[Congressional Record Volume 164, Number 144 (Tuesday, August 28, 2018)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5971-S5976]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                        Remembering John McCain

  Mr. GRAHAM. Mr. President, I have been thinking about this, I have 
been dreading this, and now I am going to do this.
  To all of my colleagues who have come before me, you have done right 
by our friend Senator McCain. The family appreciates all the good 
words, the kindnesses, and the antidotes that have come their way. This 
is a tough time for the family.
  John has seven wonderful children.
  Cindy, as a devoted wife, you really did well by John.
  I am going to try to make this somewhat fun even though I don't feel 
in a funny mood right now.
  Let's start off with the tie. To anybody who may be watching on 
television, this is a Naval Academy tie.
  I wore this today, John, to honor you and to annoy you all at the 
same time.
  He would constantly tell me: Lindsey, I wish you were in my Naval 
Academy class.
  I would say: Well, that is very nice, John.
  Do you know why, Lindsey?
  No, John.
  If you would have been in my class, I would have been sixth from the 
bottom, not fifth.
  Thank you very much, John.
  Humiliation and affection were constant companions. The more he 
humiliated you, the more he liked you, and in that regard, I was well-
served.
  To my colleagues, thank you again so much for what you have done. The 
only way I know to put this in words that maybe John can relate to is 
that after a military operation is over, after a mission is complete, 
the pilot comes back and debriefs. If there is a military operation, 
you do an after-action report. I thought to myself, what would it say? 
What would the after-action report for John McCain say? The purpose of 
these reports is for lessons learned so that we will benefit and make 
sure that we remember--remember the things that went well and the 
things that did not so that we will be better off as a unit and as a 
nation.
  The title of the operation was pretty easy--you can say a lot of 
things about me but ``clever'' is not one of them--``Operation 
Maverick.'' It began in the fall of 1954 at the Naval Academy--the year 
before I was born--and it ended August 25, 2018. And what can we learn? 
The source of the report is me, his political wingman, code named 
``Little Jerk''--you all have your names, and you earned them like I 
did--who was lucky enough to walk in his shadow and to witness history 
up close, to be in the presence of a giant at a time everything around 
us was so small.
  What did I learn? I learned that a few dumb jokes told over and over 
again actually become funny and can take you a long way in politics, 
Marco. I am going to give them to you because John liked you.
  He said: Lindsey, how hot is it in Arizona?
  John, I don't know.
  It is so hot that the trees chase the dogs.
  Well, isn't that funny, John.
  He said: What is unique about Arizona?
  I said: I don't know, John. I would imagine a lot of things.
  Barry Goldwater ran for President and lost. Mo Udall ran for 
President and lost. I ran for President and lost. Lindsey, it is the 
only place in the Nation where mothers tell their children: You can 
never grow up to be President.
  I say to the Senator from Oregon, remember that. Maybe you can break 
the string.
  He said: Lindsey, aren't you a lawyer?
  Yes, I am, John.
  Do you know the difference between a lawyer and a catfish?
  No, I don't.
  One is a bottom-dwelling, scum-sucking creature, and the other is a 
fish.
  No wonder we did so poorly with lawyers, John.
  He said: Do you know why I didn't join the Marines, Lindsey?
  No.
  My parents were married.
  I am going to miss these dumb jokes.
  What else did I learn? I learned how to fight a lot, everything and 
everybody. I learned how to forgive. And from him, I saw how to heal.
  On the fighting side, I learned that the captured warrior who was 
tortured became the statesman who forgave and healed a relationship 
between his former adversary and our Nation.
  I went to the Hanoi Hilton with John. That is one of the highlights 
of my life. It is now a museum, and we are the bad guys because they 
get to write how the museum reads. I remember being in front of his 
cell, and you could see the wheels turning and the memories coming 
back. As we walked forward, surrounded by a bunch of handlers--and John 
McCain was like Elvis in Vietnam. It was the most amazing thing in the 
world how people adored him in Vietnam. I saw a bunch of photos on the 
wall of the prisoners playing volleyball and sitting in the Sun with 
sunglasses on.
  I said: John, it must not have been that bad after all.
  With a wide smile, he said: I don't remember it this way--which 
allowed us to get out of Vietnam.
  I remember him embracing a war that nobody wanted to talk about 
because he understood what it would cost to lose it. I remember him 
supporting the surge when everybody was willing to get out of Iraq 
because they were so tired of it and saw no way forward. I remember the 
fighter. I remember the 2008 campaign when, in 2007, John McCain was 
fifth in a four-person race; written off as politically dead; no money. 
The ``Straight Talk Express'' had no wheels.
  After a visit to Iraq in July, where General Petraeus allowed him to 
talk to 600 people who were going to reenlist in a war that they did 
not have to continue to fight, and about an equal number were becoming 
citizens because they were fighting for their country and had expedited 
citizenship--there were two empty chairs in the front with boots, and 
John asked: What is that all about? Two didn't make it to the ceremony, 
but they were given their citizenship that day. I remember

[[Page S5972]]

about 2,000 soldiers wanting a photo, and every one of them got it. I 
remember it being so hot that I couldn't breathe, but we stayed anyway.
  I remember coming back and him getting the nomination, only to lose. 
I remember that night very well. He had wanted to be President, he was 
prepared to be President, but it was not his to have. I remember above 
all else the speech he made that night. John taught us how to lose.
  When you go throughout the world, people remember his concession 
speech as much as anything else. There are so many countries where you 
can't afford to lose because they would kill you. John said that night: 
President Obama is now my President. So he healed the Nation at a time 
he was hurt.
  I learned that serving a cause greater than yourself hurts. Anybody 
in the military can tell you the risk you take. He couldn't put his 
jacket on and he couldn't comb his hair because he got hurt serving a 
cause greater than himself.
  I remember how easy it is to say and how hard it is to do, how hard 
it is to tell your base ``I think you are wrong'' and how hard it is to 
solve problems that nobody else wants to talk about.
  I learned that failure and success are different sides of the same 
coin. John told me: I have become better from my failures because it 
teaches me, and I have been tempted by my success, and without my 
failures, I would have never been successful.
  So to those who are striving as a young person, remember John McCain. 
He failed a lot, but he never quit. And the reason we are talking about 
him today and the reason I am crying is because he was successful in 
spite of his failures.
  For family and friends, the after-action report would say: A 
relationship with ``Maverick'' brought joy and difficulty. Both were 
your constant companions. He was a difficult man. He could be tough. 
But the joy you received from being with him will sustain you for a 
lifetime. And I am so lucky to have been in his presence.
  He taught me that principle and compromise are not mutually exclusive 
and are the foundation of a great person, as well as a great nation. He 
taught me that immigration--as hard as it is to solve, somebody has to 
do it. He said to me, along with Ted Kennedy: You are going to learn, 
Lindsey, that the other side has to get something too. I have learned 
that lesson.
  To my friends on the other side, as long as I am here, I am going to 
remember that you have to get something too.
  He taught me that when good ignores evil, it may be convenient, but 
it seldom works.
  He talked about what would happen in Iraq if we left. He was right. 
He talked about what would happen in Syria if we didn't get involved. 
He was right. Why? Because warriors are the best, I believe, at making 
peace, and the warrior understands the difference between a false peace 
and real peace.
  To those who accused him of wanting endless wars, you had no idea 
what you were talking about. He wanted sustainable peace and understood 
the consequences of not seeing it through. The soldiers adore him.
  To those who have traveled with John, you seldom had two meals in the 
same country. You met more people than you could remember. But you were 
struck by one thing: We are going to really bad places a lot. And those 
in the military adore this man.
  He taught me that boldness and practicality must be practiced in 
equal measure.
  I say to the Senator from Rhode Island, he believes in climate 
change, and so do I. But there is a practical streak about John that I 
think made him very successful. He told me time and again: You have to 
let people catch up with you. You have to have a rhythm and a pace. 
There are 100 people in this body from different walks of life. You may 
think you are right, and if you are, it will be proven over time, but 
give your colleagues the time and the understanding to catch up with 
you.
  He taught me that honor and imperfection are always in competition. I 
do not cry for a perfect man; I cry for a man who had honor and who was 
always willing to admit his imperfection.
  If you are thinking about getting in politics, the one thing I would 
ask you to look at when it comes to the life of John McCain is that it 
is OK to tell people: I screwed up. I got this wrong. I want to make it 
right.
  In my view, honor is doing the right thing at your own expense, and 
he did that time and again.
  He taught me that life without passion and love is a sad life. He had 
a happy life. He had 10 lives. He was involved in five aviation 
accidents. If we sent John a bill for all the planes he crashed, he 
could never pay it off. He lived life to its fullest. He was often 
disappointed, but he was never deterred from getting back up and going 
at it again.
  ``Love''--not a word often associated with Senator McCain, but it 
should be because if you were loved by him, you knew it. You were loved 
with all of your faults. And I was lucky to have been loved by him.
  So how would I characterize ``Operation Maverick''? Wildly 
successful. It made the world a better place. It gave the Nation 
something to talk about at a time when we can't agree on anything. It 
is not universal acceptance of a life of John McCain, but it is pretty 
damn close. It is the only time that MSNBC, CNN, and FOX are saying the 
same thing.
  The only way that happened is because those of us who had the 
pleasure of being in his presence and those who covered him in the 
media business want to tell the story.
  I have been approached since his death by cab drivers, waiters, and 
cops, and they all said: Sorry for your loss.
  My name is Graham, not McCain, but I feel like a McCain. I don't know 
if I have earned that honor, but I feel like one.
  The average man and woman in this country got John McCain. What will 
it mean for the future? It means there will be generations of 
politicians coming along who will be influenced by him. The McCain 
Institute is alive and well, and its goal is to attract young leaders 
throughout the developing world, expose them to democracy, and teach 
them the art of compromise and the rule of law. What a legacy that is.
  John will inspire courage. He will reinforce the idea that nothing is 
inevitable as long as a few people are willing to fight for what they 
believe is right.
  It is going to be a lonely journey for me for a while. I am going to 
need your help. The void to be filled by John's passing is more than I 
can do. Don't look to me to replace this man. Look to me to remember 
what he was all about and try to follow in his footsteps. If you want 
to help me, join the march. If you want to help the country, be more 
like John McCain. I believe there is a little of John McCain in all of 
us, and the little of John McCain practiced by a lot of people can make 
this a really great nation.
  So, my friend, you did good. You lived in the shadow of a four-star 
father and a four-star grandfather. You always worried if you 
disappointed. You did not.
  To Cindy and the children, thank you for making me a part of the 
clan. To Team McCain, you taught me what loyalty is all about. To my 
colleagues, thank you for your kindness.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Louisiana.
  Mr. CASSIDY. Mr. President, I rise to speak about John McCain.
  As one of those rising to pay tribute, I am perhaps one of the least 
qualified to do so. I say that because although John McCain and I 
served together, it was only for the last 4 years of his storied Senate 
career, and we were not on any common committees.
  But let me say why I am qualified. In that brief period, I saw 
firsthand that of which others with many more years of acquaintance 
rise and speak. I speak of 2014, when I was running for Senate for the 
first time, and John McCain came to Louisiana to campaign on my behalf. 
It was remarkable to see how veterans responded to him. We would go--
oh, my gosh, it was the sort of schedule that is legendary for John 
McCain. We started off in Covington, LA, then went to New Orleans, then 
went to Baton Rouge, to Lafayette, drove up the length of the State to 
Shreveport, and then came back to New Orleans--all in 1 day. Others 
would have been tired. He was energized.
  He taught me about social media. Folks would come up to him and wish 
to have their picture taken. He would take a selfie, and say: Post it 
on Facebook.

[[Page S5973]]

  Sure enough, they did. In that way, his contact with people went from 
just a group meeting--always incredibly well attended--to the 
individual meeting, to everybody those folks were reaching out to 
through Facebook.
  But even that is not the story I wish to tell.
  We had an incredibly intense schedule in which we were meeting one 
person after another. In Shreveport, as we were walking out, a fellow 
handed John McCain a note. He said: Senator, this is a fellow who is a 
fellow Vietnam vet, and he is in the hospital now and cannot come. He 
would love to hear from you. Here is his phone number.
  So we get in the car, and John picks up his phone and he calls. He 
says: Hello, my friend, this is John McCain. I am sorry you are under 
the weather. Tell me about it.
  He spoke to the man as one Vietnam veteran to another, reaching 
through the wire, letting that man know he was deeply cared for and 
honored for his service to our country and his sacrifice for our 
country.
  That tells me a measure of John McCain--in this incredibly intense 
schedule, finding that moment to reach out to an individual to let him 
know how much he was valued as an American.
  So I rise to speak briefly. I started by saying that I am probably 
among the least qualified, but, perhaps, because of my brief 
interaction and the quality of the interaction and the intensity of how 
John McCain presented himself, not just to me, not just to his fellow 
Americans, but to all of the voters of Louisiana, I might be the best 
qualified--the best qualified because, even in that glimpse, you see 
that which made John McCain a great American: bringing it all, all the 
time, for everybody who lives in this country, to represent this 
country as best as possible to the rest of the world, and in so doing 
serving not just our country but the rest of the world.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Rhode Island.
  Mr. REED. Mr. President, I rise today to honor our late colleague and 
friend, Senator John McCain.
  I want to begin by offering my deepest sympathies to John's loving 
wife, Cindy; to his children, Sidney, Meghan, Jack, Jimmy, Bridget, 
Doug, and Andy; and to that most remarkable woman who shaped his life, 
his mother, Roberta.
  Those who knew him knew that, above all else, John was a loving 
father, devoted husband, and a dedicated family man. Today we mourn 
with the entire McCain family.
  I would like at this time to take a few moments to reflect on his 
heroic legacy.
  When I think of John McCain, two words come to mind: courage and 
sacrifice. As the son and grandson of decorated naval officers, the 
desire to serve his country ran deep in John. Following in their 
footsteps, he graduated from the Naval Academy and went on to serve his 
country in Vietnam.
  The events that followed, including his bravery facing unrelenting 
anti-aircraft fire, being shot down, captured, and held in horrific 
conditions, have become military legend. His indomitable spirit carried 
him through his years of imprisonment, but his willingness to sacrifice 
for his fellow servicemembers should be a testament to all of his 
courage and sacrifice.
  As everyone knows well, John endured grueling hardship throughout his 
captivity. On courage, he so eloquently explained: ``Courage is not the 
absence of fear, but the capacity to act despite our fears.''
  At one point during his captivity, John made what I can only imagine 
to be one of the most difficult decisions of his life. He was offered 
special treatment and release due to his family's military prominence, 
but he refused. He stated that he would not accept release until all 
the prisoners of war taken before him were also released. To put his 
comrades and his country before his own welfare, especially when 
confronted with a future of uncertainty and abuse, is the most profound 
example of his willingness to sacrifice his life for others.
  John spent more than 5 years in captivity at the Hanoi Hilton, but 
rather than allowing the horrors of the experience to continue to color 
his life, he instead returned to the Navy for several years before 
beginning a career in business. Not long after, he again heeded the 
call to service and won a seat in the House of Representatives 
representing Arizona.
  The first indication that Senator McCain would be an outspoken leader 
and staunch defender of servicemembers came when, as a freshman member 
of the House, he opposed legislation supported by President Reagan to 
keep marines in Lebanon. He refused to further endanger servicemembers 
for an objective that he viewed as unattainable. It took political 
courage and conviction for John to stand up to a man he has called one 
of his heroes and oppose him on principle.
  This willingness to stand by his convictions and speak his mind, no 
matter the perception, would become a hallmark of Senator John McCain. 
First in the House, then in the Senate, and on the Presidential 
campaign trail with the aptly named ``Straight Talk Express,'' John was 
renowned for the candid expression of his thoughts and steadfast 
defense of his principles.
  While John and I served for many years together in the Senate, I was 
fortunate to work most closely with him during the past 4 years when he 
was chairman of the Armed Services Committee and I was the ranking 
member. Our pairing could be rocky at times, not because he was a 
Republican and I was a Democrat but because he went to the Naval 
Academy and I went to West Point. As John often joked, I did OK for 
someone who didn't have a college education.
  Thank you, John.
  In all seriousness, Senator McCain's leadership was vital in 
shepherding through Congress numerous National Defense Authorization 
Acts that have substantively reformed the Department of Defense, 
improved care for servicemembers, and increased the capacity of our 
military to meet the myriad national security challenges we face.
  Throughout his life, Senator McCain was a steadying force through 
turbulent times in global affairs. The threats to our national security 
and the stability of the global order are more numerous and diverse now 
than at any point in our recent history. As we grapple with these 
challenges, we should remember John's guidance: ``We live in a land 
made of ideals, not blood and soil. We are the custodians of those 
ideals at home, and their champion abroad.''
  He believed in an America that is united by values, not divided by 
manufactured distrust and animus. Most importantly, he emphasized the 
moral obligation that we, as Americans, carry to provide leadership in 
the world and serve as a beacon of hope, opportunity, and justice, both 
here and across the globe.
  As a further reflection, I was always impressed by John's respect for 
colleagues who were committed to principle but who sought principled 
compromise. This respect animated our relationship and made it possible 
to find common ground.
  Finally, what ultimately motivated John McCain, I believe, was the 
knowledge that thousands and thousands of Americans in uniform were 
protecting this Nation. He understood that we owed these men and women 
and their families more than we could ever really pay. He always kept 
faith with these valiant Americans and inspired all of us here to keep 
that faith. As our sailors, soldiers, marines, and airmen guarded our 
country and Constitution, he guarded them with a special and profound 
love.
  I will miss Senator McCain's partnership and friendship, and this 
Chamber will be hard pressed to find a more respected voice of reason 
and bipartisanship. It is my hope that we can follow in the footsteps 
of the virtues that Senator John McCain exemplified: courage, 
sacrifice, compassion, determination, and, above all else, an 
unyielding patriotism that motivated a lifetime of service. We can best 
honor Senator McCain by living our lives by the example he set.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Dakota.
  Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, in the wake of Senator John McCain's 
passing, I was particularly moved by the announcement that, in 
accordance with his wishes, he will be buried in the cemetery at the 
U.S. Naval Academy. It is a fitting resting place for someone

[[Page S5974]]

who belonged, in a special way, to the U.S. Navy, and it is 
characteristic of him that in death he wished to rest with his comrades 
in arms.
  It was during his service in the Navy that LCDR John McCain's plane 
was shot down over North Vietnam. He ejected, breaking several bones in 
the process, and was taken into captivity.
  During World War II, ADM Chester W. Nimitz, describing the actions of 
the Marines in the battle of Iwo Jima, noted that ``uncommon valor was 
a common virtue.'' The same thing can be said about the American 
soldiers, sailors, airmen, and marines in the prison camps of North 
Vietnam. John McCain joined their number in October of 1967.
  During the years of his confinement, he was regularly beaten and 
tortured. He survived thanks, in part, to the friendship of his fellow 
prisoners of war. In 1968, his captors offered the malnourished and ill 
McCain the chance to be returned home early, ahead of prisoners who 
were next in line. John McCain said no. He spent another almost 5 years 
in captivity before being released on March 14, 1973. It scarcely needs 
to be said that he remained a thorn in his captors' side the entire 
time.
  Living in perhaps the most privileged country in the world, it is 
hard for most of us to imagine going without the internet for a few 
months, let alone something more fundamental like electricity or indoor 
plumbing. The courage and character and sheer determination required to 
undergo regular torture, malnourishment, and deplorable living 
conditions is almost impossible to fathom. Yet hundreds of U.S. 
soldiers, sailors, airmen, and marines--John McCain among them--endured 
these torments and persevered.
  Amazingly, it was in the prison camps of North Vietnam that John 
McCain discovered the fierce love of country that would animate the 
rest of his life. Years later, he noted:

       I fell in love with my country when I was a prisoner in 
     someone else's. I loved it for its decency, for its faith in 
     the wisdom, justice, and goodness of its people. I loved it 
     because it was not just a place but an idea, a cause worth 
     fighting for. I was never the same again; I wasn't my own man 
     anymore; I was my country's.

  John McCain was his country's man. Throughout a congressional career 
that spanned 35 years, he served her faithfully. He inspired those who 
served with him, on both sides of the aisle. He always called on all of 
us to live up to all that is best and greatest about the United States 
of America.
  He was a fierce crusader for the causes close to his heart, from 
supporting our Nation's veterans to equipping our military with the 
tools it needs, to advancing liberty around the world.
  He was also a wonderful colleague and friend. Shortly after I got to 
the Senate, I read his book, ``Faith of My Fathers.'' As I am reading 
this book, I am starting to think that some of the dates and places 
sound pretty familiar. I did a little research and ended up discovering 
the Distinguished Flying Cross my father Harold Thune received had been 
awarded to him by none other than ADM John McCain--our John McCain's 
grandfather.
  When I shared this with John, and every time I would see him, he 
would say: ``We've got to call your dad,'' and that is exactly what we 
did one day. I cherish that special connection with a family who has 
meant so much to our country and to freedom.
  It was an honor to serve with John McCain. I will miss his sense of 
humor and the passion he brought to every battle. I admired him 
greatly. He reminded me and all of us every day that life is not about 
advancing ourselves but about serving a greater cause and that, 
paradoxically, it is in service that we find freedom.
  In his farewell message to his countrymen, John said, ``To be 
connected to America's causes--liberty, equal justice, respect for the 
dignity of all people--brings happiness more sublime than life's 
fleeting pleasures. Our identities and sense of worth are not 
circumscribed but enlarged by serving good causes that are bigger than 
ourselves.''
  Already, the new class of midshipmen has overrun the grounds of the 
U.S. Naval Academy. In the days and years and decades to come, 
midshipmen will walk past John McCain's grave and the graves of other 
marines and sailors who have served our country. The graves will fade 
into the background of everyday life, but they will still whisper 
always of the courage and sacrifice of those who have gone before.
  Later, at that time of their testing, some of those midshipmen may 
remember the graves of those heroes and resolve to be like them, to be 
like John McCain.
  When discussing how he would like to be remembered, John McCain said, 
``I want, when I leave, that the ceremony is at the Naval Academy, and 
we just have a couple of people that stand up and say, `This guy, he 
served our country.' ''
  ``This guy, he served his country.'' I think he can be assured there 
will be more than a few people saying that on Sunday. There can be few 
finer epithets.
  I yield the floor.
  Mr. WYDEN. Mr. President, the Trump administration is engulfed in 
scandal. The President has been implicated in at least one felony. His 
former campaign chief, former deputy campaign chief, longtime personal 
lawyer, and former national security adviser are all confessed or 
convicted felons. With every passing week comes a shocking new 
revelation about Russian interference in the 2016 election, another 
bombshell report detailing their infiltration of conservative circles, 
or another story about how woefully underprepared the United States is 
to defend against another attack.
  Here in Congress, Republicans have their heads buried in the sand. It 
sure seems like they are going to keep on pretending it is business as 
usual.
  A year ago, I placed a hold on a Treasury nomination--Isabel 
Patelunas to be Assistant Secretary for Intelligence and Analysis--
because of the Department's refusal to turn over documents related to 
follow-the-money issues and other key investigative questions. Since 
then, colleagues, Treasury's stonewalling has not changed. In fact, in 
light of all that has been revealed in the last year, their 
stonewalling is even more unpardonable.
  The Treasury Department is participating in the coverup of criminal 
activity. The least the Congress can do--the very least--is hold 
nominees until the administration changes its behavior. It ought to 
happen on a bipartisan basis. Republicans ought to stand up with 
Democrats and say, ``This is dangerous. This is corrosive to our 
democracy. This is wrong.''
  Leader McConnell has gone ahead, filed cloture, and called votes on 
the Patelunas nomination without doing any of that.
  For me, this started a year ago, when I asked the Treasury to provide 
the Finance Committee with key documents related to follow-the-money 
and Russia. I am the ranking Democrat on the committee, which has 
jurisdiction over the Treasury Department. We have a team of skilled 
investigators who are highly adept at digging into the kinds of 
questions that had been raised about Russian oligarchs like Alexander 
Torshin and about shell companies and other forms of money laundering 
and illicit finance. That is why I requested these documents from the 
Treasury, but the Treasury essentially blew us off.
  Russia's interference in our democracy has been thoroughly covered in 
news reports, and many of those reports get right to the heart of why I 
have called for investigators to follow the money. I will quote from an 
article in Buzzfeed about Alexander Torshin, the accused Russian spy 
Maria Butina, and her American associate Paul Erickson.
  ``[Butina's] indictment said that she was communicating with Russian 
intelligence while here and was `acting at the direction of a high-
level official in the Russian government.'
  ``That person, federal authorities told BuzzFeed News, is Alexander 
Torshin--Butina's former boss, once a member of Russia's upper house of 
parliament, and a close confidant of President Vladimir Putin.
  ``In 2015, Torshin was appointed deputy governor of the Central Bank 
of the Russian Federation and Butina was hired as his special 
assistant. Torshin is believed to have close ties to gun rights 
activists in the US, and McClatchy reported that the FBI is 
investigating whether Torshin illegally funneled money to the NRA.

[[Page S5975]]

  ``According to her indictment, Butina worked for Torshin until May 
2016, and she came to the US on a student visa later that summer. The 
same month, Spanish authorities reported that Torshin had been 
laundering money for [a] Moscow-based . . . crime syndicate.
  ``This year, Torshin was among the Russian oligarchs sanctioned by 
the US Treasury Department for playing a key role in `advancing 
Russia's malign activities.' Law enforcement sources told BuzzFeed News 
that tens of millions of dollars in his suspicious financial 
transactions were flagged by Treasury officials working on the FBI's 
counterintelligence investigation into Russian influence.
  ``These transactions included large, round-number wire transfers--a 
hallmark of money laundering--from Istanbul and Dubai, the sources 
said.''
  Elsewhere in the report, Buzzfeed outlined how anti-fraud 
investigators at a major bank flagged transactions by Erickson and 
Butina as suspicious. Again, I will quote from the article.
  ``The two also appeared to use a company, Bridges LLC, to conduct 
suspicious transactions. Bank officials said they couldn't determine 
the purpose of the company, which was incorporated in South Dakota in 
February 2016. Butina was listed as the `sole signer' on its checking 
account, but Erickson wrote and signed checks from it. He told 
McClatchy that Bridges was formed to help Butina obtain financial 
assistance for her graduate studies . . .
  ``About $89,000 passed between Erickson's US accounts and one held by 
Butina at Russia's Alfa Bank. In 2014, Erickson received $8,000 from 
Butina's Alfa account. Between June 2016 and March 2017, Erickson sent 
a dozen wires to her Alfa account totaling $27,000.
  About $93,000 was sent or received during a single four-month 
period--from May to August 2017 . . . Bank officials discovered wires, 
checks, transfers, and cash deposits totaling that amount, including 
checks made out to cash, between the duo's accounts last year.
  ``In June and July 2017, Erickson wired $45,000 to an unidentified 
law firm in Washington on Butina's behalf. It is not known why Butina 
retained an attorney at that point, and her current lawyer, Robert 
Driscoll, told BuzzFeed News that his firm was not the recipient of the 
money.
  ``. . . Investigators from Wells Fargo flagged dozens of other 
suspicious transactions involving Butina and Erickson for FBI agents 
and the Treasury Department's financial crimes division. Bank 
investigators told Treasury officials they were suspicious about where 
the money came from and that they could find no `apparent economic, 
business, or lawful purpose' for the transactions.''
  I am not going to comment on any classified material, and I am not 
confirming these reports, but these articles are right out in the open. 
The information reported by Buzzfeed alone ought to have been enough to 
convince Senators that the administration needs to be forced to comply 
with oversight requests from the Congress--just that one report--and 
that is far from the only bombshell that has dropped in the last year 
since I announced a hold on the Patelunas nomination. Still, Treasury 
is stonewalling. They are blocking our oversight and our investigations 
at every turn.
  It is an outrage that Senate Republicans are apparently A-OK with 
this stonewalling.
  So colleagues, here is what I want to know: When does it become too 
much? How many reports detailing election interference does the Senate 
need to stand up and take action? How many stories about shell 
companies and shadowy payments from oligarchs need to come out into the 
open? Maria Butina is sitting in a jail cell in northern Virginia--how 
many other spies need to be arrested before Senate Republicans stand up 
to an administration that is hiding the facts?
  A year ago, the President's son confirmed meeting with Russians in 
Trump Tower during the campaign, at least one of them connected to 
Russian intelligence. Senate Republicans did not try to get answers.
  On the morning of Monday, July 16, Maria Butina was charged with 
being a Russian spy. It was revealed she had infiltrated a ``gun rights 
organization'' and woven herself into prominent conservative circles to 
manipulate our politics. That same day, the Trump administration 
announced a pro-dark money rule that would make it easier to get away 
with this kind of lawbreaking the next time. Republicans did nothing 
about it.
  Last Tuesday afternoon, Paul Manafort was found guilty on five counts 
of tax fraud, two counts of bank fraud, and one count of failure to 
disclose a foreign bank account. Michael Cohen pleaded guilty to 
charges of tax evasion, bank fraud, and two felony campaign finance 
violations he said he committed at the President's direction.
  Again, Donald Trump has been implicated in a felony campaign finance 
violation. Manafort and Cohen, who are convicted and confessed felons, 
are both deeply enmeshed in the broader investigation into Russia's 
interference in our election and potential collusion with the Trump 
campaign.
  The very same day, Senator Warner, as part of his questioning on the 
U.S. Senate Banking Committee, had to repeatedly press Sigal Mandelker, 
the Treasury Department's Under Secretary for Terrorism and Financial 
Crimes, during a hearing on the effectiveness of Russian sanctions, to 
be more responsive to bipartisan requests from the Intelligence 
Committee. Treasury is 8 months behind in their responses to some 
requests.
  To her credit, Ms. Mandelker said she would respond in a timely 
manner, though she noted she would have to consult with people back at 
her office. The problem is that, pretty much every time anyone from 
this administration has uttered such a promise, it has been broken 
faster than it takes a wildfire to spread in the arid West.
  Regardless of the promises made, the very next day, Leader McConnell 
went ahead and filed cloture on a nomination I have been holding due to 
the Treasury's stonewalling over those exact issues.
  Colleagues, the President is routinely attacking the rule of law in 
this country. He is attacking the Justice Department, which is run by 
people he appointed. He has mused about pardoning people who are 
unquestionably guilty of committing crimes. He said that perhaps it 
should be illegal for individuals to cooperate with law enforcement by 
providing information that can bring criminals and coconspirators to 
justice.
  When is enough enough?
  In my view, nobody in this body, in their heart of hearts, could 
possibly believe that the ties between the President, his associates, 
the Trump organization, and Russia do not warrant thorough 
investigation. You could not possibly have kept up with the news over 
the last 18 months and come to any other conclusion. Everybody can 
smell the smoke, but you would have to blind yourself not to see the 
fire.
  By stonewalling our investigations, the Treasury is complicit in the 
coverup. They are hiding the facts from the Congress and the American 
people. The Senate's powers of oversight and investigation are derived 
from the Constitution of the United States, and the Trump 
administration is trampling all over it. Every member of this body, 
Democrat and Republican, ought to be outraged.
  That is why it is wrong to proceed with the Patelunas nomination. I 
drew the line here, with this nominee, but Leader McConnell filed 
cloture against my known wishes, scheduling the vote to collide with 
Members' plans to attend Senator McCain's memorial.
  Furthermore, what the Treasury Department is doing to keep this 
information about follow-the-money hidden in the shadows is wrong. The 
Senate should not stand for it.
  Mr. CRAPO. Mr. President, I rise in support of the nomination of the 
Honorable Richard Clarida to be a member and Vice Chairman of the Board 
of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
  Dr. Clarida has a breadth of private sector, government, and academic 
experience involving both monetary policy and financial markets.
  At his nomination hearing in the Banking Committee, he demonstrated 
his expertise and provided members insight of how his background, 
knowledge, and experience will aid the Federal Reserve Board and the 
country.
  This was evidenced when he received bipartisan support from members 
of

[[Page S5976]]

the Banking Committee with a vote of 20-5.
  Dr. Clarida currently serves as managing director and global 
strategic advisor at PIMCO, a position he has held since 2006.
  Previously, he served as Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for 
Economic Policy from 2002 to 2003 and as a senior staff economist with 
the Council of Economic Advisers from 1986 to 1987.
  In his academic career, he was an assistant professor at Yale 
University from 1983 to 1988 and has served as a professor of economics 
at Columbia University in various capacities since 1988.
  If confirmed, Dr. Clarida will play an important role in monetary 
policy normalization.
  Dr. Clarida has written extensively about monetary policy and, along 
with others, developed a framework for monetary policy analysis that 
has been widely cited and used by policymakers around the world.
  Such expertise will be especially important as the Fed continues to 
wind down its balance sheet and raise interest rates after years at the 
zero lower bound.
  The Fed has also begun the important work of implementing S. 2155, 
the Economic Growth, Regulatory Relief, and Consumer Protection Act, 
which was signed into law on May 24 of this year.
  If confirmed as a member and Vice Chairman of the Board of Governors, 
I look forward to working with Dr. Clarida on these important issues.
  The Board of Governors currently has vacancies, with only three 
sitting members to carry out its vital work.
  I strongly support this nomination today and urge my colleagues to do 
the same.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Hoeven). The majority leader.