[Congressional Record Volume 164, Number 11 (Thursday, January 18, 2018)]
[Senate]
[Pages S286-S287]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DACA
Mr. GRASSLEY. Mr. President, I come to the floor today to offer
remarks about an issue of utmost important to this body and to the
American people--the ongoing negotiations over the future of the
Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA.
I should explain the justification for these young people. The
children were brought here by their parents. Their parents crossed the
border without papers, violating the law, but the children cannot be
held guilty for the sins of their parents. That is why we feel it is
very legitimate to do this humanitarian thing of legalizing DACA
children--not in and of itself, but, as you heard from my colleague
from North Carolina and you will hear from other people, the necessity
of making sure that we have border security, that we do away with chain
migration, and that we also do away with diversity visas--this is the
scope of negotiations that ought to be going on to get a compromise for
the humanitarian reason of giving certainty to these young DACA people.
Those things were narrowed at the White House a week ago Tuesday, not
the famous Thursday meeting that you heard so much about last weekend
but the meeting of 23 Republican and Democrat Members of both the House
and Senate. When you get a bicameral, bipartisan group of people
together with the President--and you want to do that because you want
to make sure that when you reach an agreement, the President will sign
it--it seems to me that is a significant way to move forward. But
things tend to take different routes around here, and I am here because
of some routes that I think are very puzzling at this point--pretty
much along the lines of what the Senator from North Carolina just
stated.
Last week, speaking to my colleagues, I told this body that we still
weren't any closer to a legitimate and fair deal that promotes and
protects the interests of the American people in a lawful immigration
system, and, at the same time, what is very important is providing a
fair and equitable solution on DACA. But we also want to take care of
the interests of the American people, particularly the safety of the
American people when it comes to criminal aliens.
Since I made that speech a week ago, we made some progress in a
meeting that went on at the White House, which I just told you about.
In spite of the many events of these past 2 weeks, the pronouncement I
just made that we don't have a legitimate, fair deal on one hand to
protect the American people and, on the other hand, to deliver the
humanitarian ends that we need for the DACA kids--that pronouncement
still holds true.
Unfortunately, immigration has become the ``Groundhog Day'' of the
U.S. Senate. Democrats, and even some Republicans, keep repeating the
same mistakes that we have been making for the past 30 years, and they
don't seem to be learning from them. I should probably tell my
colleagues what I have learned in those 30 years.
Thirty years ago, when I voted for an immigration bill--the last
great big reform of immigration--we had 3 million undocumented people
here. In good faith, we thought we had secured the border because
throughout the history of the country, from the beginning, it had never
been illegal to hire an illegal alien, and for the first time, we made
it illegal for our employers to hire someone who is undocumented,
taking away the magnet to come to this country. We thought it would
secure the border if they couldn't be legally hired, and we legalized 3
million people. We didn't take into consideration the whole industry of
false documents in which, if I go to an employer and show him a false
document and they believe it is a true document, then they are not
guilty of hiring me, even though I am technically an undocumented
worker, because I am using a fraudulent document.
What happens when you reward illegality? You get more of it. So
instead of the 3 million people we had legalized, we now have an 11-
million person issue. That is what I have been told.
[[Page S287]]
We don't want to repeat those mistakes, and that is why, besides
legalizing DACA kids, border security and doing away with chain
migration are so important. One of the bombers in New York was here
because of chain migration--the terrorist who was just about ready to--
well, he didn't kill anyone, but he injured a lot of people. Then we
have another person who was here on a diversity visa and killed 8
people and injured 12 while driving down the streets of New York. So we
have a major problem we have to take care of.
The President is very interested in taking care of this problem, as
he enunciated in that Tuesday meeting, which was bicameral and
bipartisan and narrowed the issues so that it would be easier for us to
reach an agreement here. Instead of dealing with 100 things, 4 are
taken care of--DACA, border security, doing away with diversity visas,
and doing away with chain migration.
We don't want ``Groundhog Day'' to happen again in the U.S. Senate
because it has been happening quite frequently. In the last 30 years,
we thought we could solve this problem once and for all by taking away
the magnet for people to come here for jobs, and we would secure the
border. Well, 30 years later, you can understand why the President
wants a wall and more border security.
In recent days, several of my colleagues formed what can best be
described as a poor man's version of the Gang of 8. The Gang of 8 is
affiliated with a very bad bill called comprehensive immigration. It
passed in 2013 and went nowhere in the House of Representatives because
it was unrealistic. These six Senators have decided that they--and they
alone--will come up with a solution to the DACA crisis. Now they are
demanding that their solution--and no other solution--receive a vote or
they will shut the government down at midnight tomorrow night. That is
right. These Senators, along with many Democrats, are threatening to
shut the government down unless this plan gets a vote.
Surely, if these Senators are willing to prevent basic services from
being provided to law-abiding, tax-paying American citizens and legal
immigrants, their plan must be something that could garner wide
bipartisan support, pass the House, and be signed into law by the
President. It is far short of those four things that were agreed to at
the bipartisan, bicameral meeting at the White House.
What is actually in this grand plan these Senators have come up with?
Well, as of today, neither I nor my staff have actually seen text of
the bill they are promoting. Why are they threatening a shutdown of the
Federal Government over a bill that almost no one has been given a
chance to read, and why are they threatening to shut down the
government when there is still plenty of time? The deadline is March 5
to come to a meaningful solution that can earn bipartisan support.
Well, here is what we do know about their proposal, from one-page
summaries. The bill would provide a massive amnesty to millions of
people who are in this country unlawfully--before border security,
making the same mistake we did in 1986. Their proposal doesn't just
provide status to the young men and women enrolled in the DACA Program,
which everyone in this Chamber agrees should be done; it dramatically
expands the scope, granting legal status to potentially millions of
others, including those who knowingly violate the law. It is
unthinkable to me that we should reward that unlawful conduct, and it
is ridiculous that Democrats and some Republicans are turning the
tables and making this last-minute demand when there was such a
successful meeting at the White House a week ago Tuesday. It was
bipartisan, bicameral, with the President leading the discussion and
everyone agreeing that we would narrow the 100 issues down to 4: DACA,
border security, diversity visas, and ending chain migration.
Surely then, in exchange for this massive amnesty, their proposal
would provide significant border security, enforcement, and chain
migration reforms. If you were hoping for that answer to be yes, don't
hold your breath. Their proposal has a paltry amount of funding for
existing border security infrastructure improvement. That is right--no
new infrastructure.
Their proposal also doesn't add new legal authorities to make it
easier for law enforcement to apprehend, detain, and deport dangerous
criminal aliens. Now, I think they are somewhat embarrassed that they
don't have some proposals in there that dangerous criminal aliens ought
to be deported easier than they are today.
So I have to ask, is there a reason why these Senators don't want to
make it easier to remove these dangerous criminals? Do they want to
protect sex offenders? Do they want to protect child molesters? Do they
want drunk drivers, gang members, like MS-13, human traffickers, and
drug smugglers roaming throughout this great United States of America?
I can't imagine the answer to any of these questions is yes. If I am
right, then they need to tell the American people why they refused to
give our government the new authorities needed to remove these
individuals who have endangered our communities. They either support
removing dangerous criminals or they don't. There is no going in
between.
Their plan also fails to truly end chain migration. In fact, in that
one-page document I have seen, these Senators acknowledge their chain
migration fix would only affect 26,266 visas per year. That is right,
just a little above 26,000. So in exchange for a potential amnesty for
8 million people, they have agreed to eliminate 26,000 visas a year. I
am no mathematician, but that doesn't seem to be a very balanced
agreement to me. They seem to be making the same mistakes I made in
1986.
Finally, their proposal doesn't even end the Diversity Visa Program.
Remember, this is one of four agreements in a bicameral, bipartisan
meeting with the President of the United States that everybody left the
White House with an agreement that we were going to break within those
four.
This Diversity Visa Program, we all know, is subject to fraud and
abuse, and colleagues on both sides of the aisle have long called for
its elimination--and I mean elimination, not reallocation. The proposal
they are floating around doesn't do that.
To sum it up, this proposal is heavy on amnesty, learning nothing
from the 1986 mistake I learned a lot from. Too bad there is only a
handful of us around the U.S. Senate from that time because there would
be a lot more missionaries saying that what happened in 1986 shouldn't
be repeated.
Also, more importantly, it is nonexistent on security measures. This
approach has been tried time and again, and that approach has failed.
The American people simply don't want to provide a massive amnesty
first and secure the border later. For those Members who think we can
do amnesty first and security second, I think I made it quite clear: I
think that is the wrong approach. I know because I have been here a
long time, and I have been here at the time those mistakes have been
made. We know they failed the goals we sought. I remember why it
failed. Maybe--just maybe--if we actually provide safety first and then
consider more comprehensive reforms later, we can break this repetitive
cycle and end this immigration ``Groundhog Day.''
Maybe I ought to add to those four points that were agreed to at the
White House. The President was promoting another step or two called
comprehensive immigration reform, but get this done first. Secure the
border first. If we actually provide security first, doing so would
instill trust with the American people that we are dedicated to fixing
this immigration issue, not simply delaying the same debate.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia.
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