[Congressional Record Volume 164, Number 16 (Tuesday, January 23, 2018)]
[Senate]
[Pages S458-S460]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Nomination of Alex Azar
Mr. WYDEN. Mr. President, very shortly, the Senate is going to take
two votes on the President's nominees. The first is to confirm Jerome
Powell as the next Fed Chair. Once that vote wraps up, the Senate will
vote on whether to begin debate on the nomination of Alex Azar to be
Secretary of Health and Human Services.
This is one of the key roles in our entire Federal Government in
caring for America's sick and vulnerable. Let me begin by saying that
Mr. Azar does not come with the staggering ethical challenges of his
predecessor, the first Trump HHS nominee, Tom Price.
Here is my concern: Mr. Azar's nomination is a clear symbol of the
President's broken promises on prescription drugs and pledge to secure
better and more affordable healthcare for all Americans. At the outset
of my remarks, I am going to start with the issue of skyrocketing
prescription drug prices that now clobber millions of Americans at
pharmacy windows across America. It is one thing for a Presidential
candidate to have claimed he would just be too busy working to have
time to golf and then spend almost 1 out of 3 days in office golfing.
It is another thing altogether to promise cheaper prescription drugs to
sick and vulnerable Americans who empty their pockets to pay for their
medications only to abandon them completely once you are in office.
Now, it was barely a year ago that Donald Trump stood before our
country and said prescription-hiking drug companies were getting ``away
with murder.'' Those were his words, not mine, not somebody in the news
media. The President said the drug companies were ``getting away with
murder.''
Now he has nominated Alex Azar, a drug company executive with a
documented history of raising drug prices, to lead the Department of
Health and Human Services. From 2012 until last year, Mr. Azar--who is
the head of Eli Lilly's American subsidiary; that is, Lilly USA--
chaired the U.S. pricing reimbursement and access steering committee,
which gave him a major role over drug price increases for every product
Lilly marketed across the country.
On Mr. Azar's watch, the price of Forteo, a Lilly drug used to treat
osteoporosis, more than doubled. The price of Effient, a Lilly drug
used to treat heart disease, more than doubled. The price of Strattera,
a Lilly drug used to treat ADHD, more than doubled. The price of
Humalog, a Lilly drug used to treat diabetes, more than doubled, and
these are only a few of the drugs that were under Mr. Azar's purview.
Mr. Azar told the Senate Finance Committee that he had never--not
even one time--signed off on a decrease in the price of a medicine, and
when asked about that statement in his confirmation hearing, Mr. Azar
was quick to say: That is just the way the system works, but he didn't
give us any concrete examples of how he would buck that system if he
became the head of the Department of Health and Human Services. It
seems to me, given the fact that he was asked questions about what
concrete ideas he had for reforming the system and carrying out the
President's promises to hold down prescription drug prices, he came up
empty. I guess that says he would fit right in with the Trump
administration on prescription drug practices.
In its first year, the Trump administration has made exactly no
progress when it comes to tackling these skyrocketing pharmaceutical
prices. They don't have any Executive orders that have any teeth in
them. There don't seem to be any new initiatives at all. No new
legislation has come from the Department or the White House. Perhaps,
in my view, that is because the administration seems to be busy on
other fronts, like taking healthcare away from those who need it,
people who can least afford to have their bills climbing upward because
of a decision made by a bureaucracy here in the Nation's Capital.
This nomination, as you are going to hear Senators discuss tomorrow,
is about more than just the administration's failure on prescription
drugs. It is, in effect, a proxy on an entire healthcare agenda. This
is really a referendum on a healthcare policy from this administration
that I think is an abject failure.
It is a year in now, and the administration's track record on
healthcare is pretty clear. New data came out a few days ago showing
that the number of Americans with health insurance dropped by more than
3 million people. That means 3 million Americans are a sudden illness
or injury away from the nightmare of personal bankruptcy, having to
sell their home or their car or empty a retirement account to escape
from under that mountain of medical bills.
A very substantial part of that problem stems from the
administration's sabotage on the Affordable Care Act. The
administration cut the open enrollment period in half. That meant
anybody who clicked on the internet, hoping to sign up this month, has
found out that they are just too late. They slashed advertising budgets
that helped reach the younger and healthier customers that make the
private health insurance market affordable. And they made it harder for
those having difficulty signing up for coverage to get a little bit of
help in person.
This sabotage agenda, in my view, is an attack on the kind of health
insurance this administration says it is for. They say they are for a
private health insurance market, but the fact is, what they have been
doing is undermining
[[Page S459]]
the private health insurance market as part of their effort to
undermine the Affordable Care Act. So this policy, perpetrated by a
party and the President who professed to want to run this country like
a business, certainly doesn't reflect the kinds of sound business
practices we see from business leaders in my home State of Oregon.
If that wasn't harmful enough, the administration also is allowing
fraudsters to, once again, sell junk coverage insurance policies that
aren't worth the paper they are printed on.
A major part of the Affordable Care Act was laying down basic
consumer protections for the private market. It was all about saying
that Americans would no longer get stuck with junk insurance that
turned out to be worthless when they actually suffered an injury or
came down with an illness. I can't tell you what a step backward it is
to see the sale of these junk insurance policies.
Years ago, when I was director of the Gray Panthers, it was common to
see older people buy 15 or 20 private health insurance policies to
supplement their Medicare, and they weren't worth the paper they were
written on. They were junk. Finally, we got that changed. We passed a
law with teeth to change it.
But now the Trump administration has, with respect to the private
market and the Affordable Care Act, decided to turn back the clock and
bring back junk insurance in the private insurance marketplace. So
instead of working on a bipartisan basis to make the private health
insurance market more affordable and competitive, the Trump
administration has sabotaged those markets, hiking the number of
Americans without coverage and sticking a whole lot of Americans with
junk coverage that, in my view, is virtually guaranteed to fail them
when they are most in need. The biggest threat their strategy poses on
a basic level is that it wipes out the ironclad guarantee of protection
for Americans with preexisting conditions. Guarantee of access to
healthcare isn't worth much if you can't afford it, and the Trump
administration is doing a bangup job of making healthcare unaffordable
for those with preexisting conditions.
The Trump administration has also undermined years of progress with
respect to women's health. They attack the rule that says women have to
be guaranteed no-cost access to contraception--one of the most popular
healthcare rules in recent memory. Fortunately, the administration's
action on that issue has been held up in the courts, but that is only
one part of the anti-women's health agenda that plays out now.
Just last week, the Trump administration overturned longstanding
protections dealing with States and family planning providers. This, in
my view, is an attack both on a woman's right to see the provider of
their choosing and Planned Parenthood. The administration is also
broadening the exceptions that give employers and universities say over
what kinds of healthcare women can access.
Here is how Mr. Azar described his perspective on that issue when he
went before the HELP Committee. He said: ``We have to balance, of
course, a woman's choice of insurance that she would want with the
conscience of the employers and others.''
We don't have to that. A woman's choice of healthcare is her choice--
her choice and nobody else's. The care she has access to and receives
is not up to her employer and not up to her university. It is up to
that woman and her physician. And now the administration is even going
after protections for LGBTQ Americans.
The bottom line is, the administration is doing a lot more to protect
the perpetrators of discrimination than the victims. Healthcare is a
right in America, but discrimination is not.
The way Mr. Azar describes the position he is nominated to fill, it
sounds as if he understands it. He said in his confirmation hearing: If
I get this job, my job is to ``enhance and protect the health and
wellbeing of all Americans.'' But he is not committed to reversing
these kinds of anti-discriminatory practices I just described.
When I heard Mr. Azar say it would be his job to ``enhance and
protect the health and wellbeing of all Americans,'' I couldn't help
but think back to the first nomination hearing the Finance Committee
had for a Trump HHS nominee. Back then, Tom Price told the committee it
would be his job at the Department just to administer the laws passed
by Congress. He would be out of the legislative business. Once he got
the job, he broke his word, and that has been the norm for the
Department over the year. Congress has every reason to believe that is
going to continue, regardless of the talking points Mr. Azar and
administration officials use.
Finally, I want to discuss Medicaid. Just in the last few weeks, the
administration has begun giving States a green light to slap new and
punitive requirements and other limits on Americans covered by State
Medicaid Programs. My bottom line is, Medicaid is a healthcare program.
The vast majority of those who count on Medicaid either already have a
job or are unable to work due to old age and infirmity. We shouldn't be
trying to make life harder for those folks. The action by the Centers
for Medicare and Medicaid Services goes after people who are just
trying to get by. It is a decision by bureaucrats in Washington, going
after Americans who walk an economic tightrope, who might just be
trying to take care of kids or elderly parents or struggling with a
chronic condition. This looks, on Medicaid, like yet another
ideologically motivated attack on a program that covers vulnerable
Americans--all generations, from newborn infants to two out of three
seniors. The Trump administration is giving States permission to attack
it.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent for 2 additional minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. WYDEN. Mr. President, in a short while, the Senate will have a
cloture vote on Mr. Azar's nomination to run the Department of Health
and Human Services. The debate will be about a lot more than that. It
is a question of whether the Trump administration should be allowed to
take this country backward on health and to discriminate against
Americans. It is a question of whether the attacks on Medicaid should
continue and whether this administration will be held accountable for
its broken promises on lower drug prices, insurance for all, no cuts to
Medicare or Medicaid.
I regret to say to the Senate today that I have no confidence that
Mr. Azar will change course at the Department of Health and Human
Services. I do not support his nomination, and I urge a ``no'' vote
today.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under the previous order, all postcloture time
has expired.
The question is, Will the Senate advise and consent to the Powell
nomination?
Mr. WYDEN. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There appears to be a sufficient second.
The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. CORNYN. The following Senators are necessarily absent: the
Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Corker), the Senator from Arizona (Mr.
McCain), and the Senator from South Carolina (Mr. Scott).
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Rubio). Are there any other Senators in
the Chamber desiring to vote?
The result was announced--yeas 84, nays 13, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 19 Ex.]
YEAS--84
Alexander
Baldwin
Barrasso
Bennet
Blunt
Boozman
Brown
Burr
Cantwell
Capito
Cardin
Carper
Casey
Cassidy
Cochran
Collins
Coons
Cornyn
Cortez Masto
Cotton
Crapo
Daines
Donnelly
Duckworth
Durbin
Enzi
Ernst
Fischer
Flake
Gardner
Graham
Grassley
Hassan
Hatch
Heinrich
Heitkamp
Heller
Hirono
Hoeven
Inhofe
Isakson
Johnson
Jones
Kaine
Kennedy
King
Klobuchar
Lankford
Leahy
Manchin
McCaskill
McConnell
Menendez
Moran
Murkowski
Murphy
Murray
Nelson
Perdue
Peters
Portman
Reed
Risch
Roberts
Rounds
Sasse
Schatz
Schumer
Shaheen
Shelby
Smith
Stabenow
Sullivan
Tester
Thune
Tillis
Toomey
Udall
Van Hollen
Warner
Whitehouse
Wicker
Wyden
Young
[[Page S460]]
NAYS--13
Blumenthal
Booker
Cruz
Feinstein
Gillibrand
Harris
Lee
Markey
Merkley
Paul
Rubio
Sanders
Warren
NOT VOTING--3
Corker
McCain
Scott
The nomination was confirmed.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from California.