[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 185 (Monday, November 13, 2017)]
[House]
[Pages H9148-H9155]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
EXPRESSING THE SENSE OF THE HOUSE WITH RESPECT TO UNITED STATES POLICY
TOWARDS YEMEN
Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to the order of the
House of November 1, 2017, I call up the resolution (H. Res. 599)
expressing the sense of the House of Representatives with respect to
United States policy towards Yemen, and for other purposes, and ask for
its immediate consideration in the House.
The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
The text of the resolution is as follows:
H. Res. 599
Whereas the United States has longstanding strategic
interests in promoting security and stability in the Arabian
Peninsula;
Whereas the United States has a strategic partnership with
the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council, including
Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates;
Whereas in 2014, after years of violence and insurgency,
Iranian-supported Houthi rebels seized the Yemeni capital
city of Sana'a, deposing the legitimate, internationally
recognized Government of Yemen and further destabilizing
Yemen and the region;
Whereas the Saudi-led Arab Coalition launched a military
intervention in 2015 against the Houthi-Saleh alliance in
response to the deposition of the legitimate Government of
Yemen and Houthi-Saleh territorial gains in and around the
port of Aden;
Whereas the United States has longstanding strategic
interests in Yemen, including ensuring freedom of navigation
at the Bab al Mandab strait and countering the threats from
Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and Al-Qaeda
franchises, and the Yemen affiliate of the Islamic State of
Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS);
Whereas al-Qaeda was responsible for the bombing of the USS
Cole in Aden, Yemen, in October 2000, which killed 17 United
States sailors, and for multiple successful and unsuccessful
terrorist attacks internationally;
Whereas in April 2015, the United Nations Security Council
adopted United Nations Security Council Resolution 2216 by 14
affirmative votes to none against, with one abstention (by
the Russian Federation), imposing sanctions on individuals
undermining the stability of Yemen, and demanded that the
Houthis withdraw from all areas seized during the latest
conflict, relinquish arms seized from military and security
institutions, cease all actions falling exclusively within
the authority of the legitimate Government of Yemen and fully
implement previous Security Council resolutions;
Whereas Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has
transferred increasingly sophisticated weapons systems to the
Houthis, who have in turn shot missiles into Saudi Arabia
from positions in northern Yemen;
Whereas in addition to weapons, Iran is reportedly
providing Afghan and Shi'ite Arab specialists to train Houthi
units and act as logistical advisers;
Whereas the Iranian-supported Houthis have attacked
coalition or coalition-affiliated maritime targets multiple
times, an American ship twice, and other shipping, forcing
the United States to respond with a combination of diplomacy
and calibrated military strikes against three radar
facilities in Houthi-controlled territory;
Whereas the United States has participated in intelligence
cooperation since 2015 and, pursuant to a cross-servicing
agreement, has provided midair refueling services to Saudi-
led Arab Coalition warplanes conducting aerial bombings in
Yemen against the Houthi-Saleh alliance, Al Qaeda in the
Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), and in support of freedom of
navigation threatened by Iranian-backed Houthi forces;
Whereas, according to the United Nations Office of the High
Commissioner for Human Rights, at least 10,000 Yemeni
civilians have been killed in this conflict since 2015;
Whereas the Saudi-led Arab Coalition has worked to improve
their targeting processes and capabilities aimed at reducing
unintended civilian casualties, and convened a Joint Incident
Assessment Team to investigate the coalition's adherence to
the laws of armed conflict;
Whereas the war in Yemen has contributed to a humanitarian
crisis in Yemen, leading to an April 2017 announcement by the
World Food Program that Yemen is on the brink of ``full-scale
famine'', with approximately 7,000,000 Yemenis, including
2,200,000 children, being classified as ``severely food
insecure'';
Whereas over 500,000 new cholera cases have been detected
in Yemen, and approximately 2,000 people have died from
cholera-related issues;
Whereas the United States remains the largest donor of
humanitarian assistance in Yemen;
Whereas parties to the conflict continue to obstruct access
by journalists and humanitarian organizations seeking to
provide assistance;
Whereas according to the Department of State's Country
Reports on Terrorism 2016, the conflict between Saudi-led
Arab Coalition and the Houthi-Saleh alliance is
counterproductive to ongoing efforts by the United States to
pursue Al Qaeda and its associated forces;
Whereas according to the intelligence community's (as such
term is defined in section 3(4) of the National Security Act
of 1947 (50 U.S.C. 3003(4))) 2017 Worldwide Threat
Assessment, ``AQAP and ISIS's branch in Yemen have exploited
the conflict and the collapse of government authority to gain
new recruits and allies and expand their influence''; and
Whereas to date, Congress has not enacted specific
legislation authorizing the use of military force against
parties participating in the Yemeni civil war that are not
otherwise subject to the Authorization of Use of Military
Force (Public Law 107-40) or the Authorization of Use of
Military Force in Iraq (Public Law 107-243): Now, therefore,
be it
Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
(1) expresses the urgent need for a political solution in
Yemen consistent with United Nations Security Council
Resolution 2216 (UNSCR 2216), or otherwise agreed to by the
parties;
(2) denounces the conduct of activities in Yemen and areas
affected by the conflict that are, directly or indirectly,
inconsistent with the laws of armed conflict, including the
deliberate targeting of civilian populations or the use of
civilians as human shields;
(3) calls on all parties to the conflict to increase
efforts to adopt all necessary and appropriate measures to
prevent civilian casualties and to increase humanitarian
access;
(4) supports the Saudi-led Arab Coalition's commitments to
abide by their no-strike list and restricted target list and
improve their targeting capabilities;
(5) condemns Iranian activities in Yemen in violation of
UNSCR 2216, and calls on all responsible countries to take
appropriate and necessary measures against the Government of
Iran, including the interdiction of Iranian weapons to the
Houthis, and the bilateral and multilateral application of
sanctions against Iran for its violations of UNSCR 2216;
(6) encourages other governments to join in providing the
resources necessary to address the humanitarian crisis; and
(7) calls on all parties to the conflict to allow for
unobstructed access for humanitarian organizations, human
rights investigators, medical relief personnel, and
journalists.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the order of the House of
Wednesday, November 1, 2017, the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce)
and the gentleman from California (Mr. Khanna) each will control 30
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce).
General Leave
Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that
all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their
remarks, and to include extraneous material in the Record on the
resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from California?
There was no objection.
Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
I want to thank my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, including
the gentleman from California (Mr. Khanna), for working in good faith
toward achieving a resolution that productively addresses a very
complex issue and a very serious issue, namely, the strategic and
humanitarian implications of the ongoing conflict being fought in
Yemen. I should also recognize the good work of our Foreign Affairs
Committee ranking member, Mr. Eliot Engel of New York.
This resolution will send a strong and needed message to all involved
in this conflict that is causing so much human suffering. According to
the U.N., more than 20 million people in Yemen--that is 76 percent of
the population--are in need of humanitarian assistance. More than 2
million people are affected by either moderate or by severe
malnutrition.
Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 599 is a bipartisan alternative to H. Con. Res.
81. That initial proposal had claimed procedural privileges by invoking
section 5(c) of the War Powers Resolution, which applies only when U.S.
forces are
[[Page H9149]]
engaged in hostilities abroad without authorization. Though we provide
logistics to our Saudi partners in the region, United States forces are
not conducting hostilities against Houthi forces in Yemen.
The initial resolution also neglected a key facet of the Yemen
crisis, and that is Iran, which has been providing increasing support--
very nefarious support--to the Houthi rebels. We must not forget that
in April of 2015, the U.N. Security Council, acting under Chapter 7 of
the U.N. Charter, condemned the violent Houthi government overthrow
``in the strongest terms'' and obligated all U.N. member states to
comply with and enforce an embargo on arms and military assistance ``of
all types'' to the Houthi forces. This makes Iran's acts to fuel this
deadly conflict a gross violation of international law, as our
ambassador has pointed out.
I am glad that the new H. Res. 599 addresses these shortcomings, and
I rise to support it today.
Even before this latest conflict, Yemen was the poorest country in
the region. It was wracked by violence and unrest. For years, the
countries of North and South Yemen were in conflict before they became
a single state. That was in 1990. After an uprising in 2011, Yemen
embarked on a path of attempted national dialogue, of unification, and
of constitutional reform; but hopes for stability and progress were
dashed in 2014. That is the time when an Iranian-backed Houthi rebel
group in alliance with former Yemeni strongman, Ali Abdullah Saleh,
forcibly deposed the internationally recognized government of President
Hadi.
In response, the United States Security Council adopted Resolution
2216, which sanctioned individuals involved in destabilizing Yemen and
demanded that the Houthis unconditionally end their use of violence,
withdraw their forces, relinquish their seized weapons, and refrain
from threats to neighboring states.
Unfortunately, the Houthi-Saleh rejection of this U.N. Security
Council resolution, with Iran's backing, has sabotaged the prospects
for peace.
Mr. Speaker, the United States has longstanding, critical national
security interests in this region. Members will recall that the deadly
bombing of the USS Cole occurred there in Yemen. Other terrorist plots
against Americans originated in Yemen, including the unsuccessful 2009
underwear bomber attack on a Northwest Airlines flight that was going
to Detroit.
We and our partners continue to conduct operations against al-Qaida
inside Yemen, and that is pursuant to the 2001 Authorization for Use of
Military Force with the permission of the internationally recognized
Government of Yemen.
Although al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula may not grab a lot of
international headlines, it still continues to threaten Western
nations, and it still maintains a significant network in South Yemen,
which we are working to disrupt.
Making matters worse, Yemen has become another front in Iran's quest
for regional dominance, which has accelerated in the wake of the
previous administration's nuclear deal.
{time} 1700
Consider that Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps has transferred
increasingly sophisticated weapons systems to the Houthis and
specialists to train and advise their units.
Also consider that Iran's top terror proxy, Hezbollah, is helping the
Houthis, who have launched numerous missiles and raids into Saudi
Arabia, killing innocent civilians. Just last week, a ballistic missile
was intercepted over the Saudi capital of Riyadh.
This Iranian meddling in Yemen thwarts peace by empowering the
Houthis to resist a return to political negotiations. The Iranian
regime could not care less about the human suffering it is responsible
for.
Of course, beyond our national security, the region is also vital to
the U.S. and the global economy. The southwest coast of Yemen
constitutes one side of the Bab al-Mandab Strait, a narrow, strategic
chokepoint in the flow of international goods headed to and from
Europe, Asia, and the United States.
At times, Iranian-supported Houthis have attacked international
shipping, including an American vessel. Disruptions to shipping along
the waterway mean disruptions to employment and wages.
So it is no wonder that, in response to these threats, a Saudi-led
coalition of 10 nations began military operations against Houthi-Saleh
forces in March of 2015. Its mission was to reinstate the
internationally recognized government.
However, 2\1/2\ years later, military progress remains elusive and
battle lines are hardened. The Saudi-led coalition controls the port
city of Aden and the lowland areas in the south, while the Houthis
continue to hold the capital and the highlands of northern Yemen.
Civilian casualties have been distressingly high, including from Saudi
airstrikes in the early months of the campaign.
Today, Yemen is in shambles. It is simultaneously experiencing the
world's largest food insecurity crisis and largest cholera outbreak,
with more than 900,000 suspected cases. Last week's moves by the Saudis
to further close ground, air, and seaports only threaten to make things
worse.
The United States remains committed to providing much-needed relief
to innocent men, women, and children affected by this crisis. In fact,
we remain the single largest donor of humanitarian aid to Yemen, by
far.
USAID and U.N. aid to agencies report that all parties to the
conflict, including the Saudi-led coalition, have been responsible for
bureaucratic impediments and disruptions to humanitarian operations,
complicating our ability to effectively deliver lifesaving assistance.
Our resolution says this must stop, by all sides.
Mr. Speaker, this all provides for a very complex policy challenge.
Some say the United States should distance itself from longstanding
military cooperation with Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and other Gulf
Cooperation Council partners. But this would only strengthen Iran's
malign influence in the region and would not solve the humanitarian
crisis. Indeed, it would likely worsen it.
At the same time, others say our only focus should be neutralizing
Iran and terrorist threats. But we cannot ignore the moral and
strategic costs of civilian casualties and deteriorating humanitarian
conditions.
To this end, I believe that H. Res. 599 appropriately balances the
shared, bipartisan concerns of this body:
The urgent need for a political solution in Yemen consistent with
Security Council Resolution 2216;
A call for all parties to prevent civilian casualties;
Support for the Saudi-led coalition's commitments to improve
targeting and abide by their no-strike list; and,
Condemnation and sanctions for Iran's destabilizing activities in
Yemen in violation of Security Council Resolution 2216.
Here, we should note that this body has taken strong, bipartisan
action in recent months to challenge Iran's aggression, including by
sanctioning its ICBM program and its support for the terrorist group
Hezbollah.
Make no mistake about it: Iran is an avowed enemy and our biggest
security threat in the region; on the other hand, the Saudis are our
partners.
The resolution calls for all parties to allow unobstructed access for
humanitarian organizations, human rights investigations, medical
personnel, and journalists. In general, it brings attention to a Yemeni
conflict that deserves more international notice.
As we debate this measure, I suspect we may hear different views of
War Powers and authorizations for use of military force as they relate
to Yemen.
As I said, I don't believe our security cooperation with the Saudis
triggers War Powers. This is the type of support we provide to many
other governments. But just because it does not arise under that
particular statute does not make it immune from our scrutiny.
I share Members' concerns that Congress must be as attentive as
possible to the roles and missions of our Armed Forces overseas and
monitor the ways in which our security assistance is being used. In
this sense, Yemen does warrant closer watching. That is what I believe
this resolution does.
I again want to thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Khanna), the
majority leader and minority whip of the
[[Page H9150]]
House, and my good friend Ranking Member Eliot Engel for the good work
that went into this text, which I support.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. KHANNA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Royce for his work on this resolution,
Ranking Member Engel, and leadership on both sides: Majority Leader
McCarthy and the Speaker, and Minority Whip Hoyer and Leader Pelosi.
I think one thing we can all agree on, as Chairman Royce mentioned,
is the humanitarian crisis in Yemen. It is, arguably, the largest
humanitarian crisis currently in the world. There are almost a million
people suffering from cholera. This is a manmade crisis because of the
bombing of civilian targets that has made the treatment of water
impossible. Almost 7 million people face famine.
One hope out of this debate, the first one on the House floor on
Yemen, is that we will collectively demand humanitarian access to
people in Yemen. There is no justification for the ports to be closed.
There is no justification for the Sanaa Airport to be closed.
In The New York Times just this morning, there was an article stating
that chlorine medicine tablets are not being allowed in for people
suffering from cholera. That is not a Republican or Democratic issue.
That is an American issue. This Nation stands for human rights. We
stand for compassion and decency.
We should demand, collectively, that there is humanitarian access to
people who are suffering and that the ports and airports be opened.
This resolution calls for that, as has our U.N. Ambassador, Nikki
Haley, who made that clear.
The second part of this resolution, which I think goes a long way, is
the acknowledgment of our own role in the refueling of Saudi planes and
in the assistance of Saudi targeting.
The resolution explicitly acknowledges that the United States has
been engaged in the assistance of Saudi refueling and assisting the
Saudis in targeting. It explicitly also recognizes that the 2001
authorization of force that the United States Congress passed does not
apply to the Yemeni civil war.
Chairman Royce was absolutely correct that there is an al-Qaida
threat in Yemen to the United States. Our military, under the 2001
authorization of force, has the full authority to take counterterrorism
measures to deal with al-Qaida; but what our military is not authorized
to do is assist the Saudi Arabian regime in fighting the Houthis. In
many cases, the Saudis have aligned with al-Qaida to fight the Houthis,
undermining our very counterterrorism operations.
This resolution makes abundantly clear that we cannot be assisting
the Saudi regime in any of its fight with the Houthi regime. We have to
limit our involvement in Yemen to take on al-Qaida and to take on the
terrorists that threaten the United States.
The chairman and I have a disagreement about the War Powers
Resolution, but I will say that the negotiations were in good faith. As
I told some of the groups that were upset about the resolution, this is
a body of 435 Members. Every Member has their perspective. Ultimately,
we have to come to a consensus that moves the debate forward. In our
view, the War Powers Resolution does apply.
If I can quote from a plain reading of section 8(c), it says that,
for purposes of the War Powers Act: ``the term `introduction of the
United States Armed Forces' includes the assignment of members of such
Armed Forces to command, coordinate, participate in the movement of, or
accompany the regular or irregular military forces of any foreign
country or government. . . .''
I believe a plain reading of that statute suggests that refueling
Saudi planes constitutes coordination with a foreign government in a
foreign conflict. Frankly, it is precisely what the drafters of the
statute wanted to prevent after Vietnam. They wanted to prevent us from
getting entangled in foreign conflicts where our national security was
not at stake without a debate on the floor of Congress.
We currently have troops in harm's way in 13 countries around the
world. In many of those countries, we have not debated in the United
States what the mission is or whether we should be there or whether it
is making us any safer. That is certainly the case in Yemen.
We know that, to the extent Iran is involved with the Houthis, that
has been exacerbated because of the Saudi actions. It is debatable how
much Iran was involved in the first place, but what we do know is that
their minimal involvement--or, perhaps, now, greater involvement--was
triggered because of the Saudi escalation in bombing Yemen.
What is the United States' stake in a proxy war in Yemen? How is that
making us any safer?
If anything, it is creating another generation of Yemeni who will
view the United States with suspicion.
Nicholas Kristof wrote, in The New York Times: ``We Americans have
sometimes wondered how Russia can possibly be so Machiavellian as to
support its Syrian Government allies as they bomb and starve civilians.
Yet we're doing the same thing with Saudi Arabia, and it's just as
unconscionable when we're the ones complicit. . . .''
Our military has the highest standards. We take such great care in
minimizing civilian casualties. Why would we want to aid Saudi Arabia,
which doesn't share American values, which doesn't have the regard for
human life that we in the United States do? We are bearing the brunt of
their horrible actions.
So it is time, I believe, not just to stand up for humanitarian
access in Yemen, but to question whether the aid that we are providing
Saudi Arabia is making our country any safer and whether it is
consistent with American values.
{time} 1715
Finally, I will say to those who argue that we need to support the
Saudis as a counter to Iran, there is no question that Iran has taken
actions that are not in the United States' interest, but I suggest that
we learn from our own history.
I remember, from history, the time when so many in our country said:
Let us arm Saddam Hussein to be a counter to Iran.
That didn't work out so well for the United States. It was our arms
that fueled Saddam Hussein's rise that led to two costly wars for the
United States.
My belief is the balance-of-power framework that has dictated our
foreign policy and the interventionism has not made us any safer. I
wish we would exercise more restraint in our foreign policy and return
to the traditions of John Quincy Adams who said:
We should not go overseas for monsters to destroy. These
are not conflicts where we can judge who is on the right
side; rather, we should be restrained, offer our hopes and
prayers to those fighting for freedom, offer our humanitarian
good will but not engage in interventionism abroad.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), chairman emeritus of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs, and current chair of the Subcommittee on
the Middle East and North Africa.
Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend, the chairman
of our committee, for yielding me the time, and I rise today in support
of H. Res. 599--expressing the sense of the U.S. House of
Representatives with respect to United States policy toward Yemen.
I want to thank my other colleague from California, Mr. Khanna, and
Mr. McGovern from Massachusetts for offering this important resolution
before us.
I want to thank Chairman Royce and Ranking Member Engel for always
working in a bipartisan manner in our committee, including with our
leadership, to bring this resolution before us today.
Mr. Speaker, there are approximately 2 million internally displaced
persons in Yemen right now. International aid agencies consider Yemen
to be one of the four current famine countries alongside South Sudan,
Somalia, and Nigeria. We must ensure that access and safe passage is
being given to reach the people of Yemen who desperately need this
assistance.
Saudi Arabia and the UAE have security and terror concerns in Yemen,
and they have to mitigate those, but there
[[Page H9151]]
should not be any obstacles to prevent the delivery of vital
humanitarian assistance to Yemen.
It is positive news that this morning Saudi Arabia announced that it
will begin reopening airports and seaports in Yemen; so, hopefully,
that aid will come quickly for those starving people.
Since this campaign began in 2015, the United States has been the
largest contributor of humanitarian aid to Yemen. We must ensure that
the aid is not being diverted and is actually reaching the right people
who need it the most.
A political solution is needed in Yemen where all parties can sit
down and negotiate a path forward, but that becomes increasingly more
difficult when we have to deal with the negative influence of Iran and
the Houthis.
Here are some examples. In February 2017, General Soleimani,
commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the Quds Force,
reportedly pledged to increase Iran's assistance to Houthi-Saleh
forces.
According to press reports, two incidents occurred in October 2016,
off the coast of Yemen, where missiles were fired targeting our Navy
destroyers.
After Houthi forces targeted U.S. warships near Yemen, the vice
admiral, who heads U.S. Naval Forces Central Command, said: ``We
believe that Iran is connected to this.''
Since April 2015, U.S. warships have intercepted at least five
Iranian shipments of weapons to Houthi forces. Just last week, the U.S.
Forces' central commander said that a missile fired by the Houthis at
Riyadh was manufactured by Iran.
In Yemen, we cannot forget that we need to undermine Iran's influence
over the Houthis. Last month, the White House released a new strategy
when it comes to Iran, and it stated: ``The Iranian regime has taken
advantage of regional conflicts and instability to aggressively expand
its regional influence and threaten its neighbors with little domestic
or international cost for its actions.''
I believe that targeted sanctions are needed against Iran for
providing weapons to the Houthis, weapons that are being used to
directly target U.S. soldiers in the region.
Lastly, Mr. Speaker, we cannot forget about the threats emanating
from a U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organization, al-Qaida, in the
Arabian Peninsula, also known as AQAP. The United States must continue
to operate and conduct operations in Yemen to counter the threats from
AQAP, but we cannot do it alone.
A few months ago, the UAE and the U.S. teamed up with local Yemeni
forces to target AQAP militants. This is another positive sign in the
region where we can partner with our Gulf partners to fight extremist
elements jointly. These operations are essential to protecting our
national security interests and to help bring regional stability in the
region.
While a lot of the focus is traditionally put on Hezbollah and Hamas
in the region, we cannot forget about the dangerous malign and illicit
activities that Iran is undertaking through its proxy in Yemen, the
Houthis.
Mr. KHANNA. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from
Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), who has been a real advocate and champion
for the War Powers Act in this institution.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from
California for yielding me the time and for his leadership to bring
before this House the critical issue of U.S. policy towards Yemen.
Most importantly, I want to thank him for his determination to
provide this House with at least 30 minutes to debate the complicity of
the United States through its support of the Saudi-led forces in the
civil war in Yemen in one of the greatest humanitarian crises taking
place on this planet.
I personally believe that the House should be considering Mr.
Khanna's original resolution, H. Con. Res. 81, but Republican leaders
made that impossible by threatening to put forward a rule that would
have blocked the right of Congressman Khanna to ever call his
privileged resolution up for debate.
Mr. Speaker, according to the United Nations, Yemen is suffering the
fastest growing cholera epidemic ever recorded. At the same time, Yemen
faces the world's biggest food emergency.
Saudi Arabia has blocked Yemen's ports and airports. Just last week,
it sealed the country's borders. As a result, the people of Yemen have
been cut off from nearly all humanitarian aid during this horrific
famine and cholera epidemic, and the ability of humanitarian agencies
to provide relief has been significantly impeded.
The U.N. has called the Saudi closure of Yemen's borders to aid
deliveries catastrophic. Even the International Committee of the Red
Cross was forbidden to cross the northern border with a delivery of
chlorine tablets to prevent cholera.
We learned today from the Saudis that two smaller southern ports and
one Red Sea port will be open soon, although we don't know what that
means, but the main port, where over 80 percent of Yemen's food
supplies enter, will remain blockaded and closed.
Mr. Speaker, it is well documented that the Saudi-led coalition and
Saudi forces, in particular, have carried out a ruthless, brutal
bombing campaign that deliberately targets hospitals, schools, food
markets, and civilian population, including children. The World Food
Programme has warned that hundreds of thousands of children will be on
the brink of starvation if the blockade lasts for even 2 weeks.
That deadline of death and starvation will arrive next Tuesday, just
2 days before we, here in the United States, sit down to enjoy our
Thanksgiving with our family, friends, and loved ones.
Will the Members of this House spare a thought for the children,
mothers, and fathers of Yemen as we sit down and feast in the warmth
and comfort of our own homes? Or will this Congress finally, after more
than 2\1/2\ years of sheer horror, send a clear message to Saudi Arabia
that its actions are intolerable?
Mr. Speaker, Saudi Arabia's actions, thus far, and the coalition it
leads in the Yemen civil war may very well rise to the level of war
crimes and crimes against humanity, according to the United Nations.
It is past time for this House to clearly and unambiguously declare
that the United States will no longer provide or sell military aid,
equipment, and munitions to potential war criminals; that the United
States will no longer supply midair refueling to Saudi and coalition
bombers headed to Yemen to wreak havoc on the suffering Yemeni people;
that the U.S. will no longer share intelligence with the Saudi
coalition; and that we will no longer remain a complicit and passive
partner in carrying out one of the world's greatest humanitarian
crises.
Mr. Speaker, I know the Houthi rebels attempting to take power in
Yemen are also guilty of war crimes. Last November, the Tom Lantos
Human Rights Commission held a hearing on the human rights situation
and humanitarian crisis in Yemen, so I know full well the atrocities
committed by all parties in this war.
Mr. Speaker, Yemen is just one more proxy in the region of religious
and political struggle for dominance between Sunnis, Saudi Arabia, and
Shiite Iran. For some in Congress, that power struggle trumps every
other consideration.
For me, it is yet another reason to act with extreme caution and
examine whether and how we allow ourselves to support potential war
criminals in pursuit of consolidating their own regional agenda and
power.
I am concerned that this power struggle is escalating further
throughout the region. Rather than the U.S. policy working to cool
things down, we seem to be encouraging it to heat up.
I, for one, Mr. Speaker, do not want the United States to be
complicit in supporting the killing and maiming of children. I do not
want the United States to be complicit in the deliberate targeting and
attacks against schools, hospitals, markets, and homes. I do not want
the United States to be complicit in bombing water treatment plants at
any time, let alone in the middle of the worst cholera epidemic in the
world. I do not want the United States to be complicit in supporting a
blockade that condemns tens of thousands of children to famine and
death by starvation.
Once again, I thank Congressman Ro Khanna and my other colleagues who
have supported this effort to have this
[[Page H9152]]
debate. I want to thank them for their leadership on this important
issue, but this is serious.
Mr. Speaker, I include in the record a Washington Post, November 9,
2017, editorial, and an article from The Guardian.
[From the Washington Post--Editorial, Nov. 9, 2017]
The Crisis in Yemen
Saudi Arabia's blockade could trigger a full-blown famine.
Saudi Arabia has charged that a missile launched from Yemen
toward Riyadh's international airport on Saturday was
supplied by Iran and assembled by Tehran's Lebanese client,
Hezbollah. It says this could be considered ``an act of war''
and claims the right to ``respond to Iran in the appropriate
time and manner.'' Yet the only action taken so far by the de
facto Saudi ruler, Mohammed bin Salman, has been to besiege
some of the world's most desperate people--the cholera-
stricken and literally famished civilian population of Yemen.
The press of multiple international crises and President
Trump's monopolization of media attention have helped obscure
the severity of the humanitarian emergency in Yemen, a poor
country of 28 million that has been devastated by civil war
and a Saudi-led military intervention. According to the
United Nations, it is suffering the fastest-growing cholera
epidemic ever recorded, with about 895,000 cases and nearly
2,200 deaths since April. At the same time, it is facing the
world's biggest food emergency, with 7 million people
requiring urgent assistance.
Children have been disproportionately afflicted. According
to U.N. figures, 27 percent of the cholera victims are under
the age of 5. Officials estimate that Juvenile cholera cases
will reach 600,000 by the end of the year. Meanwhile, hunger
has left half of children under 5 stunted, and 2.2 million
are affected by either moderate or severe malnutrition.
Saudi Arabia bears heavy responsibility for this suffering.
For 2\1/2\ years, it has pursued a ruthless but unwinnable
war against ethnic Houthis who have captured much of the
country, including the capital, Sanaa, and the largest port,
Hodeida. Bombing raids have repeatedly struck hospitals and
food markets. Worse, in the name of preventing Iran from
delivering weapons to the Houthis, the Saudis and their
allies have blockaded the country by sea and air, closing
Sanaa's airport to commercial traffic and slowing food
imports at Hodeida.
Now, in reaction to the missile firing, the Saudis have
announced a more thorough closure of ``all Yemeni ground, air
and sea ports.'' Though a government statement said it would
take ``into consideration the continuation of the entry and
exit'' of humanitarian supplies and aid workers, UN.
officials say that aid flights have been blocked. The World
Food Program warned that hundreds of thousands of children
would be ``on the brink of starvation'' if the blockade
lasted even for two weeks.
Saudi officials say the siege is meant to prevent what they
claim was the smuggling of missile parts into Yemen from
Iran. It has offered no proof of the rocket's origin, and
experts point out that Yemen is known to have imported Scud
missiles from North Korea before the war. In any case, the
blockade will not deter either Iran or the Houthis, but it
could trigger a full-blown famine among innocent children.
The Trump administration, which has blithely backed Crown
Prince Salman in his reckless adventures, should consider the
cost.
____
[From the Guardian, Nov. 7, 2017]
Closure of Yemen's Borders To Aid Deliveries is `Catastrophic', UN
Warns
(By Karen McVeigh)
After Saudi-led coalition seals stricken country's borders,
aid agencies caution that deliveries of food and medicine are
critical for population's survival.
Humanitarian groups and the UN have urged the Saudi-led
coalition to reopen aid channels into Yemen, after a decision
to seal the stricken country's air, sea and land borders.
The UN described the closure of aid channels as
``catastrophic''. Food, medicine and other essential supplies
are ``critical for the survival'' of the country's 27 million
population, weakened by war, the International Committee of
the Red Cross (ICRC) added. Yemen is in the grip of the
world's worst cholera outbreak and 7 million people are
already on the brink of famine.
The coalition said on Monday it would close the borders to
stem the flow of arms from Iran, after it intercepted a
missile attack by Houthi rebels near the international
airport in Riyadh, the Saudi capital. Iran has denied
supplying the missiles. Humanitarian operations, including UN
aid flights, are blocked because the air and sea ports,
including Hodeidah, where most aid is delivered, are closed.
The UN reported it was not permitted flight clearance for
two humanitarian flights bound for Yemen on Monday. A Red
Cross shipment of chlorine tablets, to prevent cholera, was
not allowed in at the country's northern border, the ICRC
said. Medical supplies, including insulin, are expected.
Yemen has been named the UN's number one humanitarian
crisis.
``We hear reports this morning that prices of cooking gas
and petrol for cars and so on [are] already spiralling out of
control,'' Jens Laerke, from the UN office for the Co-
ordination of Humanitarian Affairs, told a news briefing.
``So this is an access problem of colossal dimensions?'
Johan Mooij, Yemen director of Care International, said:
``For the last two days, nothing has got in or out of the
country. Fuel prices have gone up by 50% and there are queues
at the gas stations. People fear no more fuel will come into
Hodeidah port.''
He explained that food insecurity was helping cholera to
spread. ``People depend on the humanitarian aid and part of
the cholera issue [is] that they do not eat and are not
strong enough to deal with unclean water?'
There have also been ``daily airstrikes'' in Sana'a, he
said, adding: ``People fear the situation is escalating.''
Robert Mardini, ICRC's regional director for the near and
Middle East, said: ``Insulin cannot wait at a shuttered
border since it must be kept refrigerated.
Without a quick solution to the closure, the humanitarian
consequences will be dire.''
Mardini said he was also concerned at the ``steadily
growing'' number of civilian casualties and the targeting of
non-military infrastructure, such as water treatment plants
and civilian airports. ``Such actions are in violation of
international humanitarian law,'' he said.
The war is between the Houthi rebels, who are allied with
former president Ali Abdullah Saleh, and forces loyal to
another president, Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi, who was ousted by
the Houthis. Saudi Arabia has led a military intervention
since 2015 to counter the advance of the Houthis, and aims to
reinstate Hadi.
Both the coalition and rebels have been criticised by the
UN for blocking aid to civilians.
Rupert Colville, a spokesman from the UN high commissioner
for human rights, told Reuters the agency would study whether
the blockade amounted to ``collective punishment'', unlawful
under international law, and said he hoped it would be
temporary.
The agency has expressed concern over a series of recent
attacks on markets and homes that have killed scores of
civilians, including children.
Last month, the UN put the coalition on a draft of its
blacklist for killing and maiming 683 children during the
conflict in 2016 and for carrying out 38 verified attacks on
schools and hospitals.
Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Mr. Speaker, the purpose of this resolution is to pressure the Saudis
to take those steps to reopen access to those ports. That is what we
are doing.
We need to be talking about the other aspect of what we are also
trying to do here, and that is to try to get the Houthis to respond to
the actions taken by the U.N. and to try to get the Houthis to lift
their impediments that they have put in place. They need to respect the
neutrality of aid and stop diverting humanitarian convoys away from
those who are in need, as we know from the U.N. that this is the
problem.
The Houthis, according to the United Nations, need to accept the U.N.
plan that would allow for neutral actors to administer the port of
Hodeidah so deliveries of essential food and medicines can resume.
Part of our difficulty here is the Houthis are, or have become, under
the tutelage here of their Iranian supporters. You know, they are a
minority in Yemen, but Iran uses them to exploit divisions between
Yemeni society. This is part of the complexity of this.
The Houthis' slogan is derived from Iran's own anti-U.S. slogans.
Their slogan, if you listen to them on the broadcast, is: ``Death to
America, Death to Israel, Damn the Jews.''
Now, they didn't pick that up on their own. Part of the problem here
is the leaders of the Houthi militia were indoctrinated in Qom, in
Iran, as part of an Iranian attempt to construct a Hezbollah-like proxy
in Yemen. They have done it.
What we are trying to do is figure out a way to both convince them to
reopen the port under the U.N. auspices here for these deliveries and
convince the Saudis and the other members of this coalition that they
should cooperate on this access as well. This is the attempt of this
resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
McCaul), chairman of the Committee on Homeland Security.
Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this resolution,
expressing the urgent need for a political solution in Yemen.
As the civil war in Yemen continues well into its third year, the
situation on the ground becomes more dire by the day. Despite multiple
international attempts to broker a political agreement to end the human
suffering, peace remains elusive.
[[Page H9153]]
{time} 1730
Meanwhile, al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, also known as AQAP, has
taken advantage of this power vacuum created by the conflict. This has
allowed them to expand into the southern and eastern ports of Yemen,
where they continue to plot external operations against the United
States.
Simultaneously--much like in Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq--Iran continues
its campaign of influence in Yemen, where its actions have prolonged
the conflict and exacerbated the political and humanitarian nightmare.
As highlighted by Secretary Mattis, ``everywhere you look, if there
is trouble in the region, you find Iran.'' This is not by coincidence.
As Prime Minister Netanyahu emphasized to our congressional delegation
on a recent trip to Israel, Iran has been working around the clock to
solidify its presence across the region through the establishment of a
land bridge from Iraq to Lebanon, commonly referred to as the ``Shiite
Crescent.''
Despite a United Nations authorized arms embargo against the Houthi
forces, Iran, on multiple occasions, has been caught attempting to
smuggle weapons and munitions into the region. They have also provided
technical assistance to the Houthis--and Saudi Arabia is often their
main target.
In order to protect the security interests of the Saudi people, the
government in Riyadh has taken defense actions to both limit Iranian
support to the Houthis, such as blockades, as well as offensive
measures to stem attacks on the kingdom, such as the unsuccessful
ballistic missile attack on the capital earlier this month. However,
while Saudi Arabia has the right to prioritize its security, we cannot
dismiss the effects of its actions on the grave humanitarian suffering
on the ground, where more than 27 million face an unprecedented
humanitarian crisis.
As such, this resolution rightly highlights the need for a political
solution to this conflict and condemns Iranian activities that
undermine peace efforts. Furthermore, it calls on all parties of the
conflict to take additional measures to prevent civilian casualties and
increase much-needed humanitarian access.
Lastly, this resolution encourages the international community to
join in providing the resources necessary to address this crisis.
I commend all those involved. It is a real threat that I see as
chairman of Homeland Security every day. I thank the chairman, and the
gentleman on the other side of the aisle for bringing this important
legislation to the floor.
Mr. KHANNA. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
Minnesota (Mr. Nolan), who has often been a voice for diplomacy on
these issues.
Mr. NOLAN. Mr. Speaker, the simple truth is America has no business
involving itself in this Saudi-led civil war in Yemen. That is why I
introduced my amendment, which passed the House just last July,
declaring that none of the funds in the National Defense Authorization
Act will be used to deploy ground troops in Yemen.
But the fact is that the United States is still financially
supporting this Saudi-led war, and that is simply wrong for three
primary reasons:
First, America's support for this Saudi-led war in Yemen is
unauthorized. Congress never approved a declaration of war in Yemen.
Nothing could be more clear in the Constitution of the United States as
to who has responsibility for declaring wars. It is not the President.
It is the Congress of the United States of America. Right now, we are
still financially supporting a Saudi air war and blockade in Yemen--
both, acts of war. It is time to put a stop to that.
Second, we are supporting this Saudi-led blockade that is causing
horrific starvation, disease, and death in Yemen. This blockade has
forced more than 7 million people in Yemen to the brink of starvation.
It has sparked the world's largest cholera crisis in recorded history,
and more than 8,000 people in Yemen have been killed and nearly 50,000
injured in airstrikes and fighting on the ground. It is unconscionable
for us to continue support for this war.
And, finally, I can't say enough, America is already involved in too
many endless wars of choice in the Middle East. The President of the
United States acknowledged that we have spent $6 trillion just on the
wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and they have acknowledged that we have
$2 trillion in expenses going forward taking care of the heroes who
served our Nation--lost arms and legs and irreparable damage. That is
$8 trillion.
Think about it. For one of those trillion--just one of them--we could
have eliminated student debt in America.
Think about it. For another one of those trillion, there is our
trillion for our infrastructure.
Think about it. For another one of those trillion, we could have
found a cure for cancer, diabetes, Alzheimer's, or any one of a number
of things.
These endless wars of choice, where we have inadvertently been on
virtually every side of the conflicts one time or another, are so
costly in blood and in treasury. It is time to put a stop to spending
these trillions on these wars and start reinvesting in America,
reinvesting in the American people.
Mr. Speaker, the bottom line: Congress must stand up and bring an end
to American involvement in these costly wars and, now, in Yemen, where
we have no authorization and we have no business being involved.
Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), chairman of the Foreign Affairs
Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and
International Organizations.
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend for
yielding.
Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 599 urges a political solution to the war in
Yemen, condemns Iranian efforts to fuel the deadly violence, and calls
on all parties to the conflict to increase efforts to adopt all
necessary and appropriate measures to prevent civilian casualties and
to increase humanitarian accesses.
Events of the past week demonstrate the urgency of resolving this
perilous conflict. On Saturday, November 4, Iranian-backed Houthi
rebels in Yemen fired an Iranian-made ballistic missile at Saudi
Arabia's capital. By Monday, Riyadh, in the midst of a massive palace
shakeup, described the attack as an ``act of war'' by Iran and ordered
all Yemen's land, sea, and air ports of entry closed.
Saudi Arabia said the port closures were necessary to prevent Iran
from continuing to arm the Houthis, but the move also spelled dire
consequences for Yemen's civilian population, suffering under its third
year of punishing wartime conditions. In a country where nearly 70
percent of the population needs some form of humanitarian or protection
assistance, port closures have the distinct look of collective
punishment.
Although Saudi Arabia, this morning, announced it would begin lifting
the restrictions, this dramatic sequence of events underscores the
potential this war has on any given hour or day to explode into a
regional confrontation and even greater humanitarian catastrophe.
From the regional perspective, Yemen remains a critical foothold for
Iranian influence on the southern flank of the Middle East. The
conflict there allows the Iranian regime to cynically sow instability
that redounds to its own benefit and that of other avowed enemies of
the United States and our allies. Gaps in governance around the region
have served as an entryway for Iranian influence, most notably in Syria
and Iraq, where Iran and Hezbollah leveraged the emergence of ISIS and
al-Qaida to extend their influence.
Tehran is playing in a similar game in Yemen, where its campaign to
undermine the country's government has benefited Iran-aligned Houthi
militias; al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, or AQAP; and Yemen's ISIS
affiliate.
From the humanitarian perspective, Mr. Speaker, the ongoing costs of
the war are absolutely catastrophic. In late September, the ICRC,
International Committee of the Red Cross, warned that Yemen's cholera
outbreak is exploding. It is now at 750,000, and could reach 1 million
by the end of this year. In July, the WHO called Yemen's cholera
outbreak the worst in the world.
In March of last year, Mr. Speaker, I chaired a congressional hearing
on ``The Growing Threat of Cholera and Other Diseases in the Middle
East.'' At that time, we focused especially on the outbreak in Iran and
Syria brought about by the collapse of the healthcare sectors and
sanitation infrastructure.
[[Page H9154]]
Today, that epidemic now is in Yemen, and it has overtaken even Iraq
and Syria.
I appreciate the resolution.
Mr. KHANNA. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. Raskin), who is a constitutional law professor.
Mr. RASKIN. Mr. Speaker, what is unfolding in Yemen today is the
largest humanitarian crisis in the world. The war in Yemen has already
claimed more than 10,000 civilian lives, according to the U.N.
With this gruesome death toll as a backdrop, the UN is now warning
that Yemen is facing the largest famine that the world has seen in many
decades. According to Matthew Nims, the acting director of USAID's Food
for Peace Program, who testified before Congress, famine is on the
agenda now because the Saudi-led military campaign in Yemen is ``using
hunger as a weapon of war.''
Using hunger as a weapon of war, as a way to assault and destroy the
civilian population, is completely in disregard of the laws of war.
That weapon is proving to be brutally effective. More than 7 million
Yemenis are food insecure tonight, which is a polite way of saying that
they are on the brink of starving to death. As we speak, more than two
out of three Yemenis have no idea where their next meal will come from.
Meanwhile, the Saudi-imposed military blockade against Yemen and the
deliberate targeting in Yemen of water and sewage systems, along with
hospitals and schools, have engendered, in that country, the largest
civilian cholera crisis in recorded human history. More than 900,000
people are suffering from a massive outbreak of cholera, a bacterial
disease that causes severe and painful diarrhea and dehydration, and
which has already killed more than 2,000 women, men, and children.
The U.S. must act to save the people of Yemen. We are implicated
because we have been refueling Saudi and UAE bombers and offering
weapons, intelligence, and logistical support to the Saudi military
campaign, despite the fact that Congress has never declared war or
authorized military operations there. We must do everything in our
power to end the blockade on humanitarian assistance and to reopen the
pipeline of critical supplies, food, water, and medicine to the Yemeni
population.
Congress has never authorized U.S. involvement in the Saudi-led war.
I could understand that happening in Saudi Arabia itself, where there
is no constitution and where the oil monarchy governs according to
Sharia law and promotes Wahhabist extremism all over the world, but
this is America, and we have been enabling a brutal war which has
driven millions of people to the point of starvation without any
declaration of war or explicit legal authorization.
The U.N. Humanitarian Coordinator now says this is the greatest
humanitarian crisis since 1945, and hundreds of thousands or millions
of people may die if the blockade is not lifted. While we celebrate
Thanksgiving, mass starvation may have overtaken Yemen, yet the
blockade is still very much in force.
We must do everything in our power to speed humanitarian assistance
to the civilian population, to work towards a diplomatic solution in
Yemen, to stop the atrocities on all sides, and to bring real peace to
the region.
Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Francis Rooney), vice chairman of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs.
Mr. FRANCIS ROONEY of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise to support H. Res.
599, seeking a political solution in Yemen and putting pressure on Iran
to stop their nefarious activities there. I thank Chairman Royce and
Mr. Khanna for bringing this to the floor today.
Like Hezbollah and Syria, these Houthi rebels are just another
Iranian proxy, nurturing Iranian hegemonic ambitions in the region
which continue to destabilize the Middle East and impede our efforts to
reinforce the historic Sunni balance of power.
A few thousand Houthis--a distinct minority--are trying to subjugate
27 million Yemenis.
Iran supported the Houthis' overthrow of the elected President. They
continue to export weapons to Yemen, including rockets and ballistic
missiles. Some of these things involve antiship weapons and sea mines,
which could threaten our own U.S. Navy.
Houthi rebels have directly attacked Saudi Arabia's property, further
escalating the tensions and bringing us to the brink of a broader
conflict in the area.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for bringing this important
resolution to the floor.
Mr. KHANNA. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from New
York (Mr. Engel), the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee,
and I thank Mr. Engel for his leadership on this resolution.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I commend Mr. Khanna for his leadership. I think it is
important that our new Members come here and really make a difference
for these important events all around the world, so I thank him.
{time} 1745
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this measure that shines a light on
the carnage and suffering that has defined the conflict in Yemen.
Mr. Speaker, I want to again thank Mr. Khanna, who has shown real
leadership on this issue. He understands the critical role Congress has
to play in our foreign policy and why it is so important that this body
take the time to talk about the civil war in Yemen and America's
involvement. The United States wields tremendous power, diplomatic,
military, and developmental, and we have an obligation to debate how
those tools are used.
We have heard about Saudi and Iranian involvement in the civil war in
Yemen. Sadly, Yemenis are caught in the crossfire. The devastation of
Yemen's infrastructure has led to 900,000 cholera cases. At least one
Yemeni child dies every 10 minutes, on average, from malnutrition,
diarrhea, or respiratory tract infections.
Last week, the Saudis intercepted a missile targeting Riyadh. In
response, the Saudi-led coalition closed all Yemeni ports of entry.
Since last week, no humanitarian assistance has been allowed to enter
Yemen. Fuel shortages are limiting access for USAID partners at a time
when more than 75 percent of Yemenis require some level of assistance,
including 6.8 million people entirely reliant on food aid. The people
of Yemen are facing a very dire situation.
Let's be clear, neither military action nor food aid will solve the
conflict in Yemen. A political solution is essential for moving Yemen
towards stability. That will require some compromise, an exit strategy
for the Yemeni Government's Gulf partners, and a real commitment by the
international community to prevent Iranian weapons from getting into
Yemen.
So what does all this mean for America's role?
As this resolution notes, the United States provides midair refueling
for the Saudi-led coalition and participates in intelligence
cooperation.
Today's debate reminds us that the United States is engaged with
partners around the world under a range of authorities. Some of these
activities are covered by a current Authorization for Use of Military
Force--AUMF--some are not.
In my view, we should have more clarity about the way we use American
military might not just in Yemen, but around the world. After all, it
is Congress' responsibility to declare war or to limit a President's
authority to wage war when necessary.
I have said for years that we should sunset the 2001 AUMF. We voted
then to give the President authorization to go after the people and
groups that attacked on 9/11. We never intended it to be a blank check.
Today, we face new threats, threats unrelated to the terrorists who
attacked my hometown, New York City, on September 11.
We owe it to our men and women in uniform to have a thorough and
honest debate before we send them into harm's way, to stand in this
body and say ``yes'' or ``no'' before we ask them to put their lives on
the line.
This measure helps to move that debate forward. I am glad to support
it, and I urge all Members to do the same.
Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Khanna for his leadership.
Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the
gentleman
[[Page H9155]]
from Ohio (Mr. Chabot), a senior member on the Committee on Foreign
Affairs.
Mr. CHABOT. Mr. Speaker, as former chairman of the Foreign Affairs'
Subcommittee on the Middle East and having traveled to Yemen myself a
couple years ago, I rise in support of H. Res. 599, a resolution that
calls for an end to the conflict in Yemen and denounces the targeting
of innocent civilians and the use of civilians as human shields.
It has become painfully evident that Iran's Islamic Revolutionary
Guard continues to transfer increasingly sophisticated weapons systems
to the Houthis in Yemen. These weapons are now being used to target
civilians as well as one of our regional allies, Saudi Arabia.
There is an urgent need for a political solution in Yemen, with
growing famine, 500,000 new cholera cases, and the death of 10,000
Yemeni civilians since 2015.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this bill and I urge my colleagues
to join in condemning Iranian activities in Yemen. I call on our global
partners to take appropriate measures against the Government of Iran,
including the banning of Iran's weapons to the Houthis, and condemning
targeting of civilians.
Mr. KHANNA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank again Chairman Royce for working with us
to get to this resolution.
I want to acknowledge people on my own staff: Geo Saba, who really
led the efforts with Keane Bhatt from the Progressive Caucus; Chris
Schloesser and Pete Spiro. I also want to recognize Mira Resnick and
Mark Iozzi, who really helped with the language; of course, most of
all, the peace groups who brought this important cause to the Congress.
I know there is some disappointment in wanting to go further, and
people are very sincere in wanting to help civilians who literally face
famine and cholera, but I believe democracy is a messy and a long
process.
There are, as I mentioned earlier, 435 Members from different parts
of the country. I think today we have shown good faith in taking this
step forward, in highlighting the issue, in calling for humanitarian
assistance, in making sure that we curtail our support for Saudi
bombing.
I am confident that with the continued involvement of everyone in
this body, we will ultimately uphold our values and human rights, which
every person in this Chamber cares about.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of
my time.
Mr. Speaker, part of the complexity here in this tragedy is that Iran
does want to turn the Houthis into a Yemeni version of Hezbollah,
thereby turning Yemen into a second Lebanon, where a militia is
constantly holding the government hostage.
We do face a challenge here in the sense that they are firing Iranian
missiles on a regular basis into Saudi Arabia, at cities across Saudi
Arabia, including firing on Riyadh, the capital.
Now, we have not committed American forces to fight against the
Houthi rebels in Yemen, and I do not believe the American people want
us to. We should not. Our main involvement has been in the form of
humanitarian assistance and our longstanding preexisting security
relationships with regional partners, including Saudi Arabia, UAE, and
Gulf Cooperation Council.
I don't disagree that we must push them to improve their operations
to better avoid civilian casualties and humanitarian harm, but it is a
dangerous delusion to think that distancing ourselves from those
security relationships would serve the cause of peace and security in
Yemen and the region. It would do the opposite.
House Resolution 599, in my opinion, is a very responsible reaction
to the ongoing crisis, but it expresses the urgent need for a political
solution in Yemen, calls on all parties to prevent civilian casualties
and promote humanitarian access, and condemns Iran for its continuing
destabilizing activities in Yemen in violation of the U.N. Security
Council.
Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Khanna for this resolution, and I yield back
the balance of my time.
Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, the resolution rightfully expresses the
urgent need for a peaceful resolution to the conflict in Yemen, which
remains a stain of the conscience of the world.
The resolution condemns violations of international law and
specifically denounces those actions taken by Iran that are illegal.
Saudi Arabia should also be subjected to that judgement.
When the resolution ``denounces the conduct of activities in Yemen
and areas affected by the conflict that are, directly or indirectly,
inconsistent with the laws of armed conflict, including the deliberate
targeting of civilian populations or the use of civilians as human
shields'' and ``calls on all parties to the conflict to allow for
unobstructed access for humanitarian organizations, human rights
investigators, medical relief personnel, and journalists,'' those calls
should apply both to the Iranians and to the Saudis.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired.
Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, November 1, 2017,
the previous question is ordered on the resolution.
The question is on the resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and
nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further
proceedings on this question will be postponed.
____________________