never been taught that socialism, though
it sounds lovely, has never worked.
The only way you can have a socialist country is if the government
has all the power; the individual has no rights against the government;
and the government takes all, provides all, has complete discretion in
what it thinks is fair and what is not fair. Individual rights, as we
have been afforded in our Bill of Rights and our Constitution, have to
go, in order to have a socialist country.
It is heartbreaking to hear even people on this House floor talk
about how important it is to move on to being a progressive--meaning a
socialist, communist country--which basically is a denial of the rights
and the limited power in the Constitution. It is actually a breach of
our oath to our Constitution to be pushing such an idea as socialism,
communism, or progressivism, because you can't have the rights under
our Bill of Rights and have socialism, progressivism, communism.
Back around 1960, 1961, Khrushchev appointed a committee to come up
with a plan of how the Soviet Union would conveniently move to that
nirvana type of state where there was no more government and everyone
shared and shared alike. But he eventually realized you can never have
socialism or communism without a totalitarian government that does not
afford its citizens rights that Americans have had in our history.
Victor Davis Hanson has a great article from September 25, entitled:
``We Are Living Orwell's 1984.'' It is well written, well reasoned.
I said some months back--and was actually accurately quoted--when I
said the only thing Orwell appears to have gotten wrong was the date.
It wasn't 1984. Instead of the eye in our homes watching for the
government, they do it through our phones; they do it through our
computers. They can do it through listening devices.
Of course, what did we do on the House floor yesterday? We voted to
given more power to the Federal Government to get our bank records.
Without the need of honoring the Fourth Amendment, honoring the
doctrine, the requirement of probable cause, without a warrant, the
government can get your bank records.
It won't be too difficult to do, as if we needed to add more power to
the Patriot Act at a time when we have seen how weaponized the
Department of Justice, the FBI, and, to a lesser extent, some of our
intel has been weaponized.
They need more power to just disregard warrants? Really?
Hanson says:
``Truth, due process, evidence, rights of the accused: All are swept
aside in pursuit of the progressive agenda.
``George Orwell's 1949 dystopian novel `Nineteen Eighty-Four' is no
longer fiction. We are living it right now.
``Google techies planned to massage Internet searches to emphasize
correct thinking. A member of the so-called deep state, in an anonymous
op-ed, brags that its `resistance' is undermining an elected President.
The FBI, CIA, DOJ, and NSC were all weaponized in 2016 to ensure that
the proper President would be elected--the choice adjudicated by
properly progressive ideology. Wearing a wire is now redefined as
simply flipping on an iPhone and recording your boss, boy- or
girlfriend, or coworkers.
``But never has the reality that we are living in a surreal age been
clearer than during the strange cycles of Christine Blasey Ford's
accusations against Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh.
``In Orwell's world of 1984 Oceania, there is no longer a sense of
due process, free inquiry, rules of evidence and cross-examination,
much less a presumption of innocence until proven guilty. Instead,
regimented ideology--the supremacy of state power to control all
aspects of one's life to enforce a fossilized idea of mandated
quality--warps everything from the use of language to private life.
``Senator Dianne Feinstein and the other Democrats on the Senate
Judiciary Committee had long sought to destroy the Brett Kavanaugh
nomination. Much of their paradoxical furor over his nomination arises
from the boomeranging of their own past political blunders, such as
when Democrats ended the filibuster on judicial nominations in 2013.
They also canonized the so-called 1992 Biden Rule, which holds that the
Senate should not consider confirming the Supreme Court nomination of a
lame-duck President . . . in an election year.
``Rejecting Kavanaugh proved a hard task, given that he had a long
record of judicial opinions and writings--and there was nothing much in
them that would indicate anything but a sharp mind, much less any
ideological, racial, or sexual intolerance. His personal life was
impeccable, his family admirable.
``Kavanaugh was no combative Robert Bork, but congenial, and he
patiently answered all the questions asked of him, despite constant
demonstrations and pre-planned street theater interruptions from the
Senate gallery and often obnoxious grandstanding by `I am Spartacus'
Democratic Senators.
``So Kavanaugh was going to be confirmed unless a bombshell
revelation derailed the vote. And so we got a bombshell.''
He goes on to talk about what has happened to Judge Brett Kavanaugh.
He, in part, basically has indicated today, still showing class and
respect, that he doesn't doubt the allegations by Ms. Ford, but it
certainly was not him.
But if you look at her testimony, she has no hesitation in pulling
out what she claims was an incident 35 years ago, maybe it was 34,
maybe it was 36. Maybe it was at a home, maybe it wasn't.
Yet, she regales us with statements like she will never forget these
details. Basically, they have haunted her whole life, even though we
had been led to believe this was some type of repressed memory that
didn't come out until she needed marital counseling and she was trying
to save her marriage.
But there was a time in America when someone who was shown to be a
class person, a true, iconic judge, a Justice, would have hesitation by
anyone wanting to destroy or assassinate their character. In America,
if you are going to destroy the reputation of someone who spent a life
building an excellent reputation as demonstrated by all those who knew
him well, then you would be reluctant to come forward with a very hazy
memory that had all kinds of holes in it. You would be reluctant to
call names and name names that you haven't named for 36 years.
There was a time when character mattered so much. For someone who
felt an injustice, a terrible thing, had been done to them, they would
care so deeply and have such sympathy for others, wanting to avoid the
kind of heartache they say they had experienced, that they would never
want to falsely accuse anyone with a very faulty memory of something
decades before.
That was back, though, at a time when America was that light on the
hill that other national statesmen from other countries had seen the
United States as being. That was a time when character mattered.
[[Page H9148]]
That was a time when people felt that our Founders had the right
idea. We are not going to be like England and say you are guilty until
you can prove yourself innocent. We were not going to take up such
Orwellian standards.
Under the Founders' principles, they felt it would be better to let
somebody guilty go free than to imprison an innocent person.
But things have changed. I think the light on the hill is still
there. It is flickering. It may go out soon. But God has given us a
chance to rekindle the fire.
It won't be rekindled, and it will be snuffed out for good if people
in this building continue to put partisan politics ahead of truth,
honor, justice, and decency.
{time} 1800
So what happens from here is up to us. Those of us who are elected to
serve in this government, we can follow the track that has been laid in
recent days, or we can say we are going to get back to where character
matters, people are innocent until proven guilty, and we don't
assassinate characters simply because we disagree with them
politically, so any allegation we make, as Ted Kennedy once did of
Robert Bork, as Harry Reid did of Mitt Romney--it is okay to lie about
people if you are able to prevent them from serving honorably in
government.
We are at a crossroads, and I hope and pray--as Robert Frost was able
to say--we can say someday, ``. . . and I took the road less traveled
by. And that has made all the difference.''
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
____________________