[Congressional Record Volume 164, Number 2 (Thursday, January 4, 2018)]
[Senate]
[Pages S35-S36]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                                  Iran

  Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise today as brave citizens in Iran 
are taking to the streets to exercise their fundamental right to freely 
express their opinions and protest against their government.
  As a democracy founded on core values, including the freedom of 
speech, equal rights under the law, and basic human dignity, the United 
States must always stand up for those peacefully advocating for these 
principles. For decades America has championed these principles, not 
only because they are right but because they promote our interests. We 
know that nations whose governments respect human rights and freedom of 
expression, that uphold the rule of law, and that protect the civil 
rights and liberties of their people serve as America's most reliable 
allies, most strategic security relationships, and most prosperous 
economic partners. Our enduring belief in democratic values compels all 
of us to stand up, not as Democrats or Republicans but as Americans, 
and to support citizens around the world courageously protesting the 
regimes that oppress them.
  We stand with those who speak out, and even risk their own lives, to 
make their voices heard in the struggle against oppression, inequality, 
and injustice. The fact that today's protests in Iran are against a 
regime that engages in activity that directly threatens our Nation, our 
allies, and our security interests is a separate matter.
  Iran's leaders may try to blame the protests on outside forces, but 
in reality this unrest is homegrown. The Iranians marching in Tehran 
know exactly who is to blame for the hardship, inequality, and 
oppression they face in their daily lives. It is the regime itself. For 
those who have closely followed the developments in Iran for years, it 
is no surprise to learn that the regime continues to disregard the 
basic rights of its citizens. The regime has proven that it has no 
moral qualms with forcing the innocent to suffer. Already security 
forces are responsible for the deaths of more than 20 Iranian 
protesters. They have detained and imprisoned hundreds of people who 
are simply speaking their minds.
  Of course, these abuses are just one example of the consistently 
odious behavior we have witnessed from Iran in recent years. This is a 
regime that has proven that it is more interested in building ballistic 
missiles than building bridges, that believes money is better spent on 
terrorist networks in Lebanon and Syria than on schools and hospitals 
for the Iranian people, that any revenue generated by Iran's 
international energy deals go directly into the pockets of those 
fomenting discord in the region and not into the hands of Iranian 
citizens trying to feed their families, and that will continue to 
engage in malign activity that isolates it from the community of 
nations, directly at the expense of the Iranian people. For these 
reasons and many more, I sincerely hope that the international 
community lives up to its responsibility to support all those who are 
protesting this repressive regime.
  However, words go only so far. The United States must continue to 
lead international efforts to counter the Iranian regime's 
destabilizing behavior overseas. Unfortunately, this administration has 
yet to take the lead. We hear plenty of bluster from this President, 
but threatening tweets do not constitute policy nor can they hold Iran 
culpable. Putting a nation ``on notice'' means nothing if there are no 
policies put in place. We need a real strategy that addresses Iran's 
destabilizing activities in the Middle East, whether it is the regime's 
continued support for terrorist networks, illegal ballistic missile 
development, or human rights abuses and political interference in other 
countries.
  These threats are what compelled me to work with my colleagues across 
the

[[Page S36]]

aisle last year to pass the Countering Iran's Destabilizing Activities 
Act, a bill to hold Iran accountable for its ongoing support for 
terrorism, ballistic missile proliferation, and human rights abuses. 
This legislation passed the Senate with an overwhelming bipartisan 
majority of 98 to 2. Ultimately, it served as the base text of the 
Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, which addressed 
a wide range of hostile behavior from not just Iran but from Russia and 
North Korea as well. This bill calls for the administration to develop 
a comprehensive regional strategy to deter conventional and asymmetric 
threats. We are fast approaching the deadline for that strategy.
  More importantly, however, we have heard the President say for more 
than a year that he was going to develop a plan to hold Iran 
accountable. Thus far, we have seen nothing more than tough talk. The 
reality is that this administration has yet to fully implement critical 
provisions of this law that could substantively counter Iran's 
nefarious behavior. The bill gives the President the authority to 
target human rights abusers, including those complicit in the ongoing 
repression of protesters, but he has yet to use that authority. The 
bill also authorizes the President to go after those individuals and 
entities that are violating international arms embargoes, exporting 
hateful ideologies and weapons across the region and fomenting violence 
and chaos against innocent civilians in Syria and Yemen, but he has yet 
to go after these actors.
  While the administration designated Iran's Islamic Revolutionary 
Guard Corps under terrorism authority--something I applaud--it has not 
effectively targeted actors associated with the IRGC.
  All of my colleagues know that I was deeply skeptical and strongly 
opposed to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. I voted against the 
JCPOA precisely because I thought it was a mistake to roll back 
sanctions on Iran without the total dismantlement of its nuclear 
infrastructure. However, refusing to certify Iran's compliance with a 
deeply flawed deal, as the President did in October, does little to 
address its shortcomings. The President's move in October was a hollow 
attempt to fulfill a campaign promise while continuing to let Iran 
enjoy the benefits of the JCPOA and continue its non-nuclear malign 
activities throughout the region. Furthermore, this decision was 
carried without a clear path forward and without specific proposals 
that could have garnered critical international support.

  At the end of the day, the Trump administration's actions may have 
actually left the United States with less leverage to address Iran's 
far-reaching, nefarious behavior in the Middle East, whether it be its 
support for terrorism, its human rights abuses, or its illegal 
ballistic missile development. None of these critical security 
challenges are addressed simply by not certifying the JCPOA, nor does 
it move us toward a comprehensive international strategy for the 
nuclear program Iran plans to resume immediately following this 
agreement's expiration. In short, the President's own lack of policy 
has squandered whatever leverage he may have hoped to gain.
  Furthermore, the President has severely disadvantaged himself by 
gutting the very instruments in his national security apparatus that 
should be taking the lead on Iran and all foreign policy matters. As an 
architect of the sanctions networks that crippled Iran's economy and 
forced its leaders to negotiate with the international community, I 
know how essential our diplomatic arsenal is to confronting Iran.
  The President, however, seems committed to hollowing out those 
agencies and offices that are in the best position to advance our 
diplomatic interests. The Trump administration, for example, has 
shuttered the office of sanctions policy at the State Department. The 
Office of Foreign Assets Control at the Treasury Department is now 
woefully understaffed. As the President publicly talks about supporting 
democracy, his administration has scrapped funding for human rights and 
democracy programs and even removed the word ``democracy'' from USAID's 
mission statement.
  Meanwhile, Iran continues to increase its presence in Iraq, to 
maintain support for the terrorist organization Hezbollah, and to take 
credit for Bashar al-Assad's murderous grip on power in Syria.
  The United States must be willing to work with its allies if we are 
serious about holding Iran accountable. We should be corralling our 
allies in Europe to begin treating all of Hezbollah's entities as 
terrorist organizations. We should be moving our allies toward the 
development of a comprehensive international strategy for addressing 
Iran's nuclear ambitions once the JCPOA expires.
  Finally, this administration must prioritize the release of American 
citizens unjustly arrested and detained in Iran. Today, Princeton 
University student Xiyue Wang, a scholar from one of the most renowned 
academic institutions in the world, in my home State of New Jersey, 
remains in prison under ridiculous charges of espionage. Similarly, 
Siamak Namazi, a former student of Rutgers University in New Jersey, 
remains in prison, along with his father, a former UNICEF employee. And 
Robert Levinson remains missing after more than 10 years.
  In short, this President's approach toward Iran thus far has been a 
disjointed mix of campaign promises, bluster, and confusing signals to 
our allies--not a serious consideration of how to effectively confront 
an existing and growing threat.
  So, as we approach a legally mandated deadline for the President to 
present Congress and the American people with a sound policy to 
confront a real threat, I call on the President to make use of our 
incredible national security establishment, to consult experts who can 
help formulate a strong, sound policy capable of confronting Iran's 
destabilizing behavior in the Middle East, and to implement a strategy 
that will effectively confront Iran's continued support for 
international terrorism, its belligerent ballistic missile tests, and 
its ongoing public and brutal abuses of human rights within its own 
borders and around the world.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. CASSIDY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.