[Congressional Record Volume 164, Number 64 (Thursday, April 19, 2018)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2301-S2303]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                 Syria

  Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, I rise to talk about Syria and all of the 
horrors we have been seeing over not just months but years.
  Many people around this Nation, as well as people in the 
international community--whether they are in refugee camps in Turkey, 
Jordan, and Lebanon, or in bombed-out neighborhoods in Damascus, 
Aleppo, and Homs--so many people across the country and across the 
world are wondering, what will President Trump do next in Syria? Are we 
any closer to a resolution of this terrible conflict that will allow 
the Syrian people to rebuild their lives?
  More than 7 years have passed since the Syrian people first began 
protesting the Assad regime's brutal rule, and that may be a terrible 
understatement. The ongoing conflict continues to have an impact on 
U.S. national security interests. In these 7 years, almost 500,000 
Syrians have been killed--half a million Syrians killed--and more than 
12 million have been displaced from their homes. Sometimes that means 
they leave their homes and go to another community or another place 
within Syria, but of course many--maybe even most--have gone to another 
country. It is hard to comprehend that because that is a little more 
than half of the population of Syria. Imagine if half of more than 300 
million Americans were forced to leave their homes because of a war, 
because of bombings, because of the brutality of a regime. That is what 
has happened in Syria. Half the population has been displaced, and half 
a million have been killed.
  This is a conflict that began rather modestly but courageously. A 
group of young people scrawled graffiti on the walls of local buildings 
in protest of their own government's repressive policies. This was in 
the context of a movement of young people across the region--meaning 
the Middle East--standing up against autocratic governance. The Syrian 
regime cracked down brutally, and of course we all know that the 
conflict escalated from there.
  I remind my colleagues of the genesis of this conflict because so 
much has happened over the last 7 years, and the

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path toward a resolution remains unclear. I have said before and will 
say again today that I believe, as most analysts do, that there is no 
purely military solution to the conflict in Syria.
  Although the Russian and Iranian influence has always been present in 
Damascus, it has grown exponentially as the United States has ceded its 
leadership role on this issue. Beginning with the Obama administration, 
I have urged the executive branch to articulate a clear policy toward 
Syria, to empower our diplomatic and defense officials to demonstrate 
U.S. leadership on this issue, and to resist ceding our regional 
influence to adversaries like Russia and Iran.
  We cannot afford to ignore the carnage in Syria at the hands of the 
Assad regime and their backers--namely, of course, the Iranians and the 
Russians. U.S. vision and leadership are needed.
  Following the illegal, immoral, and appalling gas attack that killed 
more than 80 civilians in April 2017, the U.S. military executed 
standoff airstrikes against Syrian regime military targets. That was a 
proportional response to a heinous attack on civilians, but I also 
encouraged the administration at the time to develop a comprehensive 
plan to address the Syria conflict. Then nothing happened--well, I 
guess not nothing. In the year since then, the President has 
disempowered and now replaced Secretary of State Tillerson, failed to 
take decisive action in implementing sanctions on Russian entities 
enacted by overwhelming majorities in the House and Senate, and he has 
continued to confuse our allies with his policymaking-by-tweet.
  This week, I attended a briefing on this issue conducted by a number 
of administration officials, principally by Secretary Mattis. I was 
impressed with his goal of developing a cohesive Syria strategy; 
however, I remain concerned that no clear strategy has yet emerged to 
promote U.S. national security interests in the region, to advance the 
national security of our allies, such as Israel, or to protect the 
innocent Syrians being targeted by their own government. This lack of a 
consistent and considered strategy has given Bashar al-Assad the 
political space to continue to commit war crimes--and that is what they 
are, war crimes.
  Just one day after President Trump announced--again on Twitter--that 
the United States would soon be withdrawing from Syria, Assad's forces 
committed another heinous chemical weapons attack on a town that had 
already been suffering under siege by the Russian-backed Syrian Army. 
At least 56 civilians were killed in 24 hours.
  Now, of course, we all know that last week, the United States, the 
United Kingdom, and France responded with missile strikes against three 
Syrian chemical weapons development and storage facilities. But we have 
not heard what the administration plans to do next to work with our 
allies and partners on the humanitarian and political aspects of this 
conflict.

  Over the last several years, Russian, Iranian, and Turkish leaders 
have met to discuss the future of Syria. We all saw that picture of Mr. 
Ruhani, Mr. Erdogan, and Mr. Putin--three of our government's 
adversaries. Sometimes we work with them, but on most days, at least 
two of the three--the Russian and Iranian leaders--are adversaries. 
Certainly Mr. Erdogan has been back and forth between being an 
adversary and having an alliance with us on some issues. That picture 
was very disturbing. Are we going to allow those three to dictate 
policy not just in Syria but in the Middle East? Those three? I don't 
think so. I don't think that is what American policy should be.
  By failing to engage in these negotiations, the United States has 
ceded control of the outcomes to states with national interests often 
in direct conflict with our own. The Russian Government has made clear 
that they believe that all Syrian territory must return to the Assad 
regime's control before political reforms can be considered. The 
Iranian regime has made clear that their objective is to remain in 
control of territory--either directly or through proxies--from Tehran 
to Beirut.
  This is unacceptable. Assad's continued presence in Damascus is and 
will remain a recruiting tool for terrorists in the region. His regime 
allowed organizations like ISIS to grow and metastasize while Iranian 
forces have supplied tens of millions of arms to Hezbollah fighters who 
pose a clear threat to Israel.
  At different points during the last 15 months, we have heard many 
conflicting reports of this administration's Syria policy. At one 
point, the administration said it would endorse a transition plan that 
would leave Bashar al-Assad in power for at least another 4 years. At 
another point, Secretary Tillerson said the United States would retain 
a long-term military presence in Syria for combat operations, surge 
``stabilization'' assistance to opposition-controlled areas, and 
``rally the Syrian people and individuals within the regime to compel 
Assad to step down.'' We have also seen the President say that we are 
withdrawing from Syria and, most recently, conflicting reports on 
whether the United States will levy new sanctions on the Russian 
entities that enable and support the murderous Assad regime. So there 
have been a lot of mixed signals by different officials over the course 
of these 15 months since the administration started.
  Meanwhile, our Russian and Iranian adversaries have been clear and 
consistent in their policies: Protect their Syrian puppet, Bashar al-
Assad, as long as it is politically expedient. The Russians and 
Iranians don't give a damn about the Syrian people or regional 
stability. In fact, instability serves their interest. They fuel and 
feed the regime. They advise and equip Assad's army and security forces 
and, in the case of Russia, block the United Nations from holding the 
regime accountable.
  The continued political turmoil in Damascus coupled with continued 
besiegement of the Syrian people will lead to long-term instability in 
Syria. The U.S. military should be commended for its leadership in the 
international coalition fight against ISIS and for supporting local and 
regional forces in retaking Iraqi and Syrian territory from terrorist 
control.
  CENTCOM commander General Votel testified in March of 2017, and these 
are important words that he spoke:

       We will defeat ISIS militarily; however, a lasting defeat 
     of this enemy will not be achieved unless similar progress is 
     made on the political front. Instability all but guarantees a 
     resurgence of ISIS or the emergence of other terrorist groups 
     seeking to exploit conditions to advance their own aims.

  So said the CENTCOM commander, and we should listen to his words and 
take action in accordance with those words.
  The administration must continue to lead the international community 
in humanitarian assistance to the Syrian people and accelerate support 
for programs that promote good governance, rule of law, and basic 
service provision in communities liberated from ISIS control. While we 
believe partners in the region should also contribute more generously, 
we should lead by example by robustly funding relevant accounts in the 
fiscal 2019 budget.
  I am also thankful for the brave Americans who have volunteered their 
skills and their time to help the people of Syria survive--literally 
survive. I thank, in particular, the Syrian American Medical Society, 
doctors and aid workers who deliver assistance to displaced Syrians and 
to those who have remained within their borders. These courageous 
volunteers have stepped in to fill the gaps left by the international 
community and--I have to say--risking their own lives virtually every 
minute they are on the ground.
  More than 7 years since the conflict began, the situation in Syria 
remains critical and U.S. leadership is needed more than ever. Although 
I, too, expressed concern with President Obama's Syrian strategy, a 
year and a half into the Trump Presidency, it is no longer sufficient 
to blame the previous administration. I urge President Trump to present 
a strategy for Syria that protects American national security interests 
in the region, pushes back against Iranian and Russian influence and 
aggression, and, finally, empowers the Syrian people in their pursuit 
of a stable, secure, and prosperous future for their country.
  Thank you.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. BURR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.

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  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.