[Congressional Record Volume 164, Number 92 (Tuesday, June 5, 2018)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2998-S2999]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN INVESTMENT IN THE UNITED STATES
Mr. BROWN. Mr. President, last month in the Banking Committee, we
passed bipartisan legislation to give our country more tools to respond
to foreign investments from countries like China that pose a threat to
our national security. I appreciate the Presiding Officer's interest in
this issue also.
The Senate Banking bill was attached to the Defense bill in the Armed
Services Committee later that week, and the House also passed a similar
bill through a key committee at the same time. This is good news as we
try to address threats to our national security, and I hope we can get
this to the President's desk quickly.
The Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States--so-called
CFIUS--screens foreign investments for national security threats and
blocks those that undermine our national security. But as countries
like China have adopted new tactics and new techniques to acquire our
critical knowledge and know-how, the laws that give CFIUS its authority
haven't been able to keep up with technology; hence, the reason that
Senator Cornyn and Senator Feinstein and Senator Van Hollen and Senator
Crapo and I have worked on this. I want to thank them for introducing
legislation last fall to expand CFIUS's authority to keep up with these
new tactics.
The Banking Committee bill builds on their efforts to modernize CFIUS
to make sure that it has the tools it needs to tackle today's threats.
No country--not even close--no country has been more aggressive than
the People's Republic of China in going after American technology in
aviation, robotics, new energy vehicles, and others where the United
States has established itself as a global leader for a long time.
In just 3 years, from 2013 to 2015--from the beginning of 2013 to the
end of 2015--the number of Chinese acquisitions coming under CFIUS
review jumped 38 percent. And China is getting more clever, more
sneaky--you can choose the word you like--at finding ways to get around
the rules to avoid review at all.
We have seen Chinese companies start to structure deals so that they
can gain access to sensitive technology and information without
triggering the CFIUS review. For example, if a Chinese investor wants
to buy a controlling stake in an American company, CFIUS would review
that deal and have the chance to block it. But if Chinese investors
instead got seats on that company's board, they could still have access
to the same sensitive technology without going through the CFIUS
review. Or some foreign investors also might, for instance, decide to
enter into a joint venture with an American company instead, giving
them access to all of the technology and data and know-how but
bypassing the CFIUS review process.
The American business may not even particularly like joining up with
this Chinese company, but the Chinese company will coerce them into a
joint venture as a condition. This is what China is really good at, and
U.S. corporations have been too weak-kneed in succumbing to this as a
condition for continued access to the Chinese market. They play for
keeps. Our corporations play far too often for narrow profits, even if
at the end it is bad for American national security and even if at the
end it is bad for American economic security.
Our bipartisan bill will give CFIUS and our export control agencies
the tools they need to ensure that these types of investments don't
slip through the cracks. The bill strengthens the CFIUS review process,
the export control laws, and enforcement of both, particularly when it
comes to critical technology and investments from
[[Page S2999]]
State-owned companies. But, so often, and as important as these updates
are, CFIUS was created only to deal with national security threats but
can't do any more than that. Right now, we have no way to evaluate
deals that may pose a threat to our economy.
In 2016, foreign direct investments in the United States totaled $370
billion. None of that--not a dollar of that--was reviewed to ensure it
was in our long-term strategic economic interests. So while some of
those investments were reviewed to protect our national security from
Chinese threats, not one dollar was examined, was screened, was looked
at, was reviewed to ensure that it was in our long-term strategic
economic interests.
That is why I joined with Senator Grassley to introduce the
bipartisan U.S. Foreign Investments Review Act. It would empower the
Department of Commerce to begin screening all types of large foreign
investments for their long-term economic impact and consequences for
American workers and American businesses.
I thank Senator Grassley for working on this important legislation.
Updating CFIUS is important for our national security. That is
paramount, but we also need to expand it because it is important that
our economic interests be protected.
We understand that the Chinese subsidize their energy, water, land,
and capital. They often are state-owned enterprises. They are so often
able to come into our markets and simply break international trade
rules and put our companies out of business and throw our workers out
of work.
(Mr. Kennedy assumed the chair.)
We have seen foreign investments here that have raised serious
concerns, including worries that those companies are pursuing
investments for the sole reason or the principal reason of undermining
American industries and giving their own companies an unfair advantage.
Again, some of these companies are owned or controlled by foreign
governments. When it is Chinese, especially, their water, land,
capital, and energy are subsidized, and it takes away our ability to
compete because we don't do that.
We took a first step with an amendment in the CFIUS reform bill. For
the first time, the Department of Commerce--in this bill that the
Presiding Officer and I worked on in the Banking Committee--for the
first time, the Department of Commerce will be required to study what
American companies China is buying and in what sectors so we can begin
to assess how big the threat is. Now we need to move forward with our
comprehensive bill.
We surely know there are Chinese investments in the Presiding
Officer's State of Louisiana and my State of Ohio. There are Chinese
investments coming in that could, in fact, undermine our economic
security, could cost our companies business, and could cause some
companies to go out of business because of Chinese subsidies for their
investments and ultimately put workers in Louisiana, Ohio, and
elsewhere out of business.
It is simple. Before we do business with a foreign entity--whether
the Government of China or companies subsidized by governments in that
part of the world--let's make sure it will create jobs, let's make sure
it will grow the U.S. economy, and let's make sure it will not
undermine our national security or American industries. We are already
behind when it comes to protecting our economy from Chinese investment.
I welcome investment from around the world, but I don't welcome it if
it is going to undermine our national security, and I don't welcome it
if it is going to put American companies out of business and American
workers out of jobs. Senator Grassley and I will continue working to
change that. It is time to move forward.
I yield the floor.
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