[Congressional Record Volume 164, Number 144 (Tuesday, August 28, 2018)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5982-S5987]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                        REMEMBERING JOHN McCAIN

  Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, I have been watching as Senators have 
come to the floor over the past couple days to pay tribute to John 
McCain, to share their stories, and to reflect on a full life of 
service to his country.
  I have known John McCain for 25 years, not as long as some of my 
colleagues, but long enough to take the measure of the man and to 
appreciate his dedication to his family, to the U.S. military, to the 
Senate, to Arizona, and to the Nation.
  He was a statesman and a global citizen, and our loss is all the 
deeper because we are living in a time where people like John are in 
short supply.
  Like many others, I had my disagreements with John and found myself 
on the wrong end of his temper, but more often, I saw him as a man of 
ideals and a man who stood up for what he believed in.
  For me, nowhere was this as strong and clear as on the issue of 
torture, and I wanted to talk a little bit about that today and really 
to share my appreciation for him.
  It was June 2013, and John McCain and I were visiting Guantanamo Bay, 
Cuba, to see the detention facilities that had been hastily put 
together after the invasion of Afghanistan in September 2001. It was a 
hot, sunny, sultry day. We had toured the base, received briefings and 
boxed lunches from the commander, and looked at three separate 
detention facilities.
  It was clear that the officers and enlisted personnel were working 
under difficult conditions, dealing with enemy combatants with little 
contact with the outside world and no sense of what would happen to 
them.
  John McCain, as always, praised the troops for their service and took 
whatever time was required to take pictures with them, but he, like me 
and like Presidents Bush and Obama, had called for Guantanamo to shut 
down.
  I remember we were flying home on the last flight of the day--after 
two boat rides, after seeing the facility where forced intubations were 
done to feed hunger-striking detainees, and after hearing about the 
daily infractions committed by the detainees against the guards.
  The conversation turned to the conditions of detention we had just 
seen and the detainees being held at Naval Station Guantanamo Bay.
  John opened up about his years in the Navy and his time as a prisoner 
of war.
  I learned for the first time the depth and breadth of his suffering, 
but also his perseverance and his intensity.
  John told us about his years as a captive in Hanoi and how one of the 
things he and his fellow prisoners did was work out a tap code, similar 
to Morse code.
  They tapped on walls, day after day, year after year. They tapped out 
messages. I read earlier this week of an account of tapping out poems 
that other POWs had learned in school.
  So there we were on that airplane, flying to Washington from 
Guantanamo Bay, and John starts tapping, speaking using his code. After 
all those years, he could still use the tap code like second nature.
  John was unusual, but in a very good way.
  As the son and grandson of admirals, John was born and bred in 
military tradition and the ideals of public service. He worried that he 
wouldn't live up to his family's traditions or expectations. John often 
joked about how bad of a student he was at Annapolis, but even though 
his father was an admiral and he could have used the help, John never 
sought nor accepted special treatment.
  John was brutalized. Although both arms and a leg were broken in a 
plane crash in Vietnam, he received no medical treatment. His torturers 
regularly beat him, rebreaking one arm and cracking his ribs. He was 
held in solitary confinement for years, in unimaginable conditions.
  When the North Vietnamese offered to release John early, he refused. 
Other servicemen had been in custody longer, and he wasn't going to 
allow his father and his grandfather's position to bring him special 
favor.
  But John was able to emerge from that hell with a sense of humor and 
such an amazing strength of purpose. How he did so is simply 
remarkable.
  I knew John for decades, but it was just in the last 5 years that I 
worked particularly close with him on the issue of torture.
  He was already recognized in the Senate as the leader on torture 
issues, having recently authored the Detainee Treatment Act and 
important amendments to the Military Commissions Act to ban cruel, 
inhuman, and degrading treatment or punishment during the Bush 
administration.
  Starting in 2009, the Intelligence Committee began work on what ended 
up being a 7,000-page report on the CIA detention and interrogation 
program after 9/11.
  By the time we were finishing the report, John was chairman of the 
Armed Services Committee.
  As an ex officio member of the Intelligence Committee, he was aware 
of what our investigation had found, and he knew how controversial our 
findings would be. Nonetheless, he approached me and said he wanted to 
help. To say I was grateful would be an understatement.
  John had an innate and immutable sense of what was right. More to the 
point, he knew from personal experience what torture can do, and he 
knew that torture doesn't work to elicit accurate information. It is 
wrong, and we shouldn't practice it.
  I remember the day we released the report. I spoke on the floor about 
the report and everything we found, but no one could match the 
eloquence of John, who spoke immediately after me. I was so grateful to 
have a friend and a partner, literally standing across the aisle on 
that day.
  Here is what he said about the use of torture: ``I know from personal 
experience that the abuse of prisoners will produce more bad than good 
intelligence.
  ``I know victims of torture will offer intentionally misleading 
information if they think their captors will believe it.

[[Page S5983]]

  ``I know they will say whatever they think their torturers want them 
to say if they believe it will stop their suffering.
  ``Most of all, I know the use of torture compromises that which most 
distinguishes us from our enemies--our belief that all people, even 
captured enemies, possess basic human rights which are protected by 
international conventions the United States not only joined but for the 
most part authored.''
  There was no better spokesman against torture or for the report. When 
John McCain spoke on this floor in support of this report, people took 
notice and paid attention.
  It wasn't just John's experience that made him so powerful on this 
subject. You could tell that he wholeheartedly believed what he was 
saying.
  Here is how John wrapped up his remarks that day: ``We have made our 
way in this often dangerous and cruel world not by just strictly 
pursuing our geopolitical interests, but by exemplifying our political 
values and influencing other nations to embrace them.
  ``When we fight to defend our security, we fight also for an idea--
not for a tribe or a twisted interpretation of an ancient religion or 
for a King--but for an idea that all men are endowed by the Creator 
with inalienable rights.
  ``How much safer the world would be if all nations believed the same. 
How much more dangerous it can become when we forget it ourselves, even 
momentarily.''
  I ask unanimous consent that Senator McCain's remarks from December 
9, 2014, be printed in the Record immediately following my remarks.
  Of course, John also didn't just talk about those issues that he 
cared deeply about; he also acted.
  We knew the report would shine a light on what the CIA had done, but 
it didn't do anything concrete to make sure this would never happen 
again.
  John knew how the prior White House and Department of Justice had 
concocted twisted legal analyses that said techniques like stress 
positions, sleep deprivation, and waterboarding did not violate 
existing law. He had already passed legislation to prevent abuses by 
the Department of Defense, going back to the Detainee Treatment Act of 
2005.
  The Office of Legal Counsel in 2002 had given the legal approval to 
the CIA, even though laws were already on the books that clearly 
prohibited these acts.
  U.S. domestic law already banned the use of torture, which it defined 
as ``an act committed by a person acting under the color of law 
specifically intended to inflict severe physical or mental pain or 
suffering (other than pain or suffering incidental to lawful sanctions) 
upon another person within his custody or physical control.''
  The United States was and remains a signatory to the Geneva 
Conventions and the Convention Against Torture, which similarly banned 
torture, as well as cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment and 
punishment.
  Nonetheless, the CIA had developed--through the use of two 
contractors, so-called enhanced interrogation techniques, and the 
Department of Justice had said they were acceptable.
  John believed, as did I, that if lawyers could find legal loopholes 
to allow the CIA to waterboard people in its custody, then the laws 
needed to be tightened.
  We came up with a simple fix to make the law explicit and crystal 
clear. In an amendment that John sponsored to the defense authorization 
bill, we applied the restrictions of the Army Field Manual across the 
government, including to the CIA.
  This manual not only bans specific interrogation techniques; it lays 
out those techniques that are authorized for use. Never again could a 
DOJ lawyer or a CIA interrogator mistake what was lawful from what was 
not.
  The amendment also mandated that the International Committee of the 
Red Cross be allowed access to all detainees in U.S. custody, thereby 
ending the possibility of secret, undisclosed detention.
  With his leadership, the amendment passed by a strong 78-21 vote, so 
that torture and cruel and degrading treatment will never be allowed.
  Of course, John was prolific during his years in the Senate, and many 
Senators have spoken about other aspects of his work.
  He traveled the world as a champion for democracy, visiting countries 
like Syria and Ukraine and doing all he could to improve the lives of 
millions.
  He was a critical player in the process to restart diplomatic 
relations with Vietnam.
  John was never afraid to reach across the aisle, most notably when he 
joined with Russ Feingold on campaign finance reform legislation.
  John had a firm sense of right and wrong, and you saw that every day 
in the issues he worked on.
  John McCain's life was one of strength and of commitment. He was a 
great patriot and a fine, fine U.S. Senator. He worked for this country 
to better it for 60 years. That is a pretty good record, and I am 
thankful for the opportunity to have known him and worked with him.
  To Cindy and the rest of John's family, my heart goes out to you, but 
rest well knowing that you had a great man in your lives.
  There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in 
the Record, as follows:

          Senator John McCain Floor Remarks--December 9, 2014

       Madam President, I wish to begin by expressing my 
     appreciation and admiration to the personnel who serve in our 
     intelligence agencies, including the CIA, who are out there 
     every day defending our Nation.
       I have read the executive summary and I also have been 
     briefed on the entirety of this report. I rise in support of 
     the release--the long-delayed releasea--of the Senate 
     Intelligence Committee's summarized unclassified review of 
     the so-called enhanced interrogation techniques that were 
     employed by the previous administration to extract 
     information from captured terrorists. It is a thorough and 
     thoughtful study of practices that I believe not only failed 
     their purpose to secure actionable intelligence to prevent 
     further attacks on the United States and our allies, but 
     actually damaged our security interests as well as our 
     reputation as a force for good in the world.
       I believe the American people have a right--indeed a 
     responsibility--to know what was done in their name, how 
     these practices did or did not serve our interests, and how 
     they comported with our most important values.
       I commend Chairwoman Feinstein and her staff for their 
     diligence in seeking a truthful accounting of policies I hope 
     we will never resort to again. I thank them for persevering 
     against persistent opposition from many members of the 
     intelligence community, from officials in two 
     administrations, and from some of our colleagues.
       The truth is sometimes a hard pill to swallow. It sometimes 
     causes us difficulties at home and abroad. It is sometimes 
     used by our enemies in attempts to hurt us. But the American 
     people are entitled to it nonetheless. They must know when 
     the values that define our Nation are intentionally 
     disregarded by our security policies, even those policies 
     that are conducted in secret. They must be able to make 
     informed judgments about whether those policies and the 
     personnel who supported them were justified in compromising 
     our values, whether they served a greater good, or whether, 
     as I believe, they stained our national honor much harm, and 
     little practical good.
       What were the policies? What was their purpose? Did they 
     achieve it? Did they make us safer, less safe, or did they 
     make no difference? What did they gain us? What did they cost 
     us?
       What did they gain us? What did they cost us? The American 
     people need the answers to these questions. Yes, some things 
     must be kept from public disclosure to protect clandestine 
     operations, sources, and methods, but not the answers to 
     these questions. By providing them, the committee has 
     empowered the American people to come to their own decisions 
     about whether we should have employed such practices in the 
     past and whether we should consider permitting them in the 
     future.
       This report strengthens self-government and ultimately, I 
     believe, American security and stature in the world. I thank 
     the committee for that valuable public service.
       I have long believed some of these practices amounted to 
     torture as a reasonable person would define it, especially 
     but not only the practice of waterboarding, which is a mock 
     execution and an exquisite form of torture. Its use was 
     shameful and unnecessary, and, contrary to assertions made by 
     some of its defenders and as the committee's report makes 
     clear, it produced little useful intelligence to help us 
     track down the perpetrators of 9/11 or prevent new attacks 
     and atrocities.
       I know from personal experience that the abuse of prisoners 
     will produce more bad than good intelligence. I know victims 
     of torture will offer intentionally misleading information if 
     they think their captors will believe it. I know they will 
     say whatever they think their torturers want them to say if 
     they believe it will stop their suffering. Most of all, I 
     know the use of torture compromises that which most 
     distinguishes us from our enemies--our belief that all 
     people, even captured enemies, possess basic human rights 
     which are protected by international

[[Page S5984]]

     conventions the United States not only joined but for the 
     most part authored.
       I know too that bad things happen in war. I know that in 
     war good people can feel obliged for good reasons to do 
     things they would normally object to and recoil from. I 
     understand the reasons that governed the decision to resort 
     to these interrogation methods, and I know that those who 
     approved them and those who used them were dedicated to 
     securing justice for victims of terrorist attacks and to 
     protecting Americans from further harm. I know their 
     responsibilities were grave and urgent and the strain of 
     their duty was onerous. I respect their dedication, and I 
     appreciate their dilemma. But I dispute wholeheartedly that 
     it was right for them to use these methods which this report 
     makes clear were neither in the best interests of justice, 
     nor our security, nor the ideals we have sacrificed so much 
     blood and treasure to defend.
       The knowledge of torture's dubious efficacy and my moral 
     objection to the abuse of prisoners motivated my sponsorship 
     of the Detainee Treatment Act of 2005, which prohibits 
     ``cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment'' of captured 
     combatants, whether they wear a nation's uniform or not, and 
     which passed the Senate by a vote of 90 to 9.
       Subsequently, I successfully offered amendments to the 
     Military Commissions Act of 2006, which, among other things, 
     prevented the attempt to weaken Common Article 3 of the 
     Geneva Conventions and broadened definitions in the War 
     Crimes Act to make the future use of waterboarding and other 
     ``enhanced interrogation techniques'' punishable as war 
     crimes.
       There was considerable misinformation disseminated then 
     about what was and wasn't achieved using these methods in an 
     effort to discourage support for the legislation. There was a 
     good amount of misinformation used in 2011 to credit the use 
     of these methods with the death of Osama bin Laden. And there 
     is, I fear, misinformation being used today to prevent the 
     release of this report, disputing its findings and warning 
     about the security consequences of their public disclosure.
       Will the report's release cause outrage that leads to 
     violence in some parts of the Muslim world? Yes, I suppose 
     that is possible and perhaps likely. Sadly, violence needs 
     little incentive in some quarters of the world today. But 
     that doesn't mean we will be telling the world something it 
     will be shocked to learn. The entire world already knows we 
     waterboarded prisoners. It knows we subjected prisoners to 
     various other types of degrading treatment. It knows we used 
     black sites, secret prisons. Those practices haven't been a 
     secret for a decade. Terrorists might use the report's 
     reidentification of the practices as an excuse to attack 
     Americans, but they hardly need an excuse for that. That has 
     been their life's calling for a while now.
       What might come as a surprise not just to our enemies but 
     to many Americans is how little these practices did aid our 
     efforts to bring 9/11 culprits to justice and to find and 
     prevent terrorist attacks today and tomorrow. That could be a 
     real surprise since it contradicts the many assurances 
     provided by intelligence officials on the record and in 
     private that enhanced interrogation techniques were 
     indispensable in the war against terrorism. And I suspect the 
     objection of those same officials to the release of this 
     report is really focused on that disclosure--torture's 
     ineffectiveness--because we gave up much in the expectation 
     that torture would make us safer--too much.
       Obviously, we need intelligence to defeat our enemies, but 
     we need reliable intelligence. Torture produces more 
     misleading information than actionable intelligence. And what 
     the advocates of harsh and cruel interrogation methods have 
     never established is that we couldn't have gathered as good 
     or more reliable intelligence from using humane methods.
       The most important lead we got in the search for bin Laden 
     came from using conventional interrogation methods. I think 
     it is an insult to the many intelligence officers who have 
     acquired good intelligence without hurting or degrading 
     prisoners to assert that we can't win these wars without such 
     methods. Yes, we can and we will.
       But in the end torture's failure to serve its intended 
     purpose isn't the main reason to oppose its use. I have often 
     said and I will always maintain that this question isn't 
     about our enemies; it is about us. It is about who we were, 
     who are, and who we aspire to be. It is about how we 
     represent ourselves to the world.
       We have made our way in this often dangerous and cruel 
     world not by just strictly pursuing our geopolitical 
     interests but by exemplifying our political values and 
     influencing other nations to embrace them. When we fight to 
     defend our security, we fight also for an idea--not for a 
     tribe or a twisted interpretation of an ancient religion or 
     for a King but for an idea that all men are endowed by the 
     Creator with inalienable rights. How much safer the world 
     would be if all nations believed the same. How much more 
     dangerous it can become when we forget it ourselves, even 
     momentarily.
       Our enemies act without conscience. We must not. This 
     executive summary of the committee's report makes clear that 
     acting without conscience isn't necessary. It isn't even 
     helpful in winning this strange and long war we are fighting. 
     We should be grateful to have that truth affirmed.
       Now, let us reassert the contrary proposition: that is it 
     essential to our success in this war that we ask those who 
     fight it for us to remember at all times that they are 
     defending a sacred ideal of how nations should be governed 
     and conduct their relations with others--even our enemies.
       Those of us who give them this duty are obliged by history, 
     by our Nation's highest ideals and the many terrible 
     sacrifices made to protect them, by our respect for human 
     dignity, to make clear we need not risk our national honor to 
     prevail in this or any war. We need only remember in the 
     worst of times, through the chaos and terror of war, when 
     facing cruelty, suffering, and loss, that we are always 
     Americans and different, stronger, and better than those who 
     would destroy us.
       Madam President, I yield the floor.

  Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, today I would like to honor the late Senator 
John McCain. I appreciate having this opportunity to celebrate the life 
and accomplishments of John McCain and to mourn him as he has lost his 
battle with cancer. His loss will be deeply felt by all of us here in 
the Senate, not only by those of us who served with him, but also by 
the many staff and individuals he has worked with over time.
  Senator McCain was a true patriot who dedicated his life to serving 
others. His dedication to his country and its defense was unmatched. 
After graduating from the Naval Academy, he served for two decades in 
the Navy. He was tested as only few men ever are after his plane 
crashed in Vietnam. He showed incredible resilience and moral fortitude 
during his time as a prisoner of war. After leaving the Navy, he 
represented the great State of Arizona in Congress for 35 years, first 
in the House and later in the Senate. His sense of duty, loyalty, 
honor, and compassion were bedrock strong and served to guide him in 
his long career of public service.
  He rightfully earned his Maverick moniker during his long public 
career with his iron strength of will to stand up and fight for what he 
believed was right, no matter the political consequences. He was 
renowned for his support of the military. John showed unwavering 
support to freedom, democracy, and the country he loved. He found it in 
himself to push to reopen ties to Vietnam, believing that was how we 
could begin to heal the wounds of war. He was a lively speaker, a 
straight talker, and a prodigious leader, but more than that, he was a 
good man. 1 had the opportunity to work with John on several pieces of 
legislation over time, and every time, I was impressed with his ability 
to cut right to the heart of an issue. He always put what he thought 
would be best for his constituents and America above any political 
concerns or niceties. He was passionate throughout his long years of 
service to the people of Arizona.
  John was a man of faith. He had a quiet faith, one that was beyond 
simple expression. It meant, when he did speak of his faith, it made it 
that much more impactful. He once recounted how it was his faith in 
God, faith in his fellow prisoners, and faith in his country that 
helped him make it through his time as a prisoner of war in Vietnam. In 
an interview John gave in 2008, he shared what it meant to him to be a 
Christian, ``It means I'm saved and forgiven.'' During that same 
interview, he mentioned a guard at that prisoner of war camp in Vietnam 
who shared his faith one Christmas. ``He stood there for a minute, and 
with his sandal on the dirt in the courtyard, he drew a cross and he 
stood there, and a minute later, he rubbed it out, and walked away. For 
a minute there, there were just two Christians worshipping together.'' 
His moral compass was guided strongly by his faith in God, and it meant 
that he always did what he thought was right, rather than doing what 
was easy. I know that his quiet devotion and many of his other 
qualities earned him respect from Members on both sides of the aisle.
  While America is remembering a war hero, veteran, Senator, and 
Presidential candidate, his family is remembering a husband, a father, 
a brother and experiencing a world that seems incomplete without him in 
it. My wife Diana and I send our thoughts and deepest prayers to his 
wife Cindy and the entire McCain family, as we mourn the passing of an 
American hero.
  How can I adequately praise the life of a man who has had such a long 
and storied career, one with so many accomplishments? In an interview, 
John talked about how he would want to be remembered. He wanted people 
to remember him as a guy who ``served his

[[Page S5985]]

country.'' I intend to do just that. John McCain served his country. He 
served it well. America will never forget that service.
  Thank you. God bless you. May you find peace.
  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I come to the floor to today to pay 
tribute to an American hero, a beloved colleague, and a friend, a man 
who lived a life that embodied service, sacrifice, and statesmanship, a 
patriot whose presence here in the U.S. Senate will be sorely missed 
for years to come but whose legacy will last for generations.
  As so many of my colleagues have said in recent days, you never 
forget your first time meeting Senator John McCain. For me, it was 
early 2006, when I was appointed to the U.S. Senate and in the midst of 
my campaign for a full term that November. Naturally, I wanted to 
establish a record that could show I was an effective Senator. I had 
submitted an amendment to the budget aimed at reducing the burden on 
New Jersey taxpayers, and while the Republican majority wasn't thrilled 
I was the one putting it forward at the time, it had strong bipartisan 
support. It could have easily passed with a voice vote but I wanted to 
get my colleagues on the record. I wanted a rollcall vote, so that is 
what I requested.
  Shortly thereafter, Senator John McCain came barreling towards me on 
the floor, calling me out. ``Bob, you are a jerk!'' he said.
  I was taken aback. We weren't on a first-name basis back then. 
``Senator,'' I said, ``what is the problem?''
  ``This didn't need a roll call vote. That makes you a jerk!''
  Well, at that point, the Hudson County in me kicked in, and I fired 
back with some language I think is best left out of the Congressional 
Record.
  Senator McCain stormed off, leaving me bewildered. Wasn't this 
supposed to be the world's greatest deliberative body?
  I walked over to minority leader Harry Reid to ask what that was all 
about. ``Welcome to the Senate, that's John McCain,'' he said.
  Apparently, John had a foreign trip scheduled, and he was anxious to 
leave Washington, so my rollcall vote was a kink in his schedule.
  Later, when I retold the story to my friend Senator Lindsey Graham, 
he said, ``Good for you for standing up to him, Bob. You earned his 
respect.''
  I share this story today not as an example of John McCain's temper--
which he was well known for, along with his biting wit, of course--I 
share it for two reasons. First, it is a reminder that John admired 
people willing to stand their ground, not out of stubbornness or rigid 
partisanship but out of principle. He respected people for the strength 
of their convictions.
  The second reason I tell this story is because it is a reminder that, 
to John McCain, being a U.S. Senator was about more than passing laws. 
It was about championing American values around the world. Whether he 
was traveling abroad to meet with our troops or foreign heads of state, 
Senator McCain never hesitated to stand up for American ideals of 
democracy, human rights, and freedom on the global stage.
  Yes, he was a relentless advocate for the American military, but he 
ultimately believed that our Nation's strength came not just from the 
might of our military but the power of our ideals. I saw Senator 
McCain's commitment to those ideals up close back when I served as 
chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, during which he was 
a member.
  Russia, which had opposed Ukranian independence from the moment it 
was declared in 1991, had invaded the sovereign nation of Ukraine and 
illegally annexed Crimea. John and I both understood then that Putin's 
annexation of Crimea wasn't about a territorial dispute. It was a about 
exerting Russia's geopolitical power and undermining the liberal 
international order the United States helped build in the aftermath of 
World War II and worked to strengthen throughout the challenges of the 
Cold War.
  John was instrumental in crafting and passing the package of 
sanctions we put forward to counter Russian aggression and promote the 
interests of the Ukrainian people in their ongoing struggle for 
sovereignty and freedom. He understood better than anyone that we had 
to stand on the side of the Ukrainian people, not just because of 
Russia's hostile takeover of Crimea, but for the Kremlin's years of 
interference in Ukraine, from its cyberattacks on Ukrainian 
infrastructure to its deliberate efforts to manipulate and corrupt its 
democratic process.
  I will never forget his support and counsel as we worked to pass the 
Ukraine Freedom Support Act in the months that followed, a piece of 
legislation that made crystal clear America's unwavering support for 
the people of Ukraine and their right to sovereign self-determination, 
democracy, territorial integrity, and freedom.
  Senator McCain believed that, as Americans, we have a responsibility 
to support all people in their struggle against tyranny, to stand up 
for human dignity against those who deny it, and to share American 
ideals like freedom, democracy, and human rights around the world, 
bringing hope to the hopeless and light to the darkest corners of the 
Earth. Perhaps that is because John himself spent so many years in one 
of the Earth's darkest corners, as a prisoner of war in Vietnam. His 
commitment to country was tested in ways that few of us can imagine--
the pain he suffered, the torture he endured, the faith he kept. There 
is no question in my mind that John's time spent as a prisoner of war 
shaped him as a legislator and not just with respect to foreign policy. 
He may have been a staunch Republican, but he never treated his 
Democratic colleagues as if they were evil, perhaps because he had seen 
real evil. Disagreeing on the issues didn't make us enemies, because we 
were all Americans.
  Some have accused Senator McCain of abandoning his conservatism 
whenever he sought common ground. Those accusations are foolish. Take 
it from me as a Member of the bipartisan Gang of 8 who worked on 
historic immigration reforms back in 2013. When I entered those 
negotiations, I did so with a healthy dose of skepticism towards 
Senator McCain, and I imagine he did so with me same way. After all, I 
was the Hispanic Democrat from New Jersey who never hesitated to voice 
my problems with the McCain-Kennedy immigration negotiations of 2007 
loudly and clearly.
  It is easy to demonize the other side from afar, but when you sit in 
a room with someone for probably 100 hours of negotiations, as I did 
with Senator McCain, you begin to lift, ever slowly, the veil of 
distrust between you. You soon realize there is far more that unites 
you as Americans than divides you as partisans.
  John never relented in his commitment to border security, just as I 
never relented in my commitment to bringing the undocumented out of the 
shadows and towards a path to citizenship. We disagreed pretty much 
constantly; yet we built trust. We engaged in the give-and-take of 
compromise, and we emerged from the Gang of 8 negotiations with a 
compassionate and comprehensive immigration reform bill that ultimately 
passed the Senate with a bipartisan supermajority.
  That historic legislation never received a vote in the House of 
Representatives, but I remain as committed as ever to the cause of 
comprehensive immigration reform; reform built on mutual trust and 
good-faith compromise, on both pragmatism and idealism, and on a shared 
commitment to solving the greatest challenges of our time.
  John McCain wasn't perfect. No one is. John McCain made mistakes. We 
all do. But what made him a giant of the Senate, in my opinion, was his 
willingness to put country over party and patriotism over partisanship.
  In recent days, there has been a lot of discussion about what would 
be a fitting tribute to Senator John McCain. I would certainly name a 
building in his honor and hope we do, but I don't think we should stop 
there. I believe it would be a great tribute to Senator John McCain if 
all of us here in this body strived to look at each other through his 
lens. We are humble servants for something far greater and bigger than 
ourselves. We are bestowed by the American people an opportunity to 
make an imperfect nation even better, and we are far more likely to 
succeed at that mission when we can rise above the politics of 
division, look beyond the news cycle, and work relentlessly toward 
common cause.

[[Page S5986]]

  Mrs. McCASKILL. Mr. President, today I wish to recognize the 
extraordinary life of my friend, colleague, and role model, Senator 
John McCain.
  Senator McCain lived a life of superlatives. He was a war hero whose 
conduct in the face of unimaginable adversity spoke to the very essence 
of who he was as a man. He was a consummate statesman, who spent a 
career in public service working to foster consensus on the most 
intractable and important problems facing our Nation. He was a 
gentleman of the highest caliber, who understood that, although we may 
discuss, argue, and disagree, our common bond as Americans is stronger 
than the passing tempest of political debate.
  The measure of a man like Senator McCain can be seen in the 
outpouring of sympathy from friends and colleagues across the political 
spectrum. He spoke his mind, and more importantly, he spoke his 
conscience. He was never afraid to tell those in power they were wrong 
and those suffering injustice that the United States of America would 
not abandon them. His commitment to doing what was right transcended 
political ideology, and I am confident that future generations will 
study his legacy as we have studied the great leaders of the past.
  It is not difficult to find examples of Senator McCain's integrity in 
a career marked by such moments. I know that I particularly admired his 
steadfast courage in opposing and working to eliminate torture by the 
United States of America. He, more so than most, knew what that legacy 
would mean to our country. He knew that, if we were torturing, our 
servicemen and women would be tortured. He was willing to stand up for 
what was right and ensured that we would live up to our promise as a 
nation. His unwavering voice on the issue served, as it has so many 
times, as our national conscience, and we are all better for it.
  We had our brawls every once in a while, but it usually ended with a 
joke and a laugh and a commitment to work together on the next problem 
that our country faced. I will cherish the memories I have of working 
with Senator McCain on issues related to eliminating earmarks, 
protecting children from human-trafficking, and providing the necessary 
resources to the men and women of the Armed Forces whom he loved and 
respected dearly.
  His wit, intellect, and humor were the hallmark of a man who cannot 
be replaced; however, it is my hope that we might use this sad occasion 
to unite together around the principles that he stood for. I join my 
voice to the thousands that have spoken to his character as a colleague 
and as a friend and extend my most heartfelt sympathies to his family. 
I will miss him terribly, the Senate will miss him terribly, and our 
country will miss him terribly.
  Ms. WARREN. Mr. President, today I wish to pay tribute to a true 
American hero, my friend and colleague Senator John McCain.
  To know John was to know a man who was fiercely devoted to his 
family, his constituents, and his country. My thoughts and prayers are 
with his family and loved ones during this difficult time.
  As a nation, we all share in the sense of emptiness his passing has 
left behind, but we also share a profound sense of gratitude for the 
life John lived and the legacy of service and unwavering commitment he 
has left us to cherish.
  Many Americans felt a personal connection to John McCain. Our men and 
women in uniform always knew he was on their side; he was one of them. 
John understood better than anyone what it meant to send people into 
combat. So much of his work in the Senate was devoted to making sure 
our troops got the training, equipment, and pay that they deserved.
  Last year, I had the honor of traveling with John on one of his final 
trips to the Middle East. I had the chance to see how deeply revered he 
was by everyone in uniform. They all knew the story--how John McCain, 
the war hero, spent nearly 6 years as a prisoner of war in North 
Vietnam; how, when offered abrupt release less than a year after his 
Navy jet was shot out of the air, John McCain refused to be released 
while his brothers were still in captivity; how he was isolated, 
tortured, and beaten so badly that he carried the physical consequences 
of his loyalty to our country with him for the rest of his life; how he 
could have avoided it all but endured out of love and loyalty to his 
fellow servicemembers.
  Yeah, they knew the story and every single servicemember we saw 
treated John like a celebrity rockstar, and that is because he was.
  John was a deeply principled man. I had the honor of working with 
John closely in the fight to reinstate Glass Steagall, and boy, was it 
a fight. Throughout the entire battle, John would always tease me about 
pulling my weight in ``getting this thing done,'' as he would say. 
``Show some fight, girl,'' ``Don't tell me you're afraid. Get in 
there--throw some punches.'' That was John's approach in life: If 
you're going to be in a fight, you had better give it your all.
  Don't get me wrong: John and I disagreed on many things and sometimes 
quite forcefully, but even when we disagreed, I always respected that 
his heart was focused on doing what he thought was best for the 
American people. I remember expressing to John my views on the most 
effective strategy in Iraq and Afghanistan, that there are simply some 
problems that cannot be solved through military action alone, we can't 
simply fight our way to peace and we need to bring our troops home. 
Respectfully, John would disagree and proceed to energetically walk me 
through why he believed in the benefits of staying longer.
  Democrat or Republican, foreign leader or President of the United 
States, John McCain would go toe-to-toe with anyone to fight for what 
he thought was right. He applied these principles to his service to our 
country, in his commitment to the people of Arizona, and his abiding 
love and defense of the American people. At a time when character and 
integrity are under siege, the entire Nation mourns the loss of a 
public servant who lived his life with courage and conviction.
  John ran the Armed Services Committee with an iron fist, but also 
with a respect for the importance of bipartisanship and a basic sense 
of fairness no one could ever ignore. If you came to the table, ready, 
prepared to work, John made sure you were heard. There were so many 
occasions where John would jump in while I was questioning a witness 
because he was listening and hear how my questions were being dodged 
and disregarded. His admonishment to the witness was like a whip: ``If 
you can't come up with better answers what are you here for?''
  I count it a blessing to have had the honor to serve with Senator 
John McCain in the U.S. Senate. If there ever was a true American 
patriot, John McCain was that patriot. I will miss his strength, I will 
miss his maverick spirit, but most of all, I will miss his kindness.
  Mrs. FISCHER. Mr. President, today I wish to join my colleagues in 
saying goodbye to our friend and mentor, John McCain.
  As our country and the world grieves for his loss, we remember him as 
he was: a father, husband, grandfather, a war hero, and a dedicated 
public servant who loved this country.
  We remember his extraordinary story and how the tragic and painful 
experiences he endured gave him the uncommon strength we all knew so 
well.
  Most of all, I remember John for his passion. He was a fearless 
advocate for American values and a champion of democratic ideals.
  When I was elected to serve the people of Nebraska in this Chamber, I 
became a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee. Serving on this 
committee has been an honor, but one of the greatest privileges it 
offered was the opportunity to work with John McCain.
  As a senior member and chairman, Senator McCain set the tone for the 
committee. We all benefited from his good instincts, his unfailing 
energy, his unwavering values, and, of course, his sense of humor.
  His leadership fostered an environment that led to bold reforms. He 
embraced and encouraged the heated debates. But John knew how to unite 
the committee, how to compromise, and how to refocus members on our 
fundamental responsibility: providing for the defense of the Nation he 
loved so dearly.
  As much as John was an inspiration to us, he was truly a global 
figure who took his message of liberty to some of the darkest regions 
of the globe. All

[[Page S5987]]

around the world, people had such respect for John McCain. Traveling 
with him, I witnessed firsthand the weight and authority his words 
carried with foreign leaders. This strong global support reflects the 
effect he had on this world and the legacy he leaves behind.
  Last fall, Senator McCain addressed the brigade of midshipmen at the 
U.S. Naval Academy. He said: ``My appreciation for those lessons and 
for the friendships I made here bring me back often. So does my 
gratitude for the life of adventure the Naval Academy prepared me for, 
and for the privilege of being a bit player in the story of America 
that the Navy made possible.''
  John was not just a bit player in our Nation's story. He was a man 
who served our country in war and peace with courage and honor.
  This weekend, John will return to Annapolis for a final time, but 
generations from now, Americans will still be inspired by his story, 
that of a hero committed to his nation and willing to live a life of 
service.
  He has carried our Nation's highest ideals through the darkest of 
times, and he remains an enduring example of selfless dedication to 
country.
  I know I join so many of my colleagues here in the Senate in sending 
our love and prayers to Cindy and the rest of John's family, who 
supported him every step of the way.
  John McCain will certainly be missed here in the U.S. Senate.
  Though he is no longer with us, his steadfast commitment to the 
ideals of our Nation will not be forgotten here, across the country, or 
around the globe.
  Thank you.

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