[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 185 (Monday, November 13, 2017)]
[House]
[Pages H9148-H9155]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




EXPRESSING THE SENSE OF THE HOUSE WITH RESPECT TO UNITED STATES POLICY 
                             TOWARDS YEMEN

  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to the order of the 
House of November 1, 2017, I call up the resolution (H. Res. 599) 
expressing the sense of the House of Representatives with respect to 
United States policy towards Yemen, and for other purposes, and ask for 
its immediate consideration in the House.
  The Clerk read the title of the resolution.
  The text of the resolution is as follows:

                              H. Res. 599

       Whereas the United States has longstanding strategic 
     interests in promoting security and stability in the Arabian 
     Peninsula;
       Whereas the United States has a strategic partnership with 
     the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council, including 
     Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates;
       Whereas in 2014, after years of violence and insurgency, 
     Iranian-supported Houthi rebels seized the Yemeni capital 
     city of Sana'a, deposing the legitimate, internationally 
     recognized Government of Yemen and further destabilizing 
     Yemen and the region;
       Whereas the Saudi-led Arab Coalition launched a military 
     intervention in 2015 against the Houthi-Saleh alliance in 
     response to the deposition of the legitimate Government of 
     Yemen and Houthi-Saleh territorial gains in and around the 
     port of Aden;
       Whereas the United States has longstanding strategic 
     interests in Yemen, including ensuring freedom of navigation 
     at the Bab al Mandab strait and countering the threats from 
     Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and Al-Qaeda 
     franchises, and the Yemen affiliate of the Islamic State of 
     Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS);
       Whereas al-Qaeda was responsible for the bombing of the USS 
     Cole in Aden, Yemen, in October 2000, which killed 17 United 
     States sailors, and for multiple successful and unsuccessful 
     terrorist attacks internationally;
       Whereas in April 2015, the United Nations Security Council 
     adopted United Nations Security Council Resolution 2216 by 14 
     affirmative votes to none against, with one abstention (by 
     the Russian Federation), imposing sanctions on individuals 
     undermining the stability of Yemen, and demanded that the 
     Houthis withdraw from all areas seized during the latest 
     conflict, relinquish arms seized from military and security 
     institutions, cease all actions falling exclusively within 
     the authority of the legitimate Government of Yemen and fully 
     implement previous Security Council resolutions;
       Whereas Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has 
     transferred increasingly sophisticated weapons systems to the 
     Houthis, who have in turn shot missiles into Saudi Arabia 
     from positions in northern Yemen;
       Whereas in addition to weapons, Iran is reportedly 
     providing Afghan and Shi'ite Arab specialists to train Houthi 
     units and act as logistical advisers;
       Whereas the Iranian-supported Houthis have attacked 
     coalition or coalition-affiliated maritime targets multiple 
     times, an American ship twice, and other shipping, forcing 
     the United States to respond with a combination of diplomacy 
     and calibrated military strikes against three radar 
     facilities in Houthi-controlled territory;
       Whereas the United States has participated in intelligence 
     cooperation since 2015 and, pursuant to a cross-servicing 
     agreement, has provided midair refueling services to Saudi-
     led Arab Coalition warplanes conducting aerial bombings in 
     Yemen against the Houthi-Saleh alliance, Al Qaeda in the 
     Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), and in support of freedom of 
     navigation threatened by Iranian-backed Houthi forces;
       Whereas, according to the United Nations Office of the High 
     Commissioner for Human Rights, at least 10,000 Yemeni 
     civilians have been killed in this conflict since 2015;
       Whereas the Saudi-led Arab Coalition has worked to improve 
     their targeting processes and capabilities aimed at reducing 
     unintended civilian casualties, and convened a Joint Incident 
     Assessment Team to investigate the coalition's adherence to 
     the laws of armed conflict;
       Whereas the war in Yemen has contributed to a humanitarian 
     crisis in Yemen, leading to an April 2017 announcement by the 
     World Food Program that Yemen is on the brink of ``full-scale 
     famine'', with approximately 7,000,000 Yemenis, including 
     2,200,000 children, being classified as ``severely food 
     insecure'';
       Whereas over 500,000 new cholera cases have been detected 
     in Yemen, and approximately 2,000 people have died from 
     cholera-related issues;
       Whereas the United States remains the largest donor of 
     humanitarian assistance in Yemen;
       Whereas parties to the conflict continue to obstruct access 
     by journalists and humanitarian organizations seeking to 
     provide assistance;
       Whereas according to the Department of State's Country 
     Reports on Terrorism 2016, the conflict between Saudi-led 
     Arab Coalition and the Houthi-Saleh alliance is 
     counterproductive to ongoing efforts by the United States to 
     pursue Al Qaeda and its associated forces;
       Whereas according to the intelligence community's (as such 
     term is defined in section 3(4) of the National Security Act 
     of 1947 (50 U.S.C. 3003(4))) 2017 Worldwide Threat 
     Assessment, ``AQAP and ISIS's branch in Yemen have exploited 
     the conflict and the collapse of government authority to gain 
     new recruits and allies and expand their influence''; and
       Whereas to date, Congress has not enacted specific 
     legislation authorizing the use of military force against 
     parties participating in the Yemeni civil war that are not 
     otherwise subject to the Authorization of Use of Military 
     Force (Public Law 107-40) or the Authorization of Use of 
     Military Force in Iraq (Public Law 107-243): Now, therefore, 
     be it
       Resolved, That the House of Representatives--
       (1) expresses the urgent need for a political solution in 
     Yemen consistent with United Nations Security Council 
     Resolution 2216 (UNSCR 2216), or otherwise agreed to by the 
     parties;
       (2) denounces the conduct of activities in Yemen and areas 
     affected by the conflict that are, directly or indirectly, 
     inconsistent with the laws of armed conflict, including the 
     deliberate targeting of civilian populations or the use of 
     civilians as human shields;
       (3) calls on all parties to the conflict to increase 
     efforts to adopt all necessary and appropriate measures to 
     prevent civilian casualties and to increase humanitarian 
     access;
       (4) supports the Saudi-led Arab Coalition's commitments to 
     abide by their no-strike list and restricted target list and 
     improve their targeting capabilities;
       (5) condemns Iranian activities in Yemen in violation of 
     UNSCR 2216, and calls on all responsible countries to take 
     appropriate and necessary measures against the Government of 
     Iran, including the interdiction of Iranian weapons to the 
     Houthis, and the bilateral and multilateral application of 
     sanctions against Iran for its violations of UNSCR 2216;
       (6) encourages other governments to join in providing the 
     resources necessary to address the humanitarian crisis; and
       (7) calls on all parties to the conflict to allow for 
     unobstructed access for humanitarian organizations, human 
     rights investigators, medical relief personnel, and 
     journalists.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the order of the House of 
Wednesday, November 1, 2017, the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) 
and the gentleman from California (Mr. Khanna) each will control 30 
minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce).


                             General Leave

  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that 
all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their 
remarks, and to include extraneous material in the Record on the 
resolution.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentleman from California?
  There was no objection.
  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  I want to thank my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, including 
the gentleman from California (Mr. Khanna), for working in good faith 
toward achieving a resolution that productively addresses a very 
complex issue and a very serious issue, namely, the strategic and 
humanitarian implications of the ongoing conflict being fought in 
Yemen. I should also recognize the good work of our Foreign Affairs 
Committee ranking member, Mr. Eliot Engel of New York.
  This resolution will send a strong and needed message to all involved 
in this conflict that is causing so much human suffering. According to 
the U.N., more than 20 million people in Yemen--that is 76 percent of 
the population--are in need of humanitarian assistance. More than 2 
million people are affected by either moderate or by severe 
malnutrition.
  Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 599 is a bipartisan alternative to H. Con. Res. 
81. That initial proposal had claimed procedural privileges by invoking 
section 5(c) of the War Powers Resolution, which applies only when U.S. 
forces are

[[Page H9149]]

engaged in hostilities abroad without authorization. Though we provide 
logistics to our Saudi partners in the region, United States forces are 
not conducting hostilities against Houthi forces in Yemen.
  The initial resolution also neglected a key facet of the Yemen 
crisis, and that is Iran, which has been providing increasing support--
very nefarious support--to the Houthi rebels. We must not forget that 
in April of 2015, the U.N. Security Council, acting under Chapter 7 of 
the U.N. Charter, condemned the violent Houthi government overthrow 
``in the strongest terms'' and obligated all U.N. member states to 
comply with and enforce an embargo on arms and military assistance ``of 
all types'' to the Houthi forces. This makes Iran's acts to fuel this 
deadly conflict a gross violation of international law, as our 
ambassador has pointed out.
  I am glad that the new H. Res. 599 addresses these shortcomings, and 
I rise to support it today.
  Even before this latest conflict, Yemen was the poorest country in 
the region. It was wracked by violence and unrest. For years, the 
countries of North and South Yemen were in conflict before they became 
a single state. That was in 1990. After an uprising in 2011, Yemen 
embarked on a path of attempted national dialogue, of unification, and 
of constitutional reform; but hopes for stability and progress were 
dashed in 2014. That is the time when an Iranian-backed Houthi rebel 
group in alliance with former Yemeni strongman, Ali Abdullah Saleh, 
forcibly deposed the internationally recognized government of President 
Hadi.
  In response, the United States Security Council adopted Resolution 
2216, which sanctioned individuals involved in destabilizing Yemen and 
demanded that the Houthis unconditionally end their use of violence, 
withdraw their forces, relinquish their seized weapons, and refrain 
from threats to neighboring states.
  Unfortunately, the Houthi-Saleh rejection of this U.N. Security 
Council resolution, with Iran's backing, has sabotaged the prospects 
for peace.
  Mr. Speaker, the United States has longstanding, critical national 
security interests in this region. Members will recall that the deadly 
bombing of the USS Cole occurred there in Yemen. Other terrorist plots 
against Americans originated in Yemen, including the unsuccessful 2009 
underwear bomber attack on a Northwest Airlines flight that was going 
to Detroit.
  We and our partners continue to conduct operations against al-Qaida 
inside Yemen, and that is pursuant to the 2001 Authorization for Use of 
Military Force with the permission of the internationally recognized 
Government of Yemen.
  Although al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula may not grab a lot of 
international headlines, it still continues to threaten Western 
nations, and it still maintains a significant network in South Yemen, 
which we are working to disrupt.
  Making matters worse, Yemen has become another front in Iran's quest 
for regional dominance, which has accelerated in the wake of the 
previous administration's nuclear deal.

                              {time}  1700

  Consider that Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps has transferred 
increasingly sophisticated weapons systems to the Houthis and 
specialists to train and advise their units.
  Also consider that Iran's top terror proxy, Hezbollah, is helping the 
Houthis, who have launched numerous missiles and raids into Saudi 
Arabia, killing innocent civilians. Just last week, a ballistic missile 
was intercepted over the Saudi capital of Riyadh.
  This Iranian meddling in Yemen thwarts peace by empowering the 
Houthis to resist a return to political negotiations. The Iranian 
regime could not care less about the human suffering it is responsible 
for.
  Of course, beyond our national security, the region is also vital to 
the U.S. and the global economy. The southwest coast of Yemen 
constitutes one side of the Bab al-Mandab Strait, a narrow, strategic 
chokepoint in the flow of international goods headed to and from 
Europe, Asia, and the United States.
  At times, Iranian-supported Houthis have attacked international 
shipping, including an American vessel. Disruptions to shipping along 
the waterway mean disruptions to employment and wages.
  So it is no wonder that, in response to these threats, a Saudi-led 
coalition of 10 nations began military operations against Houthi-Saleh 
forces in March of 2015. Its mission was to reinstate the 
internationally recognized government.
  However, 2\1/2\ years later, military progress remains elusive and 
battle lines are hardened. The Saudi-led coalition controls the port 
city of Aden and the lowland areas in the south, while the Houthis 
continue to hold the capital and the highlands of northern Yemen. 
Civilian casualties have been distressingly high, including from Saudi 
airstrikes in the early months of the campaign.
  Today, Yemen is in shambles. It is simultaneously experiencing the 
world's largest food insecurity crisis and largest cholera outbreak, 
with more than 900,000 suspected cases. Last week's moves by the Saudis 
to further close ground, air, and seaports only threaten to make things 
worse.
  The United States remains committed to providing much-needed relief 
to innocent men, women, and children affected by this crisis. In fact, 
we remain the single largest donor of humanitarian aid to Yemen, by 
far.
  USAID and U.N. aid to agencies report that all parties to the 
conflict, including the Saudi-led coalition, have been responsible for 
bureaucratic impediments and disruptions to humanitarian operations, 
complicating our ability to effectively deliver lifesaving assistance. 
Our resolution says this must stop, by all sides.
  Mr. Speaker, this all provides for a very complex policy challenge. 
Some say the United States should distance itself from longstanding 
military cooperation with Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and other Gulf 
Cooperation Council partners. But this would only strengthen Iran's 
malign influence in the region and would not solve the humanitarian 
crisis. Indeed, it would likely worsen it.
  At the same time, others say our only focus should be neutralizing 
Iran and terrorist threats. But we cannot ignore the moral and 
strategic costs of civilian casualties and deteriorating humanitarian 
conditions.
  To this end, I believe that H. Res. 599 appropriately balances the 
shared, bipartisan concerns of this body:
  The urgent need for a political solution in Yemen consistent with 
Security Council Resolution 2216;
  A call for all parties to prevent civilian casualties;
  Support for the Saudi-led coalition's commitments to improve 
targeting and abide by their no-strike list; and,
  Condemnation and sanctions for Iran's destabilizing activities in 
Yemen in violation of Security Council Resolution 2216.
  Here, we should note that this body has taken strong, bipartisan 
action in recent months to challenge Iran's aggression, including by 
sanctioning its ICBM program and its support for the terrorist group 
Hezbollah.
  Make no mistake about it: Iran is an avowed enemy and our biggest 
security threat in the region; on the other hand, the Saudis are our 
partners.
  The resolution calls for all parties to allow unobstructed access for 
humanitarian organizations, human rights investigations, medical 
personnel, and journalists. In general, it brings attention to a Yemeni 
conflict that deserves more international notice.
  As we debate this measure, I suspect we may hear different views of 
War Powers and authorizations for use of military force as they relate 
to Yemen.
  As I said, I don't believe our security cooperation with the Saudis 
triggers War Powers. This is the type of support we provide to many 
other governments. But just because it does not arise under that 
particular statute does not make it immune from our scrutiny.
  I share Members' concerns that Congress must be as attentive as 
possible to the roles and missions of our Armed Forces overseas and 
monitor the ways in which our security assistance is being used. In 
this sense, Yemen does warrant closer watching. That is what I believe 
this resolution does.
  I again want to thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Khanna), the 
majority leader and minority whip of the

[[Page H9150]]

House, and my good friend Ranking Member Eliot Engel for the good work 
that went into this text, which I support.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. KHANNA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Royce for his work on this resolution, 
Ranking Member Engel, and leadership on both sides: Majority Leader 
McCarthy and the Speaker, and Minority Whip Hoyer and Leader Pelosi.
  I think one thing we can all agree on, as Chairman Royce mentioned, 
is the humanitarian crisis in Yemen. It is, arguably, the largest 
humanitarian crisis currently in the world. There are almost a million 
people suffering from cholera. This is a manmade crisis because of the 
bombing of civilian targets that has made the treatment of water 
impossible. Almost 7 million people face famine.

  One hope out of this debate, the first one on the House floor on 
Yemen, is that we will collectively demand humanitarian access to 
people in Yemen. There is no justification for the ports to be closed. 
There is no justification for the Sanaa Airport to be closed.
  In The New York Times just this morning, there was an article stating 
that chlorine medicine tablets are not being allowed in for people 
suffering from cholera. That is not a Republican or Democratic issue. 
That is an American issue. This Nation stands for human rights. We 
stand for compassion and decency.
  We should demand, collectively, that there is humanitarian access to 
people who are suffering and that the ports and airports be opened. 
This resolution calls for that, as has our U.N. Ambassador, Nikki 
Haley, who made that clear.
  The second part of this resolution, which I think goes a long way, is 
the acknowledgment of our own role in the refueling of Saudi planes and 
in the assistance of Saudi targeting.
  The resolution explicitly acknowledges that the United States has 
been engaged in the assistance of Saudi refueling and assisting the 
Saudis in targeting. It explicitly also recognizes that the 2001 
authorization of force that the United States Congress passed does not 
apply to the Yemeni civil war.
  Chairman Royce was absolutely correct that there is an al-Qaida 
threat in Yemen to the United States. Our military, under the 2001 
authorization of force, has the full authority to take counterterrorism 
measures to deal with al-Qaida; but what our military is not authorized 
to do is assist the Saudi Arabian regime in fighting the Houthis. In 
many cases, the Saudis have aligned with al-Qaida to fight the Houthis, 
undermining our very counterterrorism operations.
  This resolution makes abundantly clear that we cannot be assisting 
the Saudi regime in any of its fight with the Houthi regime. We have to 
limit our involvement in Yemen to take on al-Qaida and to take on the 
terrorists that threaten the United States.
  The chairman and I have a disagreement about the War Powers 
Resolution, but I will say that the negotiations were in good faith. As 
I told some of the groups that were upset about the resolution, this is 
a body of 435 Members. Every Member has their perspective. Ultimately, 
we have to come to a consensus that moves the debate forward. In our 
view, the War Powers Resolution does apply.
  If I can quote from a plain reading of section 8(c), it says that, 
for purposes of the War Powers Act: ``the term `introduction of the 
United States Armed Forces' includes the assignment of members of such 
Armed Forces to command, coordinate, participate in the movement of, or 
accompany the regular or irregular military forces of any foreign 
country or government. . . .''
  I believe a plain reading of that statute suggests that refueling 
Saudi planes constitutes coordination with a foreign government in a 
foreign conflict. Frankly, it is precisely what the drafters of the 
statute wanted to prevent after Vietnam. They wanted to prevent us from 
getting entangled in foreign conflicts where our national security was 
not at stake without a debate on the floor of Congress.
  We currently have troops in harm's way in 13 countries around the 
world. In many of those countries, we have not debated in the United 
States what the mission is or whether we should be there or whether it 
is making us any safer. That is certainly the case in Yemen.
  We know that, to the extent Iran is involved with the Houthis, that 
has been exacerbated because of the Saudi actions. It is debatable how 
much Iran was involved in the first place, but what we do know is that 
their minimal involvement--or, perhaps, now, greater involvement--was 
triggered because of the Saudi escalation in bombing Yemen.
  What is the United States' stake in a proxy war in Yemen? How is that 
making us any safer?
  If anything, it is creating another generation of Yemeni who will 
view the United States with suspicion.
  Nicholas Kristof wrote, in The New York Times: ``We Americans have 
sometimes wondered how Russia can possibly be so Machiavellian as to 
support its Syrian Government allies as they bomb and starve civilians. 
Yet we're doing the same thing with Saudi Arabia, and it's just as 
unconscionable when we're the ones complicit. . . .''
  Our military has the highest standards. We take such great care in 
minimizing civilian casualties. Why would we want to aid Saudi Arabia, 
which doesn't share American values, which doesn't have the regard for 
human life that we in the United States do? We are bearing the brunt of 
their horrible actions.
  So it is time, I believe, not just to stand up for humanitarian 
access in Yemen, but to question whether the aid that we are providing 
Saudi Arabia is making our country any safer and whether it is 
consistent with American values.

                              {time}  1715

  Finally, I will say to those who argue that we need to support the 
Saudis as a counter to Iran, there is no question that Iran has taken 
actions that are not in the United States' interest, but I suggest that 
we learn from our own history.
  I remember, from history, the time when so many in our country said: 
Let us arm Saddam Hussein to be a counter to Iran.
  That didn't work out so well for the United States. It was our arms 
that fueled Saddam Hussein's rise that led to two costly wars for the 
United States.
  My belief is the balance-of-power framework that has dictated our 
foreign policy and the interventionism has not made us any safer. I 
wish we would exercise more restraint in our foreign policy and return 
to the traditions of John Quincy Adams who said:

       We should not go overseas for monsters to destroy. These 
     are not conflicts where we can judge who is on the right 
     side; rather, we should be restrained, offer our hopes and 
     prayers to those fighting for freedom, offer our humanitarian 
     good will but not engage in interventionism abroad.

  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the 
gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), chairman emeritus of the 
Committee on Foreign Affairs, and current chair of the Subcommittee on 
the Middle East and North Africa.
  Ms. ROS-LEHTINEN. Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend, the chairman 
of our committee, for yielding me the time, and I rise today in support 
of H. Res. 599--expressing the sense of the U.S. House of 
Representatives with respect to United States policy toward Yemen.
  I want to thank my other colleague from California, Mr. Khanna, and 
Mr. McGovern from Massachusetts for offering this important resolution 
before us.
  I want to thank Chairman Royce and Ranking Member Engel for always 
working in a bipartisan manner in our committee, including with our 
leadership, to bring this resolution before us today.
  Mr. Speaker, there are approximately 2 million internally displaced 
persons in Yemen right now. International aid agencies consider Yemen 
to be one of the four current famine countries alongside South Sudan, 
Somalia, and Nigeria. We must ensure that access and safe passage is 
being given to reach the people of Yemen who desperately need this 
assistance.
  Saudi Arabia and the UAE have security and terror concerns in Yemen, 
and they have to mitigate those, but there

[[Page H9151]]

should not be any obstacles to prevent the delivery of vital 
humanitarian assistance to Yemen.
  It is positive news that this morning Saudi Arabia announced that it 
will begin reopening airports and seaports in Yemen; so, hopefully, 
that aid will come quickly for those starving people.
  Since this campaign began in 2015, the United States has been the 
largest contributor of humanitarian aid to Yemen. We must ensure that 
the aid is not being diverted and is actually reaching the right people 
who need it the most.
  A political solution is needed in Yemen where all parties can sit 
down and negotiate a path forward, but that becomes increasingly more 
difficult when we have to deal with the negative influence of Iran and 
the Houthis.
  Here are some examples. In February 2017, General Soleimani, 
commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, the Quds Force, 
reportedly pledged to increase Iran's assistance to Houthi-Saleh 
forces.
  According to press reports, two incidents occurred in October 2016, 
off the coast of Yemen, where missiles were fired targeting our Navy 
destroyers.
  After Houthi forces targeted U.S. warships near Yemen, the vice 
admiral, who heads U.S. Naval Forces Central Command, said: ``We 
believe that Iran is connected to this.''
  Since April 2015, U.S. warships have intercepted at least five 
Iranian shipments of weapons to Houthi forces. Just last week, the U.S. 
Forces' central commander said that a missile fired by the Houthis at 
Riyadh was manufactured by Iran.
  In Yemen, we cannot forget that we need to undermine Iran's influence 
over the Houthis. Last month, the White House released a new strategy 
when it comes to Iran, and it stated: ``The Iranian regime has taken 
advantage of regional conflicts and instability to aggressively expand 
its regional influence and threaten its neighbors with little domestic 
or international cost for its actions.''
  I believe that targeted sanctions are needed against Iran for 
providing weapons to the Houthis, weapons that are being used to 
directly target U.S. soldiers in the region.
  Lastly, Mr. Speaker, we cannot forget about the threats emanating 
from a U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organization, al-Qaida, in the 
Arabian Peninsula, also known as AQAP. The United States must continue 
to operate and conduct operations in Yemen to counter the threats from 
AQAP, but we cannot do it alone.
  A few months ago, the UAE and the U.S. teamed up with local Yemeni 
forces to target AQAP militants. This is another positive sign in the 
region where we can partner with our Gulf partners to fight extremist 
elements jointly. These operations are essential to protecting our 
national security interests and to help bring regional stability in the 
region.
  While a lot of the focus is traditionally put on Hezbollah and Hamas 
in the region, we cannot forget about the dangerous malign and illicit 
activities that Iran is undertaking through its proxy in Yemen, the 
Houthis.
  Mr. KHANNA. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), who has been a real advocate and champion 
for the War Powers Act in this institution.
  Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from 
California for yielding me the time and for his leadership to bring 
before this House the critical issue of U.S. policy towards Yemen.
  Most importantly, I want to thank him for his determination to 
provide this House with at least 30 minutes to debate the complicity of 
the United States through its support of the Saudi-led forces in the 
civil war in Yemen in one of the greatest humanitarian crises taking 
place on this planet.

  I personally believe that the House should be considering Mr. 
Khanna's original resolution, H. Con. Res. 81, but Republican leaders 
made that impossible by threatening to put forward a rule that would 
have blocked the right of Congressman Khanna to ever call his 
privileged resolution up for debate.
  Mr. Speaker, according to the United Nations, Yemen is suffering the 
fastest growing cholera epidemic ever recorded. At the same time, Yemen 
faces the world's biggest food emergency.
  Saudi Arabia has blocked Yemen's ports and airports. Just last week, 
it sealed the country's borders. As a result, the people of Yemen have 
been cut off from nearly all humanitarian aid during this horrific 
famine and cholera epidemic, and the ability of humanitarian agencies 
to provide relief has been significantly impeded.
  The U.N. has called the Saudi closure of Yemen's borders to aid 
deliveries catastrophic. Even the International Committee of the Red 
Cross was forbidden to cross the northern border with a delivery of 
chlorine tablets to prevent cholera.
  We learned today from the Saudis that two smaller southern ports and 
one Red Sea port will be open soon, although we don't know what that 
means, but the main port, where over 80 percent of Yemen's food 
supplies enter, will remain blockaded and closed.
  Mr. Speaker, it is well documented that the Saudi-led coalition and 
Saudi forces, in particular, have carried out a ruthless, brutal 
bombing campaign that deliberately targets hospitals, schools, food 
markets, and civilian population, including children. The World Food 
Programme has warned that hundreds of thousands of children will be on 
the brink of starvation if the blockade lasts for even 2 weeks.
  That deadline of death and starvation will arrive next Tuesday, just 
2 days before we, here in the United States, sit down to enjoy our 
Thanksgiving with our family, friends, and loved ones.
  Will the Members of this House spare a thought for the children, 
mothers, and fathers of Yemen as we sit down and feast in the warmth 
and comfort of our own homes? Or will this Congress finally, after more 
than 2\1/2\ years of sheer horror, send a clear message to Saudi Arabia 
that its actions are intolerable?
  Mr. Speaker, Saudi Arabia's actions, thus far, and the coalition it 
leads in the Yemen civil war may very well rise to the level of war 
crimes and crimes against humanity, according to the United Nations.
  It is past time for this House to clearly and unambiguously declare 
that the United States will no longer provide or sell military aid, 
equipment, and munitions to potential war criminals; that the United 
States will no longer supply midair refueling to Saudi and coalition 
bombers headed to Yemen to wreak havoc on the suffering Yemeni people; 
that the U.S. will no longer share intelligence with the Saudi 
coalition; and that we will no longer remain a complicit and passive 
partner in carrying out one of the world's greatest humanitarian 
crises.
  Mr. Speaker, I know the Houthi rebels attempting to take power in 
Yemen are also guilty of war crimes. Last November, the Tom Lantos 
Human Rights Commission held a hearing on the human rights situation 
and humanitarian crisis in Yemen, so I know full well the atrocities 
committed by all parties in this war.
  Mr. Speaker, Yemen is just one more proxy in the region of religious 
and political struggle for dominance between Sunnis, Saudi Arabia, and 
Shiite Iran. For some in Congress, that power struggle trumps every 
other consideration.
  For me, it is yet another reason to act with extreme caution and 
examine whether and how we allow ourselves to support potential war 
criminals in pursuit of consolidating their own regional agenda and 
power.
  I am concerned that this power struggle is escalating further 
throughout the region. Rather than the U.S. policy working to cool 
things down, we seem to be encouraging it to heat up.
  I, for one, Mr. Speaker, do not want the United States to be 
complicit in supporting the killing and maiming of children. I do not 
want the United States to be complicit in the deliberate targeting and 
attacks against schools, hospitals, markets, and homes. I do not want 
the United States to be complicit in bombing water treatment plants at 
any time, let alone in the middle of the worst cholera epidemic in the 
world. I do not want the United States to be complicit in supporting a 
blockade that condemns tens of thousands of children to famine and 
death by starvation.
  Once again, I thank Congressman Ro Khanna and my other colleagues who 
have supported this effort to have this

[[Page H9152]]

debate. I want to thank them for their leadership on this important 
issue, but this is serious.
  Mr. Speaker, I include in the record a Washington Post, November 9, 
2017, editorial, and an article from The Guardian.

          [From the Washington Post--Editorial, Nov. 9, 2017]

                          The Crisis in Yemen

       Saudi Arabia's blockade could trigger a full-blown famine.
       Saudi Arabia has charged that a missile launched from Yemen 
     toward Riyadh's international airport on Saturday was 
     supplied by Iran and assembled by Tehran's Lebanese client, 
     Hezbollah. It says this could be considered ``an act of war'' 
     and claims the right to ``respond to Iran in the appropriate 
     time and manner.'' Yet the only action taken so far by the de 
     facto Saudi ruler, Mohammed bin Salman, has been to besiege 
     some of the world's most desperate people--the cholera-
     stricken and literally famished civilian population of Yemen.
       The press of multiple international crises and President 
     Trump's monopolization of media attention have helped obscure 
     the severity of the humanitarian emergency in Yemen, a poor 
     country of 28 million that has been devastated by civil war 
     and a Saudi-led military intervention. According to the 
     United Nations, it is suffering the fastest-growing cholera 
     epidemic ever recorded, with about 895,000 cases and nearly 
     2,200 deaths since April. At the same time, it is facing the 
     world's biggest food emergency, with 7 million people 
     requiring urgent assistance.
       Children have been disproportionately afflicted. According 
     to U.N. figures, 27 percent of the cholera victims are under 
     the age of 5. Officials estimate that Juvenile cholera cases 
     will reach 600,000 by the end of the year. Meanwhile, hunger 
     has left half of children under 5 stunted, and 2.2 million 
     are affected by either moderate or severe malnutrition.
       Saudi Arabia bears heavy responsibility for this suffering. 
     For 2\1/2\ years, it has pursued a ruthless but unwinnable 
     war against ethnic Houthis who have captured much of the 
     country, including the capital, Sanaa, and the largest port, 
     Hodeida. Bombing raids have repeatedly struck hospitals and 
     food markets. Worse, in the name of preventing Iran from 
     delivering weapons to the Houthis, the Saudis and their 
     allies have blockaded the country by sea and air, closing 
     Sanaa's airport to commercial traffic and slowing food 
     imports at Hodeida.
       Now, in reaction to the missile firing, the Saudis have 
     announced a more thorough closure of ``all Yemeni ground, air 
     and sea ports.'' Though a government statement said it would 
     take ``into consideration the continuation of the entry and 
     exit'' of humanitarian supplies and aid workers, UN. 
     officials say that aid flights have been blocked. The World 
     Food Program warned that hundreds of thousands of children 
     would be ``on the brink of starvation'' if the blockade 
     lasted even for two weeks.
       Saudi officials say the siege is meant to prevent what they 
     claim was the smuggling of missile parts into Yemen from 
     Iran. It has offered no proof of the rocket's origin, and 
     experts point out that Yemen is known to have imported Scud 
     missiles from North Korea before the war. In any case, the 
     blockade will not deter either Iran or the Houthis, but it 
     could trigger a full-blown famine among innocent children. 
     The Trump administration, which has blithely backed Crown 
     Prince Salman in his reckless adventures, should consider the 
     cost.
                                  ____


                   [From the Guardian, Nov. 7, 2017]

  Closure of Yemen's Borders To Aid Deliveries is `Catastrophic', UN 
                                 Warns

                           (By Karen McVeigh)

       After Saudi-led coalition seals stricken country's borders, 
     aid agencies caution that deliveries of food and medicine are 
     critical for population's survival.
       Humanitarian groups and the UN have urged the Saudi-led 
     coalition to reopen aid channels into Yemen, after a decision 
     to seal the stricken country's air, sea and land borders.
       The UN described the closure of aid channels as 
     ``catastrophic''. Food, medicine and other essential supplies 
     are ``critical for the survival'' of the country's 27 million 
     population, weakened by war, the International Committee of 
     the Red Cross (ICRC) added. Yemen is in the grip of the 
     world's worst cholera outbreak and 7 million people are 
     already on the brink of famine.
       The coalition said on Monday it would close the borders to 
     stem the flow of arms from Iran, after it intercepted a 
     missile attack by Houthi rebels near the international 
     airport in Riyadh, the Saudi capital. Iran has denied 
     supplying the missiles. Humanitarian operations, including UN 
     aid flights, are blocked because the air and sea ports, 
     including Hodeidah, where most aid is delivered, are closed.
       The UN reported it was not permitted flight clearance for 
     two humanitarian flights bound for Yemen on Monday. A Red 
     Cross shipment of chlorine tablets, to prevent cholera, was 
     not allowed in at the country's northern border, the ICRC 
     said. Medical supplies, including insulin, are expected.
       Yemen has been named the UN's number one humanitarian 
     crisis.
       ``We hear reports this morning that prices of cooking gas 
     and petrol for cars and so on [are] already spiralling out of 
     control,'' Jens Laerke, from the UN office for the Co-
     ordination of Humanitarian Affairs, told a news briefing. 
     ``So this is an access problem of colossal dimensions?'
       Johan Mooij, Yemen director of Care International, said: 
     ``For the last two days, nothing has got in or out of the 
     country. Fuel prices have gone up by 50% and there are queues 
     at the gas stations. People fear no more fuel will come into 
     Hodeidah port.''
       He explained that food insecurity was helping cholera to 
     spread. ``People depend on the humanitarian aid and part of 
     the cholera issue [is] that they do not eat and are not 
     strong enough to deal with unclean water?'
       There have also been ``daily airstrikes'' in Sana'a, he 
     said, adding: ``People fear the situation is escalating.''
       Robert Mardini, ICRC's regional director for the near and 
     Middle East, said: ``Insulin cannot wait at a shuttered 
     border since it must be kept refrigerated.
       Without a quick solution to the closure, the humanitarian 
     consequences will be dire.''
       Mardini said he was also concerned at the ``steadily 
     growing'' number of civilian casualties and the targeting of 
     non-military infrastructure, such as water treatment plants 
     and civilian airports. ``Such actions are in violation of 
     international humanitarian law,'' he said.
       The war is between the Houthi rebels, who are allied with 
     former president Ali Abdullah Saleh, and forces loyal to 
     another president, Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi, who was ousted by 
     the Houthis. Saudi Arabia has led a military intervention 
     since 2015 to counter the advance of the Houthis, and aims to 
     reinstate Hadi.
       Both the coalition and rebels have been criticised by the 
     UN for blocking aid to civilians.
       Rupert Colville, a spokesman from the UN high commissioner 
     for human rights, told Reuters the agency would study whether 
     the blockade amounted to ``collective punishment'', unlawful 
     under international law, and said he hoped it would be 
     temporary.
       The agency has expressed concern over a series of recent 
     attacks on markets and homes that have killed scores of 
     civilians, including children.
       Last month, the UN put the coalition on a draft of its 
     blacklist for killing and maiming 683 children during the 
     conflict in 2016 and for carrying out 38 verified attacks on 
     schools and hospitals.

  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I 
may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, the purpose of this resolution is to pressure the Saudis 
to take those steps to reopen access to those ports. That is what we 
are doing.
  We need to be talking about the other aspect of what we are also 
trying to do here, and that is to try to get the Houthis to respond to 
the actions taken by the U.N. and to try to get the Houthis to lift 
their impediments that they have put in place. They need to respect the 
neutrality of aid and stop diverting humanitarian convoys away from 
those who are in need, as we know from the U.N. that this is the 
problem.
  The Houthis, according to the United Nations, need to accept the U.N. 
plan that would allow for neutral actors to administer the port of 
Hodeidah so deliveries of essential food and medicines can resume.
  Part of our difficulty here is the Houthis are, or have become, under 
the tutelage here of their Iranian supporters. You know, they are a 
minority in Yemen, but Iran uses them to exploit divisions between 
Yemeni society. This is part of the complexity of this.
  The Houthis' slogan is derived from Iran's own anti-U.S. slogans. 
Their slogan, if you listen to them on the broadcast, is: ``Death to 
America, Death to Israel, Damn the Jews.''
  Now, they didn't pick that up on their own. Part of the problem here 
is the leaders of the Houthi militia were indoctrinated in Qom, in 
Iran, as part of an Iranian attempt to construct a Hezbollah-like proxy 
in Yemen. They have done it.
  What we are trying to do is figure out a way to both convince them to 
reopen the port under the U.N. auspices here for these deliveries and 
convince the Saudis and the other members of this coalition that they 
should cooperate on this access as well. This is the attempt of this 
resolution.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. 
McCaul), chairman of the Committee on Homeland Security.
  Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of this resolution, 
expressing the urgent need for a political solution in Yemen.
  As the civil war in Yemen continues well into its third year, the 
situation on the ground becomes more dire by the day. Despite multiple 
international attempts to broker a political agreement to end the human 
suffering, peace remains elusive.

[[Page H9153]]

  


                              {time}  1730

  Meanwhile, al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, also known as AQAP, has 
taken advantage of this power vacuum created by the conflict. This has 
allowed them to expand into the southern and eastern ports of Yemen, 
where they continue to plot external operations against the United 
States.
  Simultaneously--much like in Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq--Iran continues 
its campaign of influence in Yemen, where its actions have prolonged 
the conflict and exacerbated the political and humanitarian nightmare.
  As highlighted by Secretary Mattis, ``everywhere you look, if there 
is trouble in the region, you find Iran.'' This is not by coincidence. 
As Prime Minister Netanyahu emphasized to our congressional delegation 
on a recent trip to Israel, Iran has been working around the clock to 
solidify its presence across the region through the establishment of a 
land bridge from Iraq to Lebanon, commonly referred to as the ``Shiite 
Crescent.''
  Despite a United Nations authorized arms embargo against the Houthi 
forces, Iran, on multiple occasions, has been caught attempting to 
smuggle weapons and munitions into the region. They have also provided 
technical assistance to the Houthis--and Saudi Arabia is often their 
main target.
  In order to protect the security interests of the Saudi people, the 
government in Riyadh has taken defense actions to both limit Iranian 
support to the Houthis, such as blockades, as well as offensive 
measures to stem attacks on the kingdom, such as the unsuccessful 
ballistic missile attack on the capital earlier this month. However, 
while Saudi Arabia has the right to prioritize its security, we cannot 
dismiss the effects of its actions on the grave humanitarian suffering 
on the ground, where more than 27 million face an unprecedented 
humanitarian crisis.
  As such, this resolution rightly highlights the need for a political 
solution to this conflict and condemns Iranian activities that 
undermine peace efforts. Furthermore, it calls on all parties of the 
conflict to take additional measures to prevent civilian casualties and 
increase much-needed humanitarian access.
  Lastly, this resolution encourages the international community to 
join in providing the resources necessary to address this crisis.
  I commend all those involved. It is a real threat that I see as 
chairman of Homeland Security every day. I thank the chairman, and the 
gentleman on the other side of the aisle for bringing this important 
legislation to the floor.
  Mr. KHANNA. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from 
Minnesota (Mr. Nolan), who has often been a voice for diplomacy on 
these issues.
  Mr. NOLAN. Mr. Speaker, the simple truth is America has no business 
involving itself in this Saudi-led civil war in Yemen. That is why I 
introduced my amendment, which passed the House just last July, 
declaring that none of the funds in the National Defense Authorization 
Act will be used to deploy ground troops in Yemen.
  But the fact is that the United States is still financially 
supporting this Saudi-led war, and that is simply wrong for three 
primary reasons:
  First, America's support for this Saudi-led war in Yemen is 
unauthorized. Congress never approved a declaration of war in Yemen. 
Nothing could be more clear in the Constitution of the United States as 
to who has responsibility for declaring wars. It is not the President. 
It is the Congress of the United States of America. Right now, we are 
still financially supporting a Saudi air war and blockade in Yemen--
both, acts of war. It is time to put a stop to that.
  Second, we are supporting this Saudi-led blockade that is causing 
horrific starvation, disease, and death in Yemen. This blockade has 
forced more than 7 million people in Yemen to the brink of starvation. 
It has sparked the world's largest cholera crisis in recorded history, 
and more than 8,000 people in Yemen have been killed and nearly 50,000 
injured in airstrikes and fighting on the ground. It is unconscionable 
for us to continue support for this war.
  And, finally, I can't say enough, America is already involved in too 
many endless wars of choice in the Middle East. The President of the 
United States acknowledged that we have spent $6 trillion just on the 
wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and they have acknowledged that we have 
$2 trillion in expenses going forward taking care of the heroes who 
served our Nation--lost arms and legs and irreparable damage. That is 
$8 trillion.
  Think about it. For one of those trillion--just one of them--we could 
have eliminated student debt in America.
  Think about it. For another one of those trillion, there is our 
trillion for our infrastructure.
  Think about it. For another one of those trillion, we could have 
found a cure for cancer, diabetes, Alzheimer's, or any one of a number 
of things.
  These endless wars of choice, where we have inadvertently been on 
virtually every side of the conflicts one time or another, are so 
costly in blood and in treasury. It is time to put a stop to spending 
these trillions on these wars and start reinvesting in America, 
reinvesting in the American people.
  Mr. Speaker, the bottom line: Congress must stand up and bring an end 
to American involvement in these costly wars and, now, in Yemen, where 
we have no authorization and we have no business being involved.
  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), chairman of the Foreign Affairs 
Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and 
International Organizations.
  Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend for 
yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 599 urges a political solution to the war in 
Yemen, condemns Iranian efforts to fuel the deadly violence, and calls 
on all parties to the conflict to increase efforts to adopt all 
necessary and appropriate measures to prevent civilian casualties and 
to increase humanitarian accesses.
  Events of the past week demonstrate the urgency of resolving this 
perilous conflict. On Saturday, November 4, Iranian-backed Houthi 
rebels in Yemen fired an Iranian-made ballistic missile at Saudi 
Arabia's capital. By Monday, Riyadh, in the midst of a massive palace 
shakeup, described the attack as an ``act of war'' by Iran and ordered 
all Yemen's land, sea, and air ports of entry closed.
  Saudi Arabia said the port closures were necessary to prevent Iran 
from continuing to arm the Houthis, but the move also spelled dire 
consequences for Yemen's civilian population, suffering under its third 
year of punishing wartime conditions. In a country where nearly 70 
percent of the population needs some form of humanitarian or protection 
assistance, port closures have the distinct look of collective 
punishment.
  Although Saudi Arabia, this morning, announced it would begin lifting 
the restrictions, this dramatic sequence of events underscores the 
potential this war has on any given hour or day to explode into a 
regional confrontation and even greater humanitarian catastrophe.
  From the regional perspective, Yemen remains a critical foothold for 
Iranian influence on the southern flank of the Middle East. The 
conflict there allows the Iranian regime to cynically sow instability 
that redounds to its own benefit and that of other avowed enemies of 
the United States and our allies. Gaps in governance around the region 
have served as an entryway for Iranian influence, most notably in Syria 
and Iraq, where Iran and Hezbollah leveraged the emergence of ISIS and 
al-Qaida to extend their influence.
  Tehran is playing in a similar game in Yemen, where its campaign to 
undermine the country's government has benefited Iran-aligned Houthi 
militias; al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, or AQAP; and Yemen's ISIS 
affiliate.
  From the humanitarian perspective, Mr. Speaker, the ongoing costs of 
the war are absolutely catastrophic. In late September, the ICRC, 
International Committee of the Red Cross, warned that Yemen's cholera 
outbreak is exploding. It is now at 750,000, and could reach 1 million 
by the end of this year. In July, the WHO called Yemen's cholera 
outbreak the worst in the world.
  In March of last year, Mr. Speaker, I chaired a congressional hearing 
on ``The Growing Threat of Cholera and Other Diseases in the Middle 
East.'' At that time, we focused especially on the outbreak in Iran and 
Syria brought about by the collapse of the healthcare sectors and 
sanitation infrastructure.

[[Page H9154]]

Today, that epidemic now is in Yemen, and it has overtaken even Iraq 
and Syria.
  I appreciate the resolution.
  Mr. KHANNA. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from 
Maryland (Mr. Raskin), who is a constitutional law professor.
  Mr. RASKIN. Mr. Speaker, what is unfolding in Yemen today is the 
largest humanitarian crisis in the world. The war in Yemen has already 
claimed more than 10,000 civilian lives, according to the U.N.
  With this gruesome death toll as a backdrop, the UN is now warning 
that Yemen is facing the largest famine that the world has seen in many 
decades. According to Matthew Nims, the acting director of USAID's Food 
for Peace Program, who testified before Congress, famine is on the 
agenda now because the Saudi-led military campaign in Yemen is ``using 
hunger as a weapon of war.''
  Using hunger as a weapon of war, as a way to assault and destroy the 
civilian population, is completely in disregard of the laws of war. 
That weapon is proving to be brutally effective. More than 7 million 
Yemenis are food insecure tonight, which is a polite way of saying that 
they are on the brink of starving to death. As we speak, more than two 
out of three Yemenis have no idea where their next meal will come from.
  Meanwhile, the Saudi-imposed military blockade against Yemen and the 
deliberate targeting in Yemen of water and sewage systems, along with 
hospitals and schools, have engendered, in that country, the largest 
civilian cholera crisis in recorded human history. More than 900,000 
people are suffering from a massive outbreak of cholera, a bacterial 
disease that causes severe and painful diarrhea and dehydration, and 
which has already killed more than 2,000 women, men, and children.
  The U.S. must act to save the people of Yemen. We are implicated 
because we have been refueling Saudi and UAE bombers and offering 
weapons, intelligence, and logistical support to the Saudi military 
campaign, despite the fact that Congress has never declared war or 
authorized military operations there. We must do everything in our 
power to end the blockade on humanitarian assistance and to reopen the 
pipeline of critical supplies, food, water, and medicine to the Yemeni 
population.
  Congress has never authorized U.S. involvement in the Saudi-led war. 
I could understand that happening in Saudi Arabia itself, where there 
is no constitution and where the oil monarchy governs according to 
Sharia law and promotes Wahhabist extremism all over the world, but 
this is America, and we have been enabling a brutal war which has 
driven millions of people to the point of starvation without any 
declaration of war or explicit legal authorization.

  The U.N. Humanitarian Coordinator now says this is the greatest 
humanitarian crisis since 1945, and hundreds of thousands or millions 
of people may die if the blockade is not lifted. While we celebrate 
Thanksgiving, mass starvation may have overtaken Yemen, yet the 
blockade is still very much in force.
  We must do everything in our power to speed humanitarian assistance 
to the civilian population, to work towards a diplomatic solution in 
Yemen, to stop the atrocities on all sides, and to bring real peace to 
the region.
  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from Florida (Mr. Francis Rooney), vice chairman of the 
Committee on Foreign Affairs.
  Mr. FRANCIS ROONEY of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I rise to support H. Res. 
599, seeking a political solution in Yemen and putting pressure on Iran 
to stop their nefarious activities there. I thank Chairman Royce and 
Mr. Khanna for bringing this to the floor today.
  Like Hezbollah and Syria, these Houthi rebels are just another 
Iranian proxy, nurturing Iranian hegemonic ambitions in the region 
which continue to destabilize the Middle East and impede our efforts to 
reinforce the historic Sunni balance of power.
  A few thousand Houthis--a distinct minority--are trying to subjugate 
27 million Yemenis.
  Iran supported the Houthis' overthrow of the elected President. They 
continue to export weapons to Yemen, including rockets and ballistic 
missiles. Some of these things involve antiship weapons and sea mines, 
which could threaten our own U.S. Navy.
  Houthi rebels have directly attacked Saudi Arabia's property, further 
escalating the tensions and bringing us to the brink of a broader 
conflict in the area.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for bringing this important 
resolution to the floor.
  Mr. KHANNA. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from New 
York (Mr. Engel), the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, 
and I thank Mr. Engel for his leadership on this resolution.
  Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I commend Mr. Khanna for his leadership. I think it is 
important that our new Members come here and really make a difference 
for these important events all around the world, so I thank him.

                              {time}  1745

  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this measure that shines a light on 
the carnage and suffering that has defined the conflict in Yemen.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to again thank Mr. Khanna, who has shown real 
leadership on this issue. He understands the critical role Congress has 
to play in our foreign policy and why it is so important that this body 
take the time to talk about the civil war in Yemen and America's 
involvement. The United States wields tremendous power, diplomatic, 
military, and developmental, and we have an obligation to debate how 
those tools are used.
  We have heard about Saudi and Iranian involvement in the civil war in 
Yemen. Sadly, Yemenis are caught in the crossfire. The devastation of 
Yemen's infrastructure has led to 900,000 cholera cases. At least one 
Yemeni child dies every 10 minutes, on average, from malnutrition, 
diarrhea, or respiratory tract infections.
  Last week, the Saudis intercepted a missile targeting Riyadh. In 
response, the Saudi-led coalition closed all Yemeni ports of entry. 
Since last week, no humanitarian assistance has been allowed to enter 
Yemen. Fuel shortages are limiting access for USAID partners at a time 
when more than 75 percent of Yemenis require some level of assistance, 
including 6.8 million people entirely reliant on food aid. The people 
of Yemen are facing a very dire situation.
  Let's be clear, neither military action nor food aid will solve the 
conflict in Yemen. A political solution is essential for moving Yemen 
towards stability. That will require some compromise, an exit strategy 
for the Yemeni Government's Gulf partners, and a real commitment by the 
international community to prevent Iranian weapons from getting into 
Yemen.
  So what does all this mean for America's role?
  As this resolution notes, the United States provides midair refueling 
for the Saudi-led coalition and participates in intelligence 
cooperation.
  Today's debate reminds us that the United States is engaged with 
partners around the world under a range of authorities. Some of these 
activities are covered by a current Authorization for Use of Military 
Force--AUMF--some are not.
  In my view, we should have more clarity about the way we use American 
military might not just in Yemen, but around the world. After all, it 
is Congress' responsibility to declare war or to limit a President's 
authority to wage war when necessary.
  I have said for years that we should sunset the 2001 AUMF. We voted 
then to give the President authorization to go after the people and 
groups that attacked on 9/11. We never intended it to be a blank check. 
Today, we face new threats, threats unrelated to the terrorists who 
attacked my hometown, New York City, on September 11.
  We owe it to our men and women in uniform to have a thorough and 
honest debate before we send them into harm's way, to stand in this 
body and say ``yes'' or ``no'' before we ask them to put their lives on 
the line.
  This measure helps to move that debate forward. I am glad to support 
it, and I urge all Members to do the same.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Khanna for his leadership.
  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman

[[Page H9155]]

from Ohio (Mr. Chabot), a senior member on the Committee on Foreign 
Affairs.
  Mr. CHABOT. Mr. Speaker, as former chairman of the Foreign Affairs' 
Subcommittee on the Middle East and having traveled to Yemen myself a 
couple years ago, I rise in support of H. Res. 599, a resolution that 
calls for an end to the conflict in Yemen and denounces the targeting 
of innocent civilians and the use of civilians as human shields.
  It has become painfully evident that Iran's Islamic Revolutionary 
Guard continues to transfer increasingly sophisticated weapons systems 
to the Houthis in Yemen. These weapons are now being used to target 
civilians as well as one of our regional allies, Saudi Arabia.
  There is an urgent need for a political solution in Yemen, with 
growing famine, 500,000 new cholera cases, and the death of 10,000 
Yemeni civilians since 2015.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this bill and I urge my colleagues 
to join in condemning Iranian activities in Yemen. I call on our global 
partners to take appropriate measures against the Government of Iran, 
including the banning of Iran's weapons to the Houthis, and condemning 
targeting of civilians.
  Mr. KHANNA. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  Mr. Speaker, I want to thank again Chairman Royce for working with us 
to get to this resolution.
  I want to acknowledge people on my own staff: Geo Saba, who really 
led the efforts with Keane Bhatt from the Progressive Caucus; Chris 
Schloesser and Pete Spiro. I also want to recognize Mira Resnick and 
Mark Iozzi, who really helped with the language; of course, most of 
all, the peace groups who brought this important cause to the Congress.
  I know there is some disappointment in wanting to go further, and 
people are very sincere in wanting to help civilians who literally face 
famine and cholera, but I believe democracy is a messy and a long 
process.
  There are, as I mentioned earlier, 435 Members from different parts 
of the country. I think today we have shown good faith in taking this 
step forward, in highlighting the issue, in calling for humanitarian 
assistance, in making sure that we curtail our support for Saudi 
bombing.
  I am confident that with the continued involvement of everyone in 
this body, we will ultimately uphold our values and human rights, which 
every person in this Chamber cares about.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of 
my time.
  Mr. Speaker, part of the complexity here in this tragedy is that Iran 
does want to turn the Houthis into a Yemeni version of Hezbollah, 
thereby turning Yemen into a second Lebanon, where a militia is 
constantly holding the government hostage.
  We do face a challenge here in the sense that they are firing Iranian 
missiles on a regular basis into Saudi Arabia, at cities across Saudi 
Arabia, including firing on Riyadh, the capital.

  Now, we have not committed American forces to fight against the 
Houthi rebels in Yemen, and I do not believe the American people want 
us to. We should not. Our main involvement has been in the form of 
humanitarian assistance and our longstanding preexisting security 
relationships with regional partners, including Saudi Arabia, UAE, and 
Gulf Cooperation Council.
  I don't disagree that we must push them to improve their operations 
to better avoid civilian casualties and humanitarian harm, but it is a 
dangerous delusion to think that distancing ourselves from those 
security relationships would serve the cause of peace and security in 
Yemen and the region. It would do the opposite.
  House Resolution 599, in my opinion, is a very responsible reaction 
to the ongoing crisis, but it expresses the urgent need for a political 
solution in Yemen, calls on all parties to prevent civilian casualties 
and promote humanitarian access, and condemns Iran for its continuing 
destabilizing activities in Yemen in violation of the U.N. Security 
Council.
  Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Khanna for this resolution, and I yield back 
the balance of my time.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, the resolution rightfully expresses the 
urgent need for a peaceful resolution to the conflict in Yemen, which 
remains a stain of the conscience of the world.
  The resolution condemns violations of international law and 
specifically denounces those actions taken by Iran that are illegal. 
Saudi Arabia should also be subjected to that judgement.
  When the resolution ``denounces the conduct of activities in Yemen 
and areas affected by the conflict that are, directly or indirectly, 
inconsistent with the laws of armed conflict, including the deliberate 
targeting of civilian populations or the use of civilians as human 
shields'' and ``calls on all parties to the conflict to allow for 
unobstructed access for humanitarian organizations, human rights 
investigators, medical relief personnel, and journalists,'' those calls 
should apply both to the Iranians and to the Saudis.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired.
  Pursuant to the order of the House of Wednesday, November 1, 2017, 
the previous question is ordered on the resolution.
  The question is on the resolution.
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. ROYCE of California. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and 
nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further 
proceedings on this question will be postponed.

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