[Congressional Record Volume 164, Number 48 (Tuesday, March 20, 2018)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1799-S1800]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                            YEMEN RESOLUTION

  Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, on another matter, later today the 
Senate will vote on a resolution offered by the junior Senators from 
Vermont and Utah. Their goal is to end U.S. support for the Saudi 
Arabian-led coalition fighting the Houthi insurgency in Yemen, and they 
propose to do this using provisions of the War Powers Resolution and 
the International Security Assistance and Arms Export Control Act.
  I oppose their resolution for two reasons. The first reason is that 
my colleagues' substantive policy aim is actually misguided. Supreme 
Leader Khamenei and his regime know what

[[Page S1800]]

their goals are: Preserving their rule, expanding Iranian hegemony 
across the region, and harming the United States and Israel. That is 
what they want to do. That is why Iran exports violence, intimidation, 
and coercion. That is why Iran expands its ballistic missile program. 
That is why Iran uses proxies, such as the Houthis, Hezbollah, and 
other Shia militias, along with cyber attacks and other terrorism, to 
meddle in Yemen, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Bahrain, and beyond.
  During the Obama administration, America drew down our forward-
deployed military and conventional force structure. We chased after a 
flawed nuclear agreement. We reduced our commitment to our Sunni Arab 
partners. Iran noticed our reticence and saw an opportunity. It 
expanded its support of proxies and built strategies to exploit the 
unrest following civil wars in Yemen and Syria and the rampage of ISIL 
into Iraq.
  If this meddling is to be confronted, if terrorist threats are to be 
countered, and if arms shipments are to be curtailed, the United States 
will need the help of our regional partners. One key partner is Saudi 
Arabia. We have shared common interests for decades. We have worked 
together to counter Iran, support the Free Syrian Army, and combat 
ISIL. Today the support the United States provides to the Saudi-led 
coalition, including aerial refueling over the Red Sea, contributes to 
greater precision in their air campaign and actually leads to fewer 
civilian casualties. So let me say that again: Withdrawing U.S. support 
would increase, not decrease, the risk of civilian casualties, and it 
would signal that we are not serious about containing Iran or its 
proxies. The Houthi presence would continue threatening shipping lanes 
in the Red Sea. Iranian missiles would continue threatening Riyadh, and 
Iran would be further emboldened. That is why the goal of this 
resolution is bad policy.
  But my colleagues' resolution is also procedurally mistaken. The 
expedited authorities they wish to draw upon are meant for removing 
U.S. forces from actual participation in hostilities, but our support 
for the Saudi coalition has not caused us to enter active warfare or 
hostilities in Yemen.
  The Department of Defense and Secretary Mattis have made clear that 
U.S. forces are not engaged in exchanges of fire with hostile forces. 
According to the Acting General Counsel of the Department of Defense: 
``The limited military and intelligence support that the United States 
is providing to the [KSA-led] coalition does not involve any 
introduction of U.S. forces into hostilities for purposes of the War 
Powers Resolution or of section 1013 of the Department of State 
Authorization Act, Fiscal Years 1984 and 1985.''
  I support that assessment. The refueling of aircraft over the Red Sea 
does not equate to introducing U.S. forces into hostilities nor does 
intelligence sharing. U.S. forces are not transporting Saudi forces 
into combat within Yemen by air, land, or sea. So the expedited 
procedures this resolution seeks to exploit simply do not apply here.
  If Senators disagree with my assessment of the merits and oppose our 
support for the coalition, they have several legislative tools 
available to them. They could try to restrict funds through the 
appropriations process, amend the Arms Control Export Act for the 
licensing of defense services or the National Defense Authorization 
Act. Instead, we face a resolution which purports to require the 
President to withdraw U.S. forces from hostilities in Yemen--
hostilities which we have not entered.
  In a recent speech, Secretary Mattis explained:

       History proves that nations with allies thrive. . . . 
     Working by, with and through allies who carry their equitable 
     share allows us to amass the greatest possible strength.

  Imagine how challenging that would become if every advise-and-assist 
mission our forces undertake around the globe becomes subject to 
misapplication of the War Powers Resolution.
  Thus, I oppose this resolution on grounds of policy and on grounds of 
procedure, and I urge our colleagues to join me this afternoon.

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