[Congressional Record Volume 164, Number 121 (Wednesday, July 18, 2018)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5058-S5059]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                  NATO

  Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, thank you.
  Last week at the NATO summit in Brussels, the leaders of all 29 
member states, including the United States with President Trump, signed 
a declaration reaffirming the purpose of the alliance--collective 
defense and the importance of article 5, which regards being attacked 
against one ally as an attack against all others.
  There may be a growing sense here in the United States that NATO is 
no longer useful to our interests and that it is a burden that is not 
worth the cost.
  I recently traveled to Moscow, Oslo, and Helsinki with members of the 
Senate Appropriations Committee, many of us on the Subcommittee on 
Defense. We had meetings with U.S. Embassy officials, our Ambassadors, 
and foreign government officials--people within the ministries of 
foreign affairs, ministries of defense, and with legislative leaders in 
that region.
  At my meetings in Moscow, we worked to begin a dialogue with Russian 
counterparts. Everything I heard in those meetings reinforces my belief 
that Russia remains a threat to European stability and that a united 
NATO is essential to countering the threat and preserving American 
peace and prosperity.
  Two wars in Europe last century resulted in the loss of hundreds of 
thousands of American lives who fought the forces of tyranny. To 
prevent a third war against this Communist menace, Western European 
powers, still weakened by World War II, formed an alliance with America 
and Canada to deter the Soviet Union's massive conventional forces from 
invading beyond what became the eastern bloc.
  Not only did NATO successfully deter the Soviet Union until its 
collapse in 1991--and in my view, NATO contributed to the Soviet Union 
collapse in a significant way--but in that process, America's 
commitment to European security allowed these allies to recover from 
the war economically, strengthened democratic governance, and enabled 
them to stop fearing one another.
  We would be naive to believe that threats critical to North Atlantic 
security have faded along with the Soviet Union. Indeed, my recent 
interactions in Europe confirmed that Russia remains a revisionist 
power intent on continuing Russia's disruptive activities in Europe, 
the Middle East, and here at home in the United States.
  In every meeting I attended, I made clear that the Russians must end 
their election-meddling here in the United States and Europe in order 
to open doors to rebuilding our relations. I brought up Russia's 
destabilizing support for separatists in Ukraine and its illegal 
seizure of Crimea after Ukraine democratically chose a President who 
sought closer ties with the West.
  Supporting and admitting that they share intelligence with the 
Taliban undermines the democratic government in Afghanistan and 
undermines our Nation's military as we continue to fight the Taliban 
alongside the Afghan National Security Forces.
  In each circumstance of those conversations, Russian officials, 
including Foreign Minister Lavrov, continued to obfuscate or outright 
deny any responsibility. However, those meetings left me unconvinced 
that Russia is prepared to change its behavior.
  In subsequent talks in Norway, a NATO member, and Finland, a NATO 
partner, the concerns relayed to me by these European leaders 
underscore the fear our European friends have about Russian activities. 
During our meetings, my colleagues and I reassured them of America's 
commitment to our joint security, and that commitment from the entire 
U.S. Government must not waver.
  The first Supreme Allied Commander in Europe overseeing all NATO 
military operations was Kansas's own Dwight D. Eisenhower. As President 
in 1957, he declared before our NATO allies that we must ``re-dedicate 
ourselves to the task of dispelling the shadows that are being cast 
upon the free world.''
  In addition to ongoing Russian subterfuge, terrorist groups remain 
intent on striking the West, threats to data information require strong 
cyber security measures, and the scourge of human and drug trafficking 
degrades social structures. On these and other issues, NATO allies have 
coordinated and contributed to the security of our own country, the 
United States of America.
  In particular, let's recall that only once has NATO invoked article 
5--in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks on our country. The only time 
the NATO alliance has been asked to respond, they declared a 
willingness to respond--that an attack on one is an attack on all--when 
the United States of America was attacked on 9/11.
  When we went to war against al-Qaida and its Taliban hosts in 
Afghanistan, we were not alone. The United States has nearly 15,000 
troops serving in Afghanistan, and they are serving with NATO coalition 
forces as part of counterterrorism efforts to support Afghanistan's 
fight against the Taliban and ISIS, which has seized strategic 
territories in recent years.
  We are approaching 17 years of support from our NATO allies in 
Afghanistan--support that has come even at the expense of the blood of 
those who serve. Just last week, I am saddened to say, two U.S. Army 
soldiers paid the ultimate sacrifice and were killed while serving in 
Afghanistan, and at least two more soldiers have been wounded from 
insurgent attacks.
  Finally, there is an economic threat that a destabilized Europe poses 
to our Nation's well-being. The EU--distinct from NATO but certainly a 
beneficiary of the security provided--is America's largest trading 
partner.
  Questioning why we should come to the defense of the smallest NATO 
member damages the alliance, and it hurts our alliances elsewhere. If 
we won't honor a treaty in Europe, friends might wonder why we would 
honor a treaty in Asia. Predators can take advantage of our perceived 
indifference. That is, in part, what led to the Korean war.
  The United States contributes 22 percent of NATO's total budget. In 
addition to our NATO contributions, the United States continues to 
increase defense spending on our military presence supporting our 
partners, with more than $6 billion in fiscal year 2019 appropriated 
for the European Deterrence Initiative and another $792 million 
invested in military construction across the continent.
  President Trump is absolutely right to urge fellow allies to increase 
their defense spending, and I echoed that message on our trip to Norway 
when we visited with those allies in Oslo. To the credit of our allies, 
they have increased spending by more than $40 billion in the past year.

[[Page S5059]]

  Fighting alongside us in Afghanistan, where they continue to serve 
beside us today, unfortunately, more than 1,000 Europeans have died.
  NATO is strong, and it is getting stronger. I believe the strength of 
NATO relies on remaining unified. Words matter, and what Americans say 
can bolster or shake confidence in the United States.
  I will conclude on this personal note. I thought of the force for 
good our country has provided the world as I stood in our Embassy in 
Moscow on July 4th, our Independence Day, watching the Marine Corps 
Honor Guard's presentation of the colors as our national anthem was 
sung. It is difficult for me to sing the national anthem without 
choking up wherever I am, but it was especially difficult that day as I 
reflected upon the course of events in my life--when kids practiced 
getting under their desks for missile drills, to the fall of the Berlin 
Wall, to the aftermath of 9/11, to a father who served in World War II. 
I honor him and all those who served.
  Over the past 70 years, it is America that has safeguarded freedom 
for our people and for those who live elsewhere in the world. Along the 
way, our vision of a freer, more prosperous world attracted allies who 
shared our dream.
  Our foremost responsibility is to protect Americans all the time and 
to promote our values around the world. We can do this better. We can 
do this with our allies. With them, we will have a better future.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. ROUNDS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

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