[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 187 (Wednesday, November 15, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S7251-S7252]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                          Russia Investigation

  Mr. BLUMENTHAL. Mr. President, we are at a critical juncture in our 
investigation into Russia's interference in last year's election and 
potential collusion by Americans with Russia's meddling and obstruction 
of justice that may have occurred. Those issues are under investigation 
by the Judiciary Committee, which has a unique responsibility because 
we exercise oversight concerning the Department of Justice and the FBI. 
So the firing of James Comey, among other actions that raised issues 
regarding potential collusion and obstruction of justice, is very much 
appropriate and necessary for our inquiry to determine.
  We also have a unique responsibility because only the Judiciary 
Committee can make public for the American people to know and 
understand what happened that may involve obstruction of justice and, 
equally important, what can be done to prevent it in the future. The 
Committee on the Judiciary of the Senate can legislate.
  There are other investigations ongoing involving the special counsel, 
who will determine criminal culpability, and the Intelligence 
Committees of both the House and the Senate, which have a 
counterterrorism responsibility, but they rarely legislate in the way 
that the Judiciary Committee does.
  I am proud to serve on the Judiciary Committee. I greatly respect the 
leadership of our committee: Chairman Grassley, who is a straight 
shooter, cares deeply about the integrity of our judicial process, and 
has a longstanding and distinguished record of protecting 
whistleblowers; and our ranking member, Senator Dianne Feinstein of 
California, who has been a steadfast champion of judicial integrity.
  Every week we are seeing cascading disclosures that reflect potential 
collusion or cooperation between the Trump campaign and Russian 
officials. These disclosures reflect on the obstruction of justice that 
is front and center of the Judiciary Committee's investigation.
  Just this week, through a stunning expose in The Atlantic, later 
confirmed by Donald Trump, Jr., himself, the American people learned of 
secret exchanges between WikiLeaks and Donald Trump, Jr., during the 
2016 Presidential campaign. The exchanges began in September 2016--2 
months before the election. Over the course of those exchanges, 
WikiLeaks sent literally dozens of messages to Trump Junior, who sent 
back at least three messages. He acted at WikiLeaks' behest at least 
one time, tweeting out a link to the hacked emails of John Podesta, 
Jr., at WikiLeaks' suggestion. He told other high-ranking officials on 
the Trump campaign that WikiLeaks had reached out to him in an 
extraordinarily revealing message. At no point did he rebuff the 
advances--in fact, just the opposite. At no point did he reject those 
overtures from WikiLeaks. And what we are seeing, particularly in the 
familiar tone, almost intimate nature of these exchanges back and 
forth, is the possibility that what we have discovered is just the tip 
of the iceberg in those exchanges.
  These revelations are stunning. They are jaw-dropping. The son of the 
President of the United States--then candidate--actively engaged and 
may have coordinated strategy with a group that the current CIA 
Director has called a ``hostile intelligence service.'' The present 
Director of the CIA, appointed by the President of the United States, 
Donald Trump, characterized WikiLeaks as a ``hostile intelligence 
service''--and that is a direct quote--and then observed that it is 
often abetted by hostile Nation states like Russia.
  Without subpoenaing Donald Trump, Jr., to testify in public, we 
cannot be sure we have the full record.
  One of the most stunning aspects of this exchange, indeed, was its 
very personal tone. Many who read the coverage may sense and feel, 
understandably and rightly, that we are reading fragments of a longer 
and larger conversation that may have involved other participants or 
relied on other means of communication. We are inevitably and 
inexorably left with some very key questions:
  How did Donald Trump, Jr., know of WikiLeaks' plan to leak Podesta's 
emails before they were even released?
  Why did WikiLeaks feel confident it could inform Trump Junior that 
they had hacked Podesta's emails without worrying that he would turn 
this information over to law enforcement? Hacking is a crime. How could 
WikiLeaks be in the least bit confident that Donald Trump, Jr., would 
not report that crime to the proper authorities? And he did not.
  Perhaps most crucially, why would Trump Junior see an invitation from 
WikiLeaks to coordinate efforts as anything other than inappropriate, 
unethical, and a potentially illegal act?
  Given the stakes, my expectation was--and the American people could 
likewise expect the same--that our committee would act quickly and 
transparently to answer those questions raised by these messages as 
well as the interview conducted by our committee staff of Donald Trump, 
Jr. That is what I was expecting when these messages were first 
provided to the Judiciary Committee roughly 2 months ago. My 
expectation was that Donald Trump, Jr., would be compelled to testify 
and that he would be subpoenaed to provide a full record of his 
communications relating to Russia's interference in our elections. 
Surely those subpoenas that were discussed, even issued over the 
summer, would now be reissued and enforced.

  The lack of action has been frustrating to me. Likewise, I have been 
disappointed that we have made virtually no progress toward scheduling 
a public hearing with Donald Trump, Jr., and other key individuals 
involved in this investigation. The subpoenas have not been reissued. I 
have called repeatedly for that action to be taken. The documents have 
not been subpoenaed. Those key documents that are so relevant and 
necessary to our investigation have not been subpoenaed, as I have 
asked to be done repeatedly.
  That is why I am here today to raise concerns about the Senate 
Judiciary Committee's investigation into Russia's interference in our 
election, possible collusion by the Trump campaign, and obstruction of 
justice.
  The threat is that the investigation is stalling. The danger of lack 
of progress is depriving the American people of information they 
deserve. I recognize that congressional investigations must operate 
methodically, systematically, and in some cases confidentially until 
the committee is ready to release its findings. But that 
confidentiality can serve an important purpose if it aids an 
investigation--not if it engenders the kind of lack of trust that is 
clearly a possibility here, not if it engenders that lack of trust, not 
if it endangers confidence and trust in the process. There may be a 
need for confidentiality to encourage cooperation of witnesses, but 
ultimately the American people deserve disclosure.
  There is a need for impetus and urgency in this investigation. The 
American people must be made aware of key facts and issues raised by 
these documents and the interviews conducted so far. My hope is that 
colleagues will join me in asking for more progress, more disclosure, 
and more transparency, because the American people need and deserve 
that kind of disclosure.
  Without the exposure provided by a free and independent press, 
justice delayed could have extended into justice denied. That is the 
danger. Secrecy threatens to stall the investigation, and my hope is 
that we will have the kind of transparency in greater measure that is 
necessary for trust and confidence in this investigation.
  I hope my colleagues on the Senate Judiciary Committee will join me 
in demanding that Donald Trump, Jr., and other key figures in the 
investigation testify under subpoena, in public,

[[Page S7252]]

under oath, and that documents be subpoenaed as well. The Senate 
Judiciary Committee has a particularly critical role in exposing the 
truth. Even if criminal charges are never brought, the American people 
have a right to know whether their public officials have held 
themselves to the standard of honesty, loyalty, and integrity that they 
have a right to expect. This body is in the best position to provide 
that measure of truth--hopefully the whole truth--to the American 
people.
  There are many Members whose leadership on this issue I appreciate. 
As I mentioned, Senator Feinstein is sending a second tranche of 
letters this afternoon on this investigation. But we are allowing time 
to pass without progress. That opportunity, once lost, cannot be 
recovered with the measure of importance that it deserves. We must 
issue subpoenas. We must hold public hearings. We must get to the 
truth, and it must be done now.
  Thank you.
  I will refer these remarks to my colleagues with great respect for 
them and for the leadership of this committee. And I will come back to 
the floor. I will return to this subject because I think it is so 
critically important. The American people deserve more information, and 
they deserve better.
  Mr. President, I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Lee). The clerk will call the roll.
  The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.