[Congressional Record Volume 164, Number 109 (Thursday, June 28, 2018)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E942]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                   CRISIS IN THE REPUBLIC OF CAMEROON

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                       HON. CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH

                             of new jersey

                    in the house of representatives

                        Thursday, June 28, 2018

  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, yesterday we held a hearing on 
human rights abuses and targeted killings in the Anglophone region of 
the Republic of Cameroon. We explored the roots of this emerging 
crisis, and U.S. policy options for addressing human rights violations 
and instability in the Anglophone region, which affects not only 
stability in Cameroon, but also in the region.
   The increased tempo of government repression is fueling secessionist 
sentiment, leading to instability in the country in advance of 
presidential elections scheduled for October. Cameroon's political 
stability is of great importance to the U.S. because the country plays 
a critical role in American counterterrorism efforts against Boko Haram 
in the west and central Africa.
   We also have ongoing concerns about 85-year-old strongman Paul Biya, 
who has either served as Prime Minister or as President since 1975 and 
who seems disconnected if not at odds with many of the people he is 
supposed to serve--particularly the English-speaking minority.
   As the U.S. is involved in training and equipping Cameroonian 
security forces to strengthen regional capacity to combat terrorism, it 
is necessary to re-evaluate further counterterrorism cooperation with 
Cameroon to ensure the protection of Cameroonian civilians and respect 
for civil and political rights--including the most fundamental of 
rights, the right to life.
   Understanding the history of Cameroon--or, rather, ``the 
Cameroons,'' as the choice between the singular and plural form is 
fraught with significance--is necessary for understanding the present 
crisis.
   While it is a country of great African ethnic diversity, the main 
dividing line is linguistic, reflecting a colonial past which saw the 
French-speaking region gain independence from France in 1960 and union 
with the southern portion of the former mandate territory of British 
Cameroon the following year.
   The country that was formed was the Federal Republic of the 
Cameroon, and the national flag that was adopted had two stars, 
signaling to the world the union of two coequal states under one 
constitution. English speakers were always a minority, however, and the 
political and constitutional basis under which they entered into a 
union eroded over time.
   In 1972, then-President Ahmadou Ahidjo abolished the federal system 
of government and created a unitary ``United Republic of Cameroon.'' 
The flag was not changed until 1975 to reflect this new imposition of 
monist rule, when the two stars gave way to one. In 1984, President 
Biya again revised the Constitution, which changed the country's name 
to the present ``Republic of Cameroon.'' The current Constitutional 
iteration dates back to 1996, and on paper, at least, restores a 
certain degree of federalist autonomy in response to Anglophone 
demands.
   The reality is, however, different.
   In 2016, the central government triggered a crisis by appointing 
French-speaking teachers and judges in the Anglophone areas.
   To English-speakers, it felt like an occupation. Certain Anglophone 
activists declared independence of a ``Federal Republic of Ambazonia'' 
in 2017, which had led to a heavy-handed response by the military. 
Security forces have reportedly burned down villages, arrested and 
killed protesters in Anglophone areas, though it also must be noted 
that French-speaking teachers have been targeted by English-speaking 
separatists.
   As Congress, we need to address whether we can continue to cooperate 
with Cameroon's security forces, given the reported abuses, and if so, 
how.
   As the International Crisis Group--which is supplied one of our 
witnesses--has emphasized, the Cameroonian government's use of the 
military against its English-speaking citizens has exacerbated the 
situation. Indeed, our U.S. Ambassador to Cameroon Peter Barlerin has 
criticized Cameroon's actions and has expressed his concerns about the 
government's use of disproportionate force.
   The Anglophone crisis casts a shadow upon the upcoming presidential 
elections. The credibility of the election, slated for October, is 
already under question as the government has yet to make serious 
preparations. It is assumed that strongman Paul Biya will run for re-
election, but given his age and frequent absences abroad it is 
uncertain who will succeed him eventually.
   There are also growing humanitarian concerns attributable to the 
Anglophone crisis. An estimated 160,000 people have been displaced 
within Cameroon, and over 21,000 Cameroonians have fled to neighboring 
Nigeria as refugees.
   The continued malign presence of Boko Haram in northeastern 
Cameroon, attacking people in both Cameroon and in Nigeria, is a 
further complication which has led to an estimated 96,000 Nigerians 
fleeing the other way to Cameroon. Congress must then also weigh the 
need to assist Cameroon in its fight against Boko Haram.
   Given all these spillover factors, we can see that a failure to 
solve the Anglophone crisis is not purely a domestic affair, but a 
regional one which implicates U.S. security interests.

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