[Congressional Record Volume 164, Number 37 (Thursday, March 1, 2018)]
[Senate]
[Pages S1305-S1306]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                            Iran Legislation

  Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, this Chamber is familiar with deadlines 
and has a habit of running up against them. We cannot lose sight of May 
12, the deadline when President Trump will make a decision about 
sanctions on Iran.
  In January, the President waived sanctions for the last time, calling 
on Congress to ``either fix the deal's disastrous flaws, or the United 
States will withdraw.'' We now have less than 3 months--a period in 
which bipartisan consensus on the issue of Iran is absolutely 
necessary.
  To reimpose sanctions would effectively signal the end of America's 
participation in the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, the JCPOA, an 
agreement better known as the Iran nuclear deal. The plan is flawed, 
and we cannot fix it without action.
  I ask my colleagues for cooperation and collaboration so that we can 
act in the national interest and prevent the nefarious aims of the 
world's leading state sponsor of terrorism. When it comes to Iran, we 
must put aside our differences and work together on a bipartisan bill.
  I know that the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, Senator 
Corker, has been working with Senator Cardin on this issue. Their 
efforts are commendable and necessary.
  Let me stress again that this effort must be bipartisan. One-sided 
legislation would signal division and weakness on the issue of Iran. A 
partisan bill would also undermine our diplomatic efforts with the P5+1 
countries to improve the JCPOA through a supplemental agreement. I am 
confident we can do our part.
  First, Congress has repeatedly demonstrated its support for 
countering Iran's malign activities. Second, President Trump has laid 
out a clear road map for legislation that he would sign. Finally, this 
President has the will to walk away. He has made this promise, and I 
believe he will keep it.
  Let me explore these three points in turn. No. 1, we have a long 
history of acting in an overwhelmingly bipartisan fashion on this 
issue. Last August, the President signed the Countering America's 
Adversaries Through Sanctions Act. The legislation included tough new 
sanctions on Iran's ballistic missile program, on its sponsorship of 
terrorism, and its human rights abuses. The Senate approved it by a 
vote of 98 to 2, and it earned a vote of 419 to 3 in the House--
bipartisan majorities. We also passed by voice vote Senator Rubio and 
Senator Shaheen's bill to crack down on illicit financing for Iran's 
client Hezbollah. The House companion also passed by a voice vote.
  We have a blueprint for what to do. The President has outlined four 
proposals addressing critical flaws in the nuclear deal.
  One of those proposals is that Iran allow anytime, anywhere 
inspections. Currently, Iran is blocking international inspectors from 
accessing military sites, such as the Parchin facility. Inspectors also 
have to follow elaborate rules even to request and receive access, 
despite Iran's long history of concealment and deception. If Iran has 
nothing to hide, then it has no reason to object to anytime, anywhere 
inspections.
  Second, the bill would ensure that Iran never comes close to getting 
a nuclear weapon. The current nuclear deal attempts to keep Iran 1 year 
away from breakout--the point at which Iran

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can rapidly develop a nuclear capability. One year is not much of an 
insurance policy, especially against the top state sponsor of 
terrorism. The bottom line is that Tehran should never come close to a 
nuclear weapon.
  Third, the bill needs to maintain restrictions in perpetuity. The so-
called sunset clauses are perhaps the most flawed part of the nuclear 
agreement. The way it currently reads, Iran does not need to cheat. 
They can simply wait us out. The conventional weapons ban sunsets in 
2020. The ban on receiving ballistic missile assistance sunsets in 
2023. The ban on replacing old centrifuges with advanced models sunsets 
in 2026. And all nuclear restrictions--on centrifuges, on enrichment 
facilities and levels, and on heavy water production--sunset in 2031. 
The sunset clauses do not stop Iran but kick the can down the road--a 
road ending in just over a decade.
  Finally, the bill cannot overlook the connection between Iran's 
ballistic missile and nuclear weapons programs. The legislation must 
severely sanction the ballistic missile program. This is another no-
brainer. A nuclear warhead is effective to the extent that it can be 
launched on a missile. Iran is not developing long-range and 
sophisticated ballistic missiles to deliver conventional payloads. The 
architects of the Iran deal, unfortunately, took great pains to keep it 
focused solely on nuclear. That has to end.
  These four demands constitute a sensible framework for the kind of 
bipartisan legislation that Congress can achieve.
  The final reason for my cautious optimism is that we have a President 
who keeps his promises. When President Trump calls May 12 the last 
chance, I take him seriously. I would encourage my colleagues to do the 
same. This President is dead serious about countering Iran's agenda. He 
said that he would decertify the deal last October. He followed 
through. That should have erased any doubts.
  We should not wait until the eleventh hour to deal with this issue. 
It is too important. By putting aside personal or political feelings, 
we can absolutely achieve a bipartisan bill that fixes the Iran deal 
using the President's framework.
  Thank you.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Minnesota.