[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 198 (Tuesday, December 5, 2017)]
[House]
[Pages H9643-H9648]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




   CONDEMNING ETHNIC CLEANSING OF ROHINGYA AND CALLING FOR AN END TO 
   ATTACKS IN AND AN IMMEDIATE RESTORATION OF HUMANITARIAN ACCESS TO 
                             RAKHINE, BURMA

  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and 
agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 90) condemning ethnic 
cleansing of the Rohingya and calling for an end to the attacks in and 
an immediate restoration of humanitarian access to the state of Rakhine 
in Burma, as amended.
  The Clerk read the title of the concurrent resolution.
  The text of the concurrent resolution is as follows:

                            H. Con. Res. 90

       Whereas on August 25, 2017, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation 
     Army carried out attacks on Government positions in the state 
     of Rakhine in Burma (``Rakhine State'');
       Whereas in recent decades the Rohingya people have lost, 
     through systematic discrimination by Burmese national, state 
     and local authorities, a range of civil and political rights, 
     including citizenship, and face barriers today such that they 
     are mostly stateless peoples;
       Whereas since the August 25 attacks, Burma's military and 
     security forces, as well as private mobs, have carried out 
     attacks resulting in over 600,000 Rohingya fleeing to 
     Bangladesh;
       Whereas Amnesty International described the attacks by 
     stating that ``Myanmar security forces are setting northern 
     Rakhine State ablaze in a targeted campaign to push the 
     Rohingya people out of Myanmar.'';
       Whereas the United Nations Security Council has called for 
     an end to the violence and attacks;
       Whereas the United Nations High Commissioner on Human 
     Rights has said that the response by the military is 
     ``grossly disproportionate'' and a ``textbook example of 
     ethnic cleansing'';
       Whereas Secretary of State Rex Tillerson has said, ``This 
     violence must stop, this persecution must stop'';
       Whereas under Burma's military-drafted constitution, the 
     country's military and security services are not subject to 
     civilian rule and only Burma's Commander-in-Chief, Min Aung 
     Hlaing, can command troops to cease attacks impacting 
     civilians in Rakhine State;
       Whereas Burma's civilian Government, led by Aung San Suu 
     Kyi, has not yet taken necessary steps to address the 
     violence and should take further measures, including to 
     address the pervasive problem of hate speech;
       Whereas the United States acknowledges the democratic 
     transition underway in Burma, maintains hope for further 
     genuine democratic reforms, and expects Burma's elected 
     officials to take action to prevent violence and secure 
     rights;
       Whereas the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State (``Rakhine 
     Commission'') examined, beginning in 2016, the underlying 
     tensions in Rakhine State and made a series of 
     recommendations including a wide range of suggestions and 
     policy changes dealing with humanitarian aid, citizenship, 
     reconciliation, and peace;
       Whereas the Rakhine Commission stated, ``While Myanmar has 
     every right to defend its own territory, a highly militarized 
     response is unlikely to bring peace to the area. What is 
     needed is a calibrated approach - one that combines 
     political, developmental, security and human rights responses 
     to ensure that violence does not escalate and inter-communal 
     tensions are kept under control.'';
       Whereas the United Nations estimates that $434,000,000 in 
     humanitarian assistance will be needed to provide life-
     sustaining support to 1,200,000 people, both refugees and 
     host communities, in the first few months of this crisis; and
       Whereas the United States is providing an initial 
     $32,000,000 in humanitarian assistance to address the urgent 
     needs of Rohingya fleeing violence from Rakhine State into 
     Bangladesh, as well as the needs of internally displaced 
     persons in Rakhine State and host communities in Bangladesh: 
     Now, therefore, be it
       Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate 
     concurring), That Congress--
       (1) condemns the attacks against civilians by Burma's 
     military and security forces and calls on Burma's Commander-
     in-Chief, Min Aung Hlaing, to immediately end all attacks 
     against civilians in the state of Rakhine in Burma;
       (2) expresses deepest appreciation to the Government of 
     Bangladesh for providing refuge to those fleeing violence and 
     attacks;
       (3) condemns the attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation 
     Army and the violence in Rakhine and Rohingya communities, 
     but warns that these attacks do not justify the unrestrained 
     response by Burmese military and security forces that has 
     resulted in severe human rights violations, murderous ethnic 
     cleansing, and atrocities against civilians;
       (4) calls on Burma's Government, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, 
     and the Burmese military and security forces to work 
     constructively to implement the recommendations of the 
     Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, including those 
     relating to justice, reconciliation, humanitarian aid, and 
     citizenship;
       (5) calls on Burma's Government and its military and 
     security services to allow unimpeded humanitarian access to 
     refugees and internally displaced persons;
       (6) urges support and access for the United Nations Fact 
     Finding Mission to Burma;
       (7) calls on Burma's military and Government to allow 
     refugees to voluntarily return to Burma in a manner 
     consistent with internationally recognized principles of 
     human rights and refugee protection and to change laws and 
     policies that have contributed to insecurity in the state of 
     Rakhine; and
       (8) calls on the President of the United States to impose 
     sanctions on members of the Burmese military and security 
     forces who are responsible for human rights abuses.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from 
California (Mr. Royce) and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) each 
will control 20 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.


                             General Leave

  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that 
all Members may have 5 legislative days

[[Page H9644]]

to revise and extend their remarks and include any extraneous material 
in the Record.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, for decades, the Burmese Government and its military has 
systematically oppressed the people known as the Rohingya, a Muslim 
minority living in the Rakhine State of Burma.
  A 1982 citizenship law denies the Rohingya citizenship, even though 
most of them have lived in the country for generations. They have been 
denied freedom of movement, access to healthcare, and education. The 
Rohingya have been marginalized at every level of the Burmese 
Government, from the top to the bottom.
  Making matters worse, Burma's military is engaged in a new brutal 
crackdown on the Rohingya that the U.S. has rightly deemed ``ethnic 
cleansing.'' More than 600,000 Rohingya people have been driven from 
their homes in recent months, forced to cross the border into 
Bangladesh.
  Hundreds have been killed, though with journalists denied access to 
large areas of Rakhine State, that number is clearly very much higher 
than those reported. At least 200 villages have been burned to the 
ground. Land mines have been placed inside Burma's border with 
Bangladesh, maiming refugees seeking safe haven. There are reports of 
rapes and all types of violence committed against the Rohingya by the 
Burmese security forces.
  Importantly, this resolution not only condemns the attack against 
civilians by Burma's security services led by General Min Aung Hlaing, 
it also reaffirms the crimes committed against the Rohingya as ethnic 
cleansing. Recently, Secretary of State Tillerson made this strong but 
warranted determination, a decision that deserves our praise here.
  Bangladesh also deserves credit for opening its borders in order to 
handle the human refugees that are streaming out of Burma, but its 
government has to honor its promise to build shelter for new arrivals 
and provide medical services.
  In response to this crisis, Secretary Tillerson recently announced an 
additional $47 million in humanitarian assistance for Burma and 
Bangladesh, bringing the total U.S. assistance to more than $150 
million this year. It is very much needed.
  State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize winner and the 
de facto leader of Burma, must make it a top priority to provide for 
the safety of those in Burma, including the Rohingya. The safe and 
voluntary return of the victims displaced in Bangladesh must also be a 
top priority.
  But to get to the point where the Rohingya will feel safe enough to 
return to their homes, the Burmese Government and military must honor 
their responsibility to ensure the protection of all of the people of 
Burma, regardless of their ethnic background, regardless of their 
religious beliefs.
  The violence against the Rohingya must stop, and those responsible 
for those atrocities must face justice.
  The protection of human rights has long been our Nation's top 
priority in Burma, including freeing Aung San Suu Kyi. Today, that must 
include the Rohingya. This is a moral issue and a national security 
issue. No one is secure when extremism and instability is growing in 
this part of the world.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this measure. Let me, first 
of all, thank my good friend and fellow New Yorker, Mr. Crowley; and 
our former chair of the Asia and the Pacific Subcommittee, Mr. Chabot, 
for authoring this important resolution. I also want to thank Ed Royce, 
chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, for his sustained focus on 
this tragedy and his leadership in quickly bringing this measure to the 
floor.
  Mr. Speaker, we continue to see reports of Rohingya refugees fleeing 
to Bangladesh and widespread hunger and malnutrition for those left 
behind.
  The Burmese military and security forces are waging a brutal campaign 
of violence against unarmed civilians, including women and children, 
killing, raping, and destroying lives and livelihoods.
  The Rohingya people have been marginalized for decades, but the 
unthinkable violence and human suffering since August is ethnic 
cleansing, pure and simple--a description the Trump administration now 
agrees with, although they were far too slow to say so--and possibly 
even genocide.

                              {time}  1415

  Over the past 4 months, more than 600,000 men, women, and children 
have fled to neighboring Bangladesh to find refuge in a country with 
tremendous needs of its own. This is more than 10 times the number of 
refugees the administration will allow into the United States this 
year, the same administration that ended America's participation in the 
U.N. effort to develop a global compact on migration, all this right in 
the middle of the world's most serious refugee crisis in history. I say 
shame on us. We should be doing more.
  Bangladesh deserves our deep gratitude for opening its doors to the 
Rohingya at a time when our government slams the door shut. The 
Governments of Burma and Bangladesh have struck a deal to begin 
repatriating Rohingya next month, but it is not clear that anyone is 
interested in returning right now. In fact, there are reports of more 
arrivals in Bangladesh each day on fishing boats for those who can 
afford passage and on makeshift rafts for those who cannot.
  People are leaving Burma out of fear; they are leaving because they 
are hungry; and they are leaving because they know, if they stay, they 
will die. The Burmese Government has not yet set appropriate conditions 
for the voluntary, dignified, and safe return, including allowing an 
independent United Nations fact-finding mission and addressing 
citizenship issues.
  The United States Congress has long defended the rights and freedoms 
of the Burmese people, championing Burma's new leader, Aung San Suu 
Kyi, during her many years under house arrest, supporting Burma's 
historic 2015 decision, and remaining a committed partner in Burma's 
ongoing democratic transition. With the measure before us today, this 
body will continue to speak out on this issue. We support freedom and 
respect for human rights in Burma.
  This measure condemns the horrific actions of the military and 
security forces, calls for an immediate cessation of its violence, and 
urges the restoration of humanitarian access. It also calls for Aung 
San Suu Kyi to exercise moral leadership, something that is needed now 
more than ever.
  We reject the army's claims that what is taking place in Burma is a 
so-called counterterrorism measure. That is nonsense. It is textbook 
ethnic cleansing; that is what it is.
  We should also encourage other governments to stay engaged and 
continue to address the pressing needs of these refugees, needs that 
will only grow as long as this situation remains unresolved.
  Lastly, we must also urge our own administration to hold members of 
the Burmese military and security forces accountable for these 
atrocities, and I have introduced sanctions legislation to do just 
that.
  Mr. Speaker, I support this measure, and I urge my colleagues to do 
the same.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher), chairman of the Foreign 
Affairs Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, and Emerging Threats.
  Mr. ROHRABACHER. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this resolution, 
and I compliment both our chairman and our ranking member for how they 
have ensured that our committee remains a bulwark of support for human 
rights throughout the world.
  It has been 16 years since 3,000 Americans were slaughtered before 
our eyes by a global terrorist movement, using Islam as an excuse for 
the cowardly murder of innocent people, people of every faith who were 
butchered in order to terrorize the rest of us in the world into 
submission to their fanaticism.
  Crucial to our ability to defeat this evil force has been our 
commitment to

[[Page H9645]]

ensure that the battle did not evolve into a war between Islam itself 
and the rest of us, which would then, of course, pit Muslims against 
all Christians as well as people of other faiths.
  George W. Bush, President of the United States, reached out at that 
moment after 9/11 to ensure that the plot by these radical terrorists 
did not succeed in polarizing the world as such. Our greatest success 
has been preventing that polarization that would have put all the 
people of the world against Islam and all Muslims against all the rest 
of the people of the world.
  That battle to make sure that does not happen must continue. It is 
essential to keep open the ties with those people in the Muslim world 
who are appalled by the terror and brutality of these fanatics who 
commit such monstrous crimes.
  It is vital for our own security that we aggressively condemn 
terrorism and human rights abuses when it is against Muslim people. The 
Muslim people are the victims, and they need to know that we are on 
their side, just as we expect good Muslim people to be on our side when 
we confront this terrorism in the world. We did that, of course, when 
the Serbian Christians were killing, ethnically cleansing, Muslim 
people in Kosovo.
  Today we reaffirm to the Muslim people of the world and to ourselves 
that we loudly proclaim that we are condemning the slaughter of the 
Rohingya people who reside in the southern states of Burma. If these 
attacks by the Burmese military continue, we must follow this strong 
condemnation today with sanctions.
  In the meantime, not one bullet or weapon should ever be made 
available to the Burmese military. And, in the meantime, the Burmese 
military officers and the government officials who are engaged in this 
particular policy of genocide against the Rohingya people must know 
they will be held accountable for their crimes against the Rohingyas, 
because it is not a crime just against Rohingyas, it is a crime against 
humanity.
  So, again, I commend the leadership of our committee, both the 
ranking member and the chairman, for making this an important issue for 
this Congress.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Crowley), the author of this resolution, a longtime advocate 
for the people of Bangladesh and Burma, the Democratic Caucus chair, 
and my fellow New Yorker.
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend and colleague from New 
York for yielding me this time. I thank the chair, as well, for his 
work on this effort. I thank my friend and colleague from Ohio (Mr. 
Chabot) for his work on putting this resolution together. I know Mr. 
Levin, Ms. McCollum, and others, have also expressed a tremendous 
interest in this issue, and I am very pleased and happy about that.

  In late August, after attacks on outposts, Burma's military and 
security forces launched a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing against 
the Rohingya in Burma. The response has been grossly disproportionate. 
The attacks by the military against the Rohingya civilians have been 
systematic, organized, and ruthless.
  Amnesty International says:

       The Myanmar military has killed hundreds of Rohingya women, 
     men, and children, including babies; raped women and girls; 
     and carried out targeted burning of entire villages.

  And that is just what we know of.
  The authorities have terrorized the Rohingya people so cruelly that 
more than 600,000 Rohingya people have fled Burma to neighboring 
Bangladesh. Even before the attacks, the Rohingya were often 
effectively denied access to proper healthcare and education, as the 
chairman has indicated, many just barely getting by.
  But the most disturbing thing of all, at least so far, there is no 
light at the end of this tunnel. Still today, Burma's authorities are 
blocking adequate humanitarian aid to many who need it, denying 
critical food aid to many men, women, and children.
  As a result, those Rohingya who do remain in Burma are getting 
hungrier, they are getting weaker, and they are becoming even more 
vulnerable. But instead of trying to resolve the issue, many 
authorities are denying that this has happened at all.
  So, Mr. Speaker, I have had enough. I think we have all had enough. 
The United States certainly cannot solve every problem in the world, 
but there are some things that we can and that we must do. Imposing 
sanctions against the perpetrators of atrocities in Burma is one of the 
things that we must do.
  Doing so will send an important signal that we are watching and we 
are not standing by idly. It will signal that we want to see the 
recommendations of former Secretary General Kofi Annan carried out. It 
will signal that there is a cost to pay for carrying out atrocities. It 
will signal that the world won't simply turn away.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the 
gentleman from New York.
  Mr. CROWLEY. Mr. Speaker, the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum 
recently released an important report on the Rohingya, called, ``They 
Tried to Kill Us All.'' The title should say it all, ``They Tried to 
Kill Us All.'' What clearer message do we need before we act? The time 
for action is now.
  I also want to thank the Government of Bangladesh for the 
humanitarian relief to the Rohingya people that they have offered.
  I want to call on our friend, Aung San Suu Kyi, to do everything that 
she can to protect the Rohingya from further ethnic cleansing and 
genocide.
  I want to thank Pope Francis for his courage in speaking out and 
using the term ``Rohingya.''
  I urge all of my colleagues to support this measure.
  I thank my colleagues on the Foreign Affairs Committee for giving 
this issue the attention that it needs and deserves.
  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, in the spirit of what our colleague Joe Crowley brought 
up today, there is new urgency in this argument and new urgency to us 
getting the point across to the Government of Burma. Let me speak for a 
minute as to that issue.
  Many people at this moment are in grave danger. Many people who are 
in certain areas in Rakhine State are in danger at this moment. They 
are at risk of mass killings.
  State security forces as well as armed civilian perpetrators stand 
poised. So the situation right now, it is possible that we have not 
seen the worst of this in terms of mass killings.
  As we speak, the Government of Myanmar confines 120,000 Rohingya men, 
women, and children to more than 45 internment camps in these eight 
townships in Rakhine State, which we are most concerned about at this 
moment. They have been confined for the last 5 years, as we know. They 
have been denied aid, and they have been, obviously, deprived of their 
dignity.
  Since August 25, the Government of Myanmar has obstructed, as shared 
with this body today by Joe Crowley, has blocked food aid, humanitarian 
aid to some of these internment camps, systematically weakening that 
population. They are at grave risk.
  This is notice to the Government of Burma. The authorities there 
continue to block the delivery of this humanitarian aid, this food aid 
to these women and children. If this does not end now, it will 
constitute acts of genocide. It must end now.
  And also, of course, the authorities there continue to enforce severe 
restrictions on freedom of movement and severe restrictions on the 
livelihoods of these people.
  It is more than worrisome, the extent to which the Burmese Government 
and security forces have continued to thwart international observers 
from moving into these camps and have thwarted international 
organizations. The world should demand access now for impartial fact 
finders. Any continued resistance can only reinforce our suspicions 
that Burma has something to hide and that the evidence will show will 
constitute acts of genocide if this continues. It must end now.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. 
Ros-Lehtinen), who chairs the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the 
Middle East and North Africa.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Royce and Ranking

[[Page H9646]]

Member Engel for their leadership in bringing this important resolution 
to the floor.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Con. Res. 90, condemning the 
ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya and calling for an end to the attacks 
in Burma and the immediate restoration of access to humanitarian aid. I 
am proud to be a cosponsor of this resolution.
  I thank our previous speaker, my colleague, Joe Crowley, as well as 
our Republican colleague, Steve Chabot, sitting in front of us, for 
authoring this measure.
  We are seeing condemnations of the atrocities occurring in Burma from 
across the world, Mr. Speaker, as well as calls for the nation's de 
facto leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, to make greater efforts to stop the 
violence there.

                              {time}  1430

  Last month, our U.S. administration issued an official determination 
that the Burmese military's actions constitute ethnic cleansing, and 
rightly so. The atrocities being committed against this ethnic minority 
have been well documented and they deserve the utmost condemnation.
  The reality on the ground is shocking, Mr. Speaker. Over 600,000 were 
forced to flee to neighboring Bangladesh; the systematic massacre, the 
rape, the pillaging, all in an effort to eliminate any trace of these 
Muslim minorities in Burma.
  No one is safe, no Rohingya is safe, yet the world continues to sit 
back and watch as these individuals are targeted for extinction and 
eradication from the history books.
  We as a United States Congress can do more, we must do more, and we 
expect responsible nations and responsible actors to do more to end 
this persecution.
  Last week, Pope Francis met with Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma's top 
military commander, delivering the message that these atrocities must 
be stopped. The Dalai Lama has spoken out against this systematic 
campaign.
  Now it is time for us in the U.S. Congress to add our voice and send 
a strong message of our own, and this resolution does just that.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from 
Michigan (Mr. Levin), my good friend, the senior member of the Ways and 
Means Committee and a senior member of Congress.
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Engel for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this resolution. At the same 
time, I want to express concerns about the full thrust of the 
resolution.
  It makes it clear that the military in Burma is the main perpetrator 
of the crimes committed against the Rohingya people. In November, 
Secretary Tillerson called the violence against the Rohingya ``ethnic 
cleansing,'' holding the military responsible.
  Some have urged that Aung San Suu Kyi does not control the military 
and there is a danger that the military would use the present crisis as 
a way to dismantle the civilian government. It has also been said that 
the civilian government is working within a deep traditional bias 
against the Rohingyas, and some see them as illegal immigrants from 
Bangladesh.
  Others point out the pressure on the civilian government could lead 
to Burma moving closer to the Chinese. Still others point out that 
talks about Rohingyas returning to Burma must be afforded time to work 
out, and the process has only begun.
  None of these factors must undermine the realities of the persecution 
of the Rohingyas. As a U.N. official has stated, it is ``a textbook 
example of ethnic cleansing.''
  The Pope was under great pressure to not mention the Rohingyas by 
name. He expressed his deep concern while visiting the country. Later 
in Bangladesh, the Pope, being specific, said: ``None of us can fail to 
be aware of the gravity of the situation.'' He called for ``. . . 
decisive measures to address this grave crisis.''
  A few years ago, I was part of the codel organized by Leader Pelosi 
to Myanmar. One of the highlights of the trip was meeting with Aung San 
Suu Kyi, who had been freed after almost 2 decades of house arrest. We 
discussed her unique role in moving Myanmar toward a nation of freedom, 
human rights, and peace.
  The resolution earlier introduced by Senators McCain and Durbin 
expressed the overriding need for the world to step up to the plight of 
the Rohingyas. I introduced the same resolution in the House. These 
resolutions reflect what many esteemed historical figures have said.
  Theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer, executed by the Nazis, said: 
``Silence in the face of evil is itself evil.''
  Desmond Tutu has said: ``If you are neutral in situations of 
injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor.''
  Elie Wiesel said: ``We must take sides. Neutrality helps the 
oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never 
the tormented.''
  I quote the statement of Martin Luther King, who said: `` . . . an 
individual who accepts evil without protesting against it is really 
cooperating with it.''
  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot), the chairman of the Committee on 
Small Business and a senior member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
  Mr. CHABOT. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the chairman yielding to me.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H. Con. Res. 90. This is a 
bipartisan bill condemning the Burmese military's systemic attacks on 
the Rohingya in Rakhine State.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to thank especially Congressman Crowley from New 
York for working together in a bipartisan manner on this legislation 
and also with Chairman Royce and Ranking Member Engel and so many 
others.
  As someone who has chaired the Foreign Affairs Committee on Asia and 
the Pacific and who has been to Burma and met with Aung San Suu Kyi and 
followed Burma very closely, what has happened there is truly shocking 
and disheartening, and really a blot on the world in how this has been 
handled up to this point in many ways.
  The Rohingya have long been at the fringes of Burmese society and it 
is no secret that the Burmese military regards them as outsiders who 
don't even belong in Burma at all. That is why the military used some 
attacks back in August by a rogue group of Rohingya as a pretext to 
terrorize the entire Rohingya population.
  This campaign of terror and violence has demonically worked. Over 
600,000 Rohingya have fled Burma for Bangladesh, and at least 250,000 
of those people are children.
  Further, credible human rights organizations and the media have 
documented numerous horrors and abuses, including rape, murder, and 
torture. The most unspeakable things have happened there.

  Together, these atrocities amount to what has been called ``a 
textbook example of ethnic cleansing.''
  Unfortunately, Burma's constitution ensures that the Burmese military 
controls much of the government in Burma, while Burma's civilian 
government has proved incapable of taking appropriate action to address 
this violence. Since the Burmese military began its ethnic cleansing 
campaign, it has gone on and on.
  Mr. Speaker, I would urge my colleagues to support this legislation 
and to do everything we can to stop these horrors.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from 
Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky), my good friend and the chief deputy whip of 
our House Democratic leadership.
  Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H. 
Con. Res. 90.
  I am very grateful for this debate today because we need to raise 
this issue so the world knows that right before our eyes right now 
ethnic cleansing is happening halfway around the world in Myanmar.
  I was privileged to go 2 weeks ago to both Bangladesh and Myanmar to 
be an on-the-ground witness to what is going on. In my district, I have 
probably most of the 1,000 or so Rohingya in the Chicago area and even 
have in my district the Rohingya Cultural Center, which I visited this 
weekend with Senator Dick Durbin, who was also on this congressional 
delegation.
  We listened to people in Bangladesh and we heard about unspeakable 
atrocities that, in fact, were spoken, and I recorded some of them.
  We talked to a 20-year-old woman who was holding her hijab on her 
face

[[Page H9647]]

as she cried and told about, in front of her eyes, how her husband's 
throat was slit and he was killed, his brother was killed, and then 
they grabbed the baby out of her arms and, in front of her, killed that 
child. It was just one of the stories.
  We talked to a grandmother and her granddaughter next to her covered 
with burns that are now scars from a few months ago. She is so scarred 
that she cannot speak, and her grandmother wishes only that she would 
be able to talk.
  We met with the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Prime Minister Hasina, 
a woman, who we thanked for allowing 620,000 Rohingya to cross into 
Bangladesh, but they want them to go home. The Bangladeshis want them 
to go home. Right now that is impossible because villages have been 
burned and because the almost complete prejudice against the Rohingya 
people. They won't even use the name Rohingya in Myanmar, in Burma, to 
refer to these individuals.
  Thousands upon thousands of stories like that are coming out of 
Rakhine State, where the Rohingya made their home.
  We thought we were going to be, but we were not permitted to go to 
the displaced persons camps, which are really prisons, concentration 
camps in northern Rakhine, where people have been thrown out of their 
homes, and their homes and jobs destroyed.
  We went to Sittwe, the capital of the Rakhine State. We went to what 
is essentially a ghetto surrounded by barbed wires, blocked by police, 
where people cannot get healthcare, they can't go to the stores that 
they used to have in the village, they can't get education. They are 
running out of rice right now.
  This is happening now in the world. We need to do something about it. 
I am proud of this Congress for standing up today and saying no more 
ethnic cleansing.
  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the chairman of the Foreign 
Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and 
International Organizations.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for 
yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in very strong support of H. Con. Res. 90. The 
discrimination and violence imposed on the Rohingya ethnic minority in 
Burma is brutal, horrific, and preventable.
  I do welcome, like the rest of my colleagues, the administration's 
determination that the attacks against Rohingya are ethnic cleansing, 
because it certainly is, but I would respectfully submit it certainly 
rises to the level of genocide.
  The Genocide Convention couldn't be clearer: If you look to destroy 
an ethnic group--there are other categories as well, but it is all 
about the group--in whole or in part, and even the thought, the 
contemplation of doing so can rise to genocide.
  Here it is actually happening, and it is happening because of who 
they are as a group.
  I think there needs to be a further refinement of that determination 
to the point of being genocide.
  The responsibility for this humanitarian crisis falls squarely on the 
Burmese military and, to some extent, on the endemic and widespread 
intolerance expressed in Burmese society for the Rohingya.
  After the State Department's determination of ethnic cleansing, it 
should not hesitate to impose sanctions against the Burmese military 
leaders and all others who are responsible for this bloodbath.
  Like many of my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, I am deeply 
concerned that this crisis may destabilize the National League for 
Democracy's ruling coalition and set back Burma's democratic 
transition.
  I am concerned about China's interests in Burma, because a robust 
democracy on China's border does not fit the goals of the Chinese 
leadership, including Xi Jinping.
  I am concerned that outside jihadi groups will exploit this situation 
to open yet another front.
  I am concerned, like my colleagues, about the stability of 
Bangladesh, whose fragile economy must now host well over 500,000 new 
refugees.
  Of course, we are all most concerned about the Rohingya women, 
children, and men who suffer horribly during this crisis.
  The roots of this humanitarian crisis are long. A durable solution 
for the Rohingya in Burma will be a difficult task, but we must make 
the effort. As we all know, there are other ethnic minority groups in 
Burma, including the Karen, the Karenni, and others, who have also 
faced atrocities over the years at the hands of the Burmese military.
  A democratic and multiethnic future should be Burma's best hope for 
prosperity and stability. The Burmese military remains the obstacle to 
that future.

                              {time}  1445

  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, it is now my great pleasure to yield 2 
minutes to the gentlewoman from Minnesota (Ms. McCollum), a champion 
for human rights, especially for the rights of women and girls.
  Ms. McCOLLUM. Mr. Speaker, I thank the ranking member, and I thank 
the chairman, as well as the authors of this piece of legislation, Mr. 
Chabot and Mr. Crowley, for their work on this important issue.
  Last month, I visited Burma and Bangladesh on a congressional 
factfinding mission. Our visits to refugee camps, our conversations 
with survivors, made it clear that the persecution of the Rohingya 
people in Burma's Rakhine State is a severe humanitarian crisis and 
demands robust American leadership. This resolution is an important 
first step in demonstrating that Congress will not tolerate human 
rights abuses against the Rohingyas.
  Our delegation saw, however, there is a path forward. The Burmese 
Government and the military must fully implement the recommendations of 
the former U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan's advisory commission. 
Burma must work with Bangladesh, and the U.N. must fully work to return 
voluntarily the Rohingya refugees with guarantee of a safe return and a 
fair process to allow the Rohingyas to apply for and secure 
citizenship. That must be established.
  Finally, there must be an independent investigation to ensure 
accountability for the atrocities and the abuses that have taken place.
  Mr. Speaker, I saw people suffering in both Burma and in Bangladesh, 
and the suffering must come to an end. They are crying out for action, 
and the United States and the international community must help them 
secure justice. This resolution, this vote today, is just the 
beginning. I encourage people to support this.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close. I yield myself such 
time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, the plight of the Rohingya is not and will not be 
forgotten. I think we heard it from both sides of the aisle with the 
impassioned speeches today. Nor will we dismiss the suffering of 
Burma's many other ethnic groups who have been abused by the Burmese 
Armed Forces throughout decades of conflict.
  Since August, we have seen over 600,000 Rohingya in Burma flee to 
Bangladesh seeking refuge from Burma's murderous security forces. This 
ethnic cleansing, and perhaps even genocide, is a direct result of the 
failure of Burma's Government to protect the rights of all people 
within their borders.
  This resolution calls for the reimposition of targeted sanctions 
against those responsible for this violence. It is the least we can do. 
History is watching, so I again urge my colleagues to support this 
legislation.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Royce for, once again, working with him 
in a bipartisan fashion.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  I just wanted to, again, thank Joe Crowley, our colleague, and Mr. 
Steve Chabot for their work on this measure, and Mr. Eliot Engel as 
well, our ranking member of the committee. They have all along been 
leaders on this issue, and I thank them for authoring the measure.
  I think all of us know that even before this latest resurgence, this 
massive displacement, this ethnic cleansing, many considered the 
Rohingya to

[[Page H9648]]

be one of the most persecuted minorities, one of the most persecuted 
populations on the planet. I think this particular resolution rightly 
shines a light on the abuses committed against them, calling for an end 
to all violence.
  I urge all Members here, but also I urge the Government of Burma, to 
consider that we are at a point of crisis. If the government there does 
not reverse course immediately, it will do irreparable damage to its 
standing in the world and earn it a place among the most egregious 
human rights abusers in modern history. So what we ask is a reversal of 
these policies.
  I urge all colleagues to vote in favor, send a clear signal that the 
U.S. will not turn a blind eye toward these atrocities.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the 
gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) that the House suspend the rules 
and agree to the concurrent resolution, H. Con. Res. 90.
  The question was taken.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds 
being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.
  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and 
nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further 
proceedings on this motion will be postponed.

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