[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 178 (Thursday, November 2, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6992-S6994]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
JUDICIAL NOMINATIONS
Mr. COONS. Mr. President, I come to the floor today to join several
of my colleagues in raising concerns about nominations to the Federal
judiciary and the Senate's role in carrying out its constitutional
advice and consent responsibilities. From my vantage point as a member
of the Judiciary Committee, I can see all too clearly that an alarming
trend of more and more extreme judicial candidates appearing before us
is growing, that more extreme judicial candidates are being nominated,
and that the safeguards here in the Senate that are important to our
vetting process are being threatened.
Let me start by giving a simple overview of what has happened, first
in terms of the speed at which we are considering critical lifetime
appointments to some of the most central courts in our whole Federal
judicial system.
Just this week, my Republican colleagues have brought forward four
circuit court nominees--four nominees in one week--beginning to end.
That is more than the number of circuit court nominees than were
confirmed in the entire first year of President Obama's Presidency.
More important to me than the speed is the quality of our process of
reviewing these important nominations. The
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American Bar Association has issued unanimous ``not qualified'' ratings
for two current judicial nominees. That hasn't happened in over a
decade--since 2006. The American Bar Association is not a partisan or a
political group. Founded in 1878, the ABA is a national professional
organization with over 400,000 attorney members. The ABA's
uncontroversial objectives are to serve its members, improve the legal
profession, enhance diversity, and advance and secure the rule of law
in our Nation. Its contributions to the legal profession are
significant. It is the ABA that accredits law schools and establishes
model ethical codes.
Additionally, since 1953, when President Eisenhower invited the ABA
to provide specific, timely input on candidates for Federal judgeships,
the ABA has evaluated nominees for professional competence, integrity,
and judicial temperament. This is a rigorous process that involves
collecting impartial, peer-review evaluations of candidates.
It is startling that less than a year into this administration, two
nominees have already received ``not qualified'' ratings from the ABA,
and two more nominees are under consideration of what is called a
second evaluator. This is concerning. You see, the ABA does not take
giving a ``not qualified'' rating lightly. Any time an evaluator is
considering recommending ``not qualified,'' a second evaluator is
brought in to conduct an independent review. I believe all nominees to
lifetime article III appointments on the Federal bench should have the
competence, integrity, and temperament to do the important work that
Federal judges are called on to perform.
The nominees we are seeing not only raise concerns about professional
qualifications and the speed with which they have been processed. Many
of the President's recent candidates are notable for their polarizing,
divisive, even offensive rhetoric, rather than the depth of their legal
experience or the quality of their judicial temperament. I will give
just a few selections from a broad range.
We have recently considered candidates on the Judiciary Committee who
had blogged at length in support for birtherism, the discredited and
untrue conspiracy theory that suggested that our immediate past
President wasn't born in the United States. Another suggested that
``Mama Pelosi'' should be ``gagged.'' Another called Supreme Court
Justice Kennedy a ``judicial prostitute,'' compared abortion to
slavery, complained that Americans overreacted to Sandy Hook, repeated
anti-gay slurs, and said transgender children are proof that ``Satan's
plan is working.'' Many alarming, even extreme comments are in the
records of folks brought forward for confirmation--a startling number
of them.
Frankly, this isn't about party allegiance--being a Republican or a
Democrat, being a conservative or a liberal. This is about having the
judgment and the temperament to be a Federal judge.
The mechanisms we have for completely evaluating nominees are today
being strained. The American Bar Association has been cut out of some
of the White House's efforts, its prenomination vetting process. That
means that when the ABA conducts an evaluation and seeks feedback from
a candidate's peers, they discover the nomination has already been
announced by the White House. The candidate has already been chosen.
Understandably, lawyers are reluctant to provide candid feedback when
they know a potential judge has already been nominated. Additionally,
it is concerning that we have had hearings in the Judiciary Committee
before the ABA rating process is completed. When that happens, it
prevents the ABA, our professional organization of attorneys, from
being called to testify to explain a ``not qualified'' rating at a
hearing where a nominee is considered. In fact, just earlier today, we
had two judicial nominees listed on our agenda who do not yet have an
ABA rating.
I am not suggesting that every Senator needs to vote in lockstep with
the ABA rating, but I feel strongly that the ABA's evaluation must be
available to Senators before they are asked to vote on a nominee for a
lifetime position as a Federal judge.
Another tool that is under attack that is a century-old tradition of
the Judiciary Committee is the so-called blue slip. This is a practice
that allows the two home-State Senators to give a positive or negative
recommendation on a nominee before they receive a hearing and are
considered for lifetime tenure. It allows each Senator to approve the
judicial nominations for vacancies in their home States or in the
circuit courts where a seat is traditionally associated with that home
State. By requiring that blue slips be returned before a nominee is
considered, each Senator is afforded the courtesy to evaluate whether a
judicial nominee will meet the needs of his or her constituents and the
priorities and values of their home State. It is an important tool for
ensuring that the White House of either party consults with Senators
about the judicial candidates the President is considering for
nomination. In the end, this tool promotes consensus candidates by
ensuring all Senators' views are taken into account, without respect to
partisan registration.
As a Senator from Delaware--a State with two current judicial
vacancies in one of the busiest district courts in America, which only
has four active judgeships--I have been focused on working
collaboratively with the White House in a productive manner that
ensures that my State gets qualified consensus nominees from the White
House. I am pleased to report that Senator Carper and I have had a very
positive experience so far working with the White House on these
potential nominations, and it is my hope that we will soon see nominees
I can support without reservation. But the blue slip process ensures
that this consultative, constructive experience is the rule, not the
exception. It is unfortunate that this blue slip practice--this
century-old tradition of the Judiciary Committee--is under sustained
attack. I believe we should maintain it for all Senators, in the best
interests of this institution and our Federal judiciary.
Article III judges, as I have said, serve with lifetime tenure. They
decide issues of civil rights, of personal freedom, commercial disputes
of enormous value, and even life and death. These judges can and
should, on occasion, also serve as checks on Presidential power
overreach. Just in the past few months, article III judges have
enjoined executive orders, including the so-called travel ban, the
transgender military ban, and the decision to strip funding from
sanctuary cities.
We should be advancing nominees who can earn broad support from
Members of both parties, nominees with the experience to handle some of
the most complex and demanding judicial issues of our time, nominees
who have demonstrated the temperament to administer justice fairly.
These nominations matter. The nominees who will fill the 140 current
judicial vacancies on district and circuit courts across our country
will play a critical role in either protecting or undermining the
constitutional rights that are the bedrock of our Republic. Our courts
must continue to be the place where everyone is treated fairly and the
legal rights of our citizens can be vindicated.
I wish to close by calling on my colleagues to reconsider how we are
conducting the judicial nominee process. This race to confirm as many
nominees as possible is not how we respect the rule of law--one of the
most treasured American values.
I have come to the floor multiple times since the beginning of this
Congress to convey and speak about the importance of bipartisanship,
and I will continue to do that today.
As we have seen in important public policy matters, from the
healthcare debate to the current debate on tax reform, Republicans and
Democrats need to work together to get things done. Purely partisan
processes will not succeed in this or future Congresses. We have to
work together to protect our democracy and our rule of law.
I would also like to note that today Sam Clovis withdrew as a nominee
for Chief Scientist at the USDA.
I am not here to comment on any connection to any ongoing
investigations or other social issues but, rather, would like to
comment on a simple concern I have had since his nomination; namely,
that Mr. Clovis is unqualified to serve as Chief Scientist, lacking any
professional training in the hard sciences. This is not just my opinion
but a matter of statutory requirement. It is a requirement in statute
to have a background in science.
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Science is critically important to agriculture, and this is another
Federal agency that depends on good science.
Given the serious challenges facing America's farmers and our food
system--from pollinator declines, to deteriorating soil health, to a
changing climate--USDA's science mission is extremely important. As
someone whose home State university has a vibrant department of
agriculture, as someone who knows the very broad range of Federal
funding for USDA that supports agriculture-related scientific
research--the USDA is critical in helping provide our farmers with the
information they need to improve plant and animal resilience, to be
more effective stewards of the land, and to adopt new technologies and
practices on their farms. This could all be at risk if the agency's
head of science has no relevant scientific training and even rejects
current scientific thinking.
I believe that science, not mere opinion or partisan attitude, should
underpin our decisions when it comes to our Nation's agricultural
policy.
It is my hope that the administration will now go back and recommend
a nominee who is scientifically trained and who cares deeply about the
role of science in our Nation's agriculture.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
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