[Congressional Record Volume 164, Number 37 (Thursday, March 1, 2018)]
[Extensions of Remarks]
[Page E249]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                         ZIMBABWE AFTER MUGABE

                                  _____
                                 

                       HON. CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH

                             of new jersey

                    in the house of representatives

                        Thursday, March 1, 2018

  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, yesterday we held a hearing on 
Zimbabwe. The hearing has been a long time in the making--for some 37 
years since the birth of the modern nation of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe 
dominated the political landscape of this resource rich and promising 
country, first as Prime Minister, then as President, always as 
Strongman. It was a 37-year rule which, sadly, betrayed the post-
colonial aspirations of freedom, one which was marked by misrule, 
mismanagement and mistreatment of Mugabe's fellow citizens.
  For many Zimbabweans, and for many years, envisioning a ``Zimbabwe 
after Mugabe'' was considered a fool's errand. Elections--some more 
flawed than others--had come and gone, opportunities for reform fallen 
by the wayside, and through it all the domineering presence of one man 
haunted the dreams of his countrymen.
  Then, in a matter of weeks, culminating last November, the landscape 
changed. The once-invincible ruler in October 2017 set into motion a 
series of events which left him not only ousted from the Zimbabwe 
National Union-Patriotic Front party, or ZANU-PF, but pushed off his 
presidential perch.
  The drama began in earnest when Mugabe sought to prop up his wife 
Grace's standing as his designated successor by ousting one of his two 
Vice Presidents, Emmerson Mnangagwa, presumably to elevate his wife to 
the position, while simultaneously moving against Mnangagwa's allies in 
the government and in ZANU-PF, promoting a younger generation aligned 
with Grace.
  Mnangagwa was part of an older faction in ZANU-PF, the generation 
that fought for liberation, with roots and strong connections in the 
military. As Rhodesian Bush War veterans and political survivors, 
Mnangagwa and his comrades could draw upon a reservoir of experience 
and cunning; they were not to be so easily pushed aside.
  So while Mugabe sought to tighten the reigns of control in favor of 
his wife and her allies, the other Vice President and head of the 
Zimbabwe Defense Force, Constantino Chiwenga, made a bold statement on 
November 13, saying in ``matters of protecting our revolution, the 
military will not hesitate to step in.'' This was declared 
``treasonous,'' but before Chiwenga himself could be arrested, the 
Zimbabwe Defense Forces did in fact step in and confined the long-
serving President to his quarters while taking control of key points 
around the country.
  What followed were spontaneous popular demonstrations against Robert 
Mugabe, indicating that a spell had been broken. ZANU-PF convened a 
meeting which declared Mnangagwa to be interim leader of the party, and 
in the face of impeachment proceedings against Mugabe, the 93-year-old 
President reluctantly stepped down, allowing Mnangagwa to assume the 
vacancy. This series of actions preserved a veneer of constitutional 
process, such that neither our country nor the African Union would 
label the events that took place a ``coup;'' indeed, if it were a coup, 
it was a popularly supported one, and one which subsequently received 
High Court ratification.
  So where does that leave us? Who is Emmerson Mnangagwa, the man who 
was sworn in as Zimbabwe's President on November 21?
  Critics call him ``the Crocodile,'' and recall his role as Mugabe's 
right-hand man and confidant, including during the brutal period in the 
early 1980s, when in the newly independent nation Mugabe waged an 
internal campaign of repression against fellow revolutionary leader 
Joshua Nkomo, killing thousands of ethnic minority Ndebele followers of 
Nkomo. During this time, Mugabe was assisted by military advisors from 
East Germany and North Korea, and by his Minister of State Security, 
one Emmerson Mnangagwa.
  Others, more charitably, admit that Mnangagwa was indeed once the 
Crocodile, but maintain that he has changed, undergoing a religious 
conversion to Evangelical Christianity. Indeed, his rhetoric since 
ascending to power has been reassuring, stating that he will restore 
democracy, rule of law, economic prosperity and trade while addressing 
endemic corruption. On the issue of land tenure, he said he would end 
the seizures of property that Mugabe had used to punish enemies and 
reward cronies.
  So we stand at a crossroads, perhaps facing a once-in-a-lifetime 
opportunity where Zimbabwe can chart a new course. Yet one cannot be 
Pollyanna, nor disregard the wise words of Pete Townshend, who once 
sang ``Meet the new Boss, same as the old Boss . . . We won't get 
fooled again.''
  On the issue of land seizures, for example, one notes that the newly-
retired general and, as of December 28, 2017, the new Vice President, 
Constantino Chiwenga--who issued the ``treasonous'' challenge that led 
to Mugabe's ouster--is alleged to be a beneficiary of Mugabe's past 
largess with other people's land.
  Indeed, as we attempt to read the tea leaves and discern what the 
entrails portend, we will be assisted by a stellar panel. While the 
State Department is unable to send a witness due to the immediacy of 
issues concerning the budget and Secretary Tillerson's impending trip 
to Africa, we have with us a former Ambassador of the United States to 
Zimbabwe as well as one of the key implementers of our democracy 
promotion policy in Zimbabwe. We also have two Zimbabweans with us, who 
are extremely versed and involved in contemporary events in the 
country.
  Yesterday's hearing looked at the prospects for true democratic and 
governance reform, as well as the potential restoration of rule of law.
  We truly hope that the arrival of a new government signals an 
opportunity for establishing a mutually beneficial relationship between 
the United States and Zimbabwe, and that as the near future unfolds, 
events will allow us to reevaluate some of the sanctions that were 
imposed during the Mugabe years.

                          ____________________