[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 173 (Thursday, October 26, 2017)]
[House]
[Pages H8230-H8254]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




        CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL YEAR 2018

  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 580, I call up 
the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 71) establishing the 
congressional budget for the United States Government for fiscal year 
2018 and setting forth the appropriate budgetary levels for fiscal 
years 2019 through 2027, with the Senate amendment thereto, and ask for 
its immediate consideration.
  The Clerk read the title of the concurrent resolution.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Jody B. Hice of Georgia). The Clerk will 
designate the Senate amendment.
  Senate amendment:

       Strike all after the resolving clause and insert the 
     following:

     SECTION 1. CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL 
                   YEAR 2018.

       (a) Declaration.--Congress declares that this resolution is 
     the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2018 
     and that this resolution sets forth the appropriate budgetary 
     levels for fiscal years 2019 through 2027.
       (b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this 
     concurrent resolution is as follows:

Sec. 1. Concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2018.

                TITLE I--RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS

              Subtitle A--Budgetary Levels in Both Houses

Sec. 1101. Recommended levels and amounts.
Sec. 1102. Major functional categories.

              Subtitle B--Levels and Amounts in the Senate

Sec. 1201. Social Security in the Senate.
Sec. 1202. Postal Service discretionary administrative expenses in the 
              Senate.

                        TITLE II--RECONCILIATION

Sec. 2001. Reconciliation in the Senate.
Sec. 2002. Reconciliation in the House of Representatives.

                        TITLE III--RESERVE FUNDS

Sec. 3001. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to protect flexible and 
              affordable health care for all.
Sec. 3002. Revenue-neutral reserve fund to reform the American tax 
              system.
Sec. 3003. Reserve fund for reconciliation legislation.
Sec. 3004. Deficit-neutral reserve fund for extending the State 
              Children's Health Insurance Program.
Sec. 3005. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to strengthen American 
              families.
Sec. 3006. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to promote innovative 
              educational and nutritional models and systems for 
              American students.
Sec. 3007. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to improve the American banking 
              system.
Sec. 3008. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to promote American 
              agriculture, energy, transportation, and infrastructure 
              improvements.
Sec. 3009. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to restore American military 
              power.
Sec. 3010. Deficit-neutral reserve fund for veterans and service 
              members.
Sec. 3011. Deficit-neutral reserve fund for public lands and the 
              environment.
Sec. 3012. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to secure the American border.
Sec. 3013. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to promote economic growth, the 
              private sector, and to enhance job creation.
Sec. 3014. Deficit-neutral reserve fund for legislation modifying 
              statutory budgetary controls.
Sec. 3015. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to prevent the taxpayer bailout 
              of pension plans.
Sec. 3016. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to implementing work 
              requirements in all means-tested Federal welfare 
              programs.
Sec. 3017. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to protect Medicare and repeal 
              the Independent Payment Advisory Board.
Sec. 3018. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to affordable child 
              and dependent care.
Sec. 3019. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to worker training 
              programs.
Sec. 3020. Reserve fund for legislation to provide disaster funds for 
              relief and recovery efforts to areas devastated by 
              hurricanes and flooding in 2017.
Sec. 3021. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to protecting Medicare 
              and Medicaid.
Sec. 3022. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to the provision of 
              tax relief for families with children.
Sec. 3023. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to the provision of 
              tax relief for small businesses.
Sec. 3024. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to tax relief for 
              hard-working middle-class Americans.
Sec. 3025. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to making the American 
              tax system simpler and fairer for all Americans.
Sec. 3026. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to tax cuts for 
              working American families.
Sec. 3027. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to the provision of 
              incentives for businesses to invest in America and create 
              jobs in America.
Sec. 3028. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to eliminating tax 
              breaks for companies that ship jobs to foreign countries.
Sec. 3029. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to providing full, 
              permanent, and mandatory funding for the payment in lieu 
              of taxes program.
Sec. 3030. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to tax reform which 
              maintains the progressivity of the tax system.
Sec. 3031. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to significantly 
              improving the budget process.

[[Page H8231]]

                        TITLE IV--BUDGET PROCESS

                     Subtitle A--Budget Enforcement

Sec. 4101. Point of order against advance appropriations in the Senate.
Sec. 4102. Point of order against certain changes in mandatory 
              programs.
Sec. 4103. Point of order against provisions that constitute changes in 
              mandatory programs affecting the Crime Victims Fund.
Sec. 4104. Point of order against designation of funds for overseas 
              contingency operations.
Sec. 4105. Point of order against reconciliation amendments with 
              unknown budgetary effects.
Sec. 4106. Pay-As-You-Go point of order in the Senate.
Sec. 4107. Honest accounting: cost estimates for major legislation to 
              incorporate macroeconomic effects.
Sec. 4108. Adjustment authority for amendments to statutory caps.
Sec. 4109. Adjustment for wildfire suppression funding in the Senate.
Sec. 4110. Adjustment for improved oversight of spending.
Sec. 4111. Repeal of certain limitations.
Sec. 4112. Emergency legislation.
Sec. 4113. Enforcement filing in the Senate.

                      Subtitle B--Other Provisions

Sec. 4201. Oversight of Government performance.
Sec. 4202. Budgetary treatment of certain discretionary administrative 
              expenses.
Sec. 4203. Application and effect of changes in allocations and 
              aggregates.
Sec. 4204. Adjustments to reflect changes in concepts and definitions.
Sec. 4205. Adjustments to reflect legislation not included in the 
              baseline.
Sec. 4206. Exercise of rulemaking powers.

        TITLE V--BUDGET PROCESS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                     Subtitle A--Budget Enforcement

Sec. 5101. Point of order against increasing long-term direct spending.
Sec. 5102. Allocation for Overseas Contingency Operations/Global War on 
              Terrorism.
Sec. 5103. Limitation on changes in certain mandatory programs.
Sec. 5104. Limitation on advance appropriations.
Sec. 5105. Estimates of debt service costs.
Sec. 5106. Fair-value credit estimates.
Sec. 5107. Estimates of macroeconomic effects of major legislation.
Sec. 5108. Adjustments for improved control of budgetary resources.
Sec. 5109. Scoring rule for Energy Savings Performance Contracts.
Sec. 5110. Limitation on transfers from the general fund of the 
              Treasury to the Highway Trust Fund.
Sec. 5111. Prohibition on use of Federal Reserve surpluses as an 
              offset.
Sec. 5112. Prohibition on use of guarantee fees as an offset.
Sec. 5113. Modification of reconciliation in the House of 
              Representatives.

                      Subtitle B--Other Provisions

Sec. 5201. Budgetary treatment of administrative expenses.
Sec. 5202. Application and effect of changes in allocations and 
              aggregates.
Sec. 5203. Adjustments to reflect changes in concepts and definitions.
Sec. 5204. Adjustment for changes in the baseline.
Sec. 5205. Application of rule regarding limits on discretionary 
              spending.
Sec. 5206. Enforcement filing in the House.
Sec. 5207. Exercise of rulemaking powers.

                    Subtitle C--Adjustment Authority

Sec. 5301. Adjustment authority for amendments to statutory caps.

                       Subtitle D--Reserve Funds

Sec. 5401. Reserve fund for investments in national infrastructure.
Sec. 5402. Reserve fund for comprehensive tax reform.
Sec. 5403. Reserve fund for the State Children's Health Insurance 
              Program.
Sec. 5404. Reserve fund for the repeal or replacement of President 
              Obama's health care laws.

                TITLE I--RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS

              Subtitle A--Budgetary Levels in Both Houses

     SEC. 1101. RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS.

       The following budgetary levels are appropriate for each of 
     fiscal years 2018 through 2027:
       (1) Federal revenues.--For purposes of the enforcement of 
     this resolution:
       (A) The recommended levels of Federal revenues are as 
     follows:
       Fiscal year 2018: $2,490,936,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019: $2,613,683,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020: $2,755,381,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021: $2,883,381,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $3,015,847,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $3,162,063,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $3,306,948,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $3,463,269,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $3,654,829,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $3,825,184,000,000.
       (B) The amounts by which the aggregate levels of Federal 
     revenues should be changed are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2018: -$167,200,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019: -$169,500,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020: -$166,000,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021: -$165,200,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: -$166,400,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: -$167,700,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: -$169,800,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: -$172,200,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: -$146,400,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: -$145,000,000,000.
       (2) New budget authority.--For purposes of the enforcement 
     of this resolution, the appropriate levels of total new 
     budget authority are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2018: $3,136,721,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019: $3,220,542,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020: $3,319,687,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021: $3,344,861,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $3,501,231,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $3,563,762,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $3,607,752,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $3,753,919,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $3,851,463,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $3,942,710,000,000.
       (3) Budget outlays.--For purposes of the enforcement of 
     this resolution, the appropriate levels of total budget 
     outlays are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2018: $3,131,688,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019: $3,233,119,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020: $3,310,579,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021: $3,370,283,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $3,486,230,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $3,532,290,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $3,561,834,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $3,710,120,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $3,810,435,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $3,903,041,000,000.
       (4) Deficits.--For purposes of the enforcement of this 
     resolution, the amounts of the deficits are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2018: $640,752,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019: $619,436,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020: $555,198,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021: $486,902,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $470,383,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $370,227,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $254,886,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $246,851,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $155,606,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $77,857,000,000.
       (5) Public debt.--Pursuant to section 301(a)(5) of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 632(a)(5)), the 
     appropriate levels of the public debt are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2018: $21,278,691,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019: $22,063,363,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020: $22,760,763,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021: $23,396,024,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $23,992,408,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $24,508,029,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $24,953,195,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $25,375,994,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $25,777,513,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $25,999,469,000,000.
       (6) Debt held by the public.--The appropriate levels of 
     debt held by the public are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2018: $15,595,294,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019: $16,281,015,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020: $16,933,381,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021: $17,553,196,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $18,188,386,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $18,765,097,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $19,269,019,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $19,809,369,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $20,307,841,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $20,780,452,000,000.

     SEC. 1102. MAJOR FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES.

       Congress determines and declares that the appropriate 
     levels of new budget authority and outlays for fiscal years 
     2018 through 2027 for each major functional category are:
       (1) National Defense (050):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $557,253,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $569,287,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $570,316,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $568,721,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $584,504,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $574,347,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $598,730,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $584,706,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $613,707,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $601,894,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $629,014,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $611,538,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $644,732,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $621,649,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $660,854,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $641,891,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $678,183,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $658,658,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $695,076,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $675,108,000,000.
       (2) International Affairs (150):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $45,157,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $44,985,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $43,978,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $43,114,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $44,042,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $42,992,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $44,060,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $42,702,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $43,161,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $42,743,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $44,183,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $43,045,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $45,222,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $43,511,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:

[[Page H8232]]

       (A) New budget authority, $46,283,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $44,062,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $47,394,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $44,844,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $48,467,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $45,676,000,000.
       (3) General Science, Space, and Technology (250):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $32,565,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $31,909,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $33,238,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $32,561,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $33,908,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $33,191,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $34,637,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $33,864,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $35,401,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $34,666,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $36,165,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $35,427,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $36,940,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $36,167,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $37,775,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $36,956,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $38,617,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $37,773,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $39,464,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $38,597,000,000.
       (4) Energy (270):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, -$762,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $2,686,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $4,392,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $2,869,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $4,737,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $3,529,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $4,615,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $3,558,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $3,363,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $2,268,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $3,069,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $1,994,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $3,090,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $2,085,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $3,106,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $2,168,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $3,153,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $2,264,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $3,238,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $2,442,000,000.
       (5) Natural Resources and Environment (300):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $40,489,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $40,597,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $42,110,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $42,293,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $43,533,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $43,420,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $43,091,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $42,742,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $45,022,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $44,194,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $45,716,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $44,767,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $46,080,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $45,125,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $47,575,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $46,581,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $48,511,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $47,501,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $49,280,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $48,326,000,000.
       (6) Agriculture (350):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $22,063,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $21,979,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $21,564,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $19,898,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $20,372,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $18,450,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $19,284,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $18,540,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $18,743,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $18,135,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $18,894,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $18,354,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $19,311,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $18,638,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $19,881,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $19,112,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $20,173,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $19,439,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $20,280,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $19,542,000,000.
       (7) Commerce and Housing Credit (370):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $9,379,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$4,060,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $12,090,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $2,554,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $7,997,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$646,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $5,359,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$2,364,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $7,393,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$2,715,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, -$3,254,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$14,163,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, -$4,648,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$16,202,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, -$4,817,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$17,747,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, -$6,228,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$19,133,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, -$6,816,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$19,990,000,000.
       (8) Transportation (400):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $89,125,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $92,875,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $90,538,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $92,393,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $84,687,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $93,064,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $40,062,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $81,597,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $71,003,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $69,791,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $71,930,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $74,521,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $73,370,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $76,450,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $74,843,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $76,523,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $76,345,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $76,895,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $77,831,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $78,001,000,000.
       (9) Community and Regional Development (450):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $19,018,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $21,697,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $19,281,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $20,600,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $19,435,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $19,518,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $19,690,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $18,867,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $19,778,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $18,506,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $20,061,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $18,041,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $20,347,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $18,277,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $20,669,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $18,831,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $20,985,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $19,353,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $21,304,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $19,932,000,000.
       (10) Education, Training, Employment, and Social Services 
     (500):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $90,224,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $99,348,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $100,086,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $98,799,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $101,018,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $101,064,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $102,034,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $102,218,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $102,700,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $103,178,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $102,725,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $103,653,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $103,012,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $103,960,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $103,798,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $104,747,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $104,942,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $105,921,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $106,473,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $107,433,000,000.
       (11) Health (550):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $546,598,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $558,311,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:

[[Page H8233]]

       (A) New budget authority, $560,622,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $563,293,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $578,838,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $570,311,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $574,616,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $575,040,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $586,530,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $583,769,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $601,742,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $599,099,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $605,811,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $603,443,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $617,220,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $614,728,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $633,890,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $630,824,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $652,230,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $653,552,000,000.
       (12) Medicare (570):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $586,239,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $585,962,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $643,592,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $643,374,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $687,119,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $686,926,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $734,446,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $734,241,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $819,300,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $819,073,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $833,885,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $833,669,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $845,578,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $845,355,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $934,429,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $934,186,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $1,002,522,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $1,002,272,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $1,066,566,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $1,066,321,000,000.
       (13) Income Security (600):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $491,978,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $477,537,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $490,106,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $479,627,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $493,118,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $482,945,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $494,706,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $485,536,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $497,021,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $494,507,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $506,711,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $499,405,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $515,692,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $502,742,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $531,668,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $520,169,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $544,483,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $538,620,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $557,641,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $548,723,000,000.
       (14) Social Security (650):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $39,683,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $39,683,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $43,091,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $43,091,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $46,182,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $46,182,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $49,460,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $49,460,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $52,915,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $52,915,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $56,734,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $56,734,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $60,953,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $60,953,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $65,424,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $65,424,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $69,757,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $69,757,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $74,173,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $74,173,000,000.
       (15) Veterans Benefits and Services (700):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $176,446,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $177,393,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $191,376,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $189,441,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $198,336,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $196,338,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $205,001,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $202,930,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $221,481,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $219,320,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $219,424,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $216,903,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $216,519,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $214,343,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $234,741,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $232,535,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $242,559,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $240,210,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $251,142,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $248,884,000,000.
       (16) Administration of Justice (750):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $65,038,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $61,006,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $64,244,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $64,504,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $64,377,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $66,523,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $65,866,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $69,272,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $67,069,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $69,488,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $68,813,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $69,657,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $70,592,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $70,232,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $72,432,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $71,865,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $74,233,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $73,500,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $76,093,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $75,382,000,000.
       (17) General Government (800):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $24,675,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $24,889,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $25,518,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $25,642,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $25,989,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $25,994,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $26,649,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $26,358,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $27,311,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $26,973,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $27,972,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $27,608,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $28,485,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $28,134,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $29,255,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $28,830,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $30,052,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $29,610,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $30,827,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $30,382,000,000.
       (18) Net Interest (900):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $388,767,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $388,767,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $441,158,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $441,158,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $497,893,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $497,893,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $546,206,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $546,206,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $589,086,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $589,086,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $630,179,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $630,179,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $664,060,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $664,060,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $691,250,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $691,250,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $716,494,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $716,494,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $736,146,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $736,146,000,000.
       (19) Allowances (920):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, -$68,576,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$51,055,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, -$133,357,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$96,088,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, -$145,919,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$130,658,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, -$176,695,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$166,918,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, -$218,460,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$209,169,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, -$247,892,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$238,885,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, -$276,275,000,000.

[[Page H8234]]

       (B) Outlays, -$266,915,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, -$307,701,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$297,489,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, -$366,270,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$356,035,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, -$415,402,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$404,286,000,000.
       (20) Undistributed Offsetting Receipts (950):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, -$95,229,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$95,229,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, -$93,401,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$93,401,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, -$95,479,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$95,479,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, -$98,956,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$98,956,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, -$101,293,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$101,293,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, -$102,309,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$102,309,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, -$111,119,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$111,119,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, -$124,766,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$124,766,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, -$128,332,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$128,332,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, -$141,303,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, -$141,303,000,000.
       (21) Overseas Contingency Operations (970):
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $76,591,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $43,121,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $50,000,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $48,676,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $25,000,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $34,675,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $12,000,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $20,684,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $0.
       (B) Outlays, $8,901,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $0.
       (B) Outlays, $3,053,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $0.
       (B) Outlays, $946,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $0.
       (B) Outlays, $264,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $0.
       (B) Outlays, $0.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $0.
       (B) Outlays, $0.

              Subtitle B--Levels and Amounts in the Senate

     SEC. 1201. SOCIAL SECURITY IN THE SENATE.

       (a) Social Security Revenues.--For purposes of Senate 
     enforcement under sections 302 and 311 of the Congressional 
     Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633 and 642), the amounts of 
     revenues of the Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust 
     Fund and the Federal Disability Insurance Trust Fund are as 
     follows:
       Fiscal year 2018: $873,312,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019: $903,381,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020: $932,055,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021: $962,698,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $996,127,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $1,031,653,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $1,068,529,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $1,106,862,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $1,146,803,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $1,188,060,000,000.
       (b) Social Security Outlays.--For purposes of Senate 
     enforcement under sections 302 and 311 of the Congressional 
     Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633 and 642), the amounts of 
     outlays of the Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust 
     Fund and the Federal Disability Insurance Trust Fund are as 
     follows:
       Fiscal year 2018: $849,609,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019: $909,109,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020: $972,776,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021: $1,040,108,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022: $1,111,446,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023: $1,188,081,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024: $1,266,786,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025: $1,349,334,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026: $1,437,032,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027: $1,530,362,000,000.
       (c) Social Security Administrative Expenses.--In the 
     Senate, the amounts of new budget authority and budget 
     outlays of the Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust 
     Fund and the Federal Disability Insurance Trust Fund for 
     administrative expenses are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $5,553,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $5,584,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $5,716,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $5,713,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $5,888,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $5,856,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $6,062,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $6,029,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $6,241,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $6,207,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $6,426,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $6,392,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $6,617,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $6,581,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $6,816,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $6,779,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $7,024,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $6,985,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $7,233,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $7,194,000,000.

     SEC. 1202. POSTAL SERVICE DISCRETIONARY ADMINISTRATIVE 
                   EXPENSES IN THE SENATE.

       In the Senate, the amounts of new budget authority and 
     budget outlays of the Postal Service for discretionary 
     administrative expenses are as follows:
       Fiscal year 2018:
       (A) New budget authority, $281,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $281,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2019:
       (A) New budget authority, $290,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $290,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2020:
       (A) New budget authority, $301,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $301,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2021:
       (A) New budget authority, $311,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $311,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2022:
       (A) New budget authority, $322,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $322,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2023:
       (A) New budget authority, $333,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $333,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2024:
       (A) New budget authority, $344,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $343,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2025:
       (A) New budget authority, $356,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $355,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2026:
       (A) New budget authority, $369,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $368,000,000.
       Fiscal year 2027:
       (A) New budget authority, $380,000,000.
       (B) Outlays, $379,000,000.

                        TITLE II--RECONCILIATION

     SEC. 2001. RECONCILIATION IN THE SENATE.

       (a) Committee on Finance.--The Committee on Finance of the 
     Senate shall report changes in laws within its jurisdiction 
     that increase the deficit by not more than $1,500,000,000,000 
     for the period of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.
       (b) Committee on Energy and Natural Resources.--The 
     Committee on Energy and Natural Resources of the Senate shall 
     report changes in laws within its jurisdiction to reduce the 
     deficit by not less than $1,000,000,000 for the period of 
     fiscal years 2018 through 2027.
       (c) Submissions.--In the Senate, not later than November 
     13, 2017, the Committees named in subsections (a) and (b) 
     shall submit their recommendations to the Committee on the 
     Budget of the Senate. Upon receiving such recommendations, 
     the Committee on the Budget of the Senate shall report to the 
     Senate a reconciliation bill carrying out all such 
     recommendations without any substantive revision.

     SEC. 2002. RECONCILIATION IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

       (a) Committee on Ways and Means.--The Committee on Ways and 
     Means of the House of Representatives shall submit changes in 
     laws within its jurisdiction that increase the deficit by not 
     more than $1,500,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal years 
     2018 through 2027.
       (b) Committee on Natural Resources.--The Committee on 
     Natural Resources of the House of Representatives shall 
     submit changes in laws within its jurisdiction to reduce the 
     deficit by not less than $1,000,000,000 for the period of 
     fiscal years 2018 through 2027.
       (c) Submissions.--In the House of Representatives, not 
     later than November 13, 2017, the committees named in 
     subsections (a) and (b) shall submit their recommendations to 
     the Committee on the Budget of the House of Representatives 
     to carry out this section.

                        TITLE III--RESERVE FUNDS

     SEC. 3001. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO PROTECT FLEXIBLE 
                   AND AFFORDABLE HEALTH CARE FOR ALL.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     repealing or replacing the Patient Protection and Affordable 
     Care Act (Public Law 111-148; 124 Stat. 119) and the Health 
     Care and Education Reconciliation Act of 2010 (Public Law 
     111-152; 124 Stat. 1029), by the amounts provided in such 
     legislation for those purposes, provided that such 
     legislation would not increase the deficit over the period of 
     the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3002. REVENUE-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO REFORM THE 
                   AMERICAN TAX SYSTEM.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     reforming the Internal Revenue Code of 1986, which may 
     include--
       (1) tax relief for middle-income working Americans;
       (2) lowering taxes on families with children; or
       (3) incentivizing companies to invest domestically and 
     create jobs in the United States,


[[Page H8235]]


     by the amounts provided in such legislation for those 
     purposes, provided that such legislation is revenue neutral 
     and would not increase the deficit over the period of the 
     total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3003. RESERVE FUND FOR RECONCILIATION LEGISLATION.

       (a) In General.--The Chairman of the Committee on the 
     Budget of the Senate may revise the allocations of a 
     committee or committees, aggregates, and other appropriate 
     levels in this resolution, and make adjustments to the pay-
     as-you-go ledger, for any bill or joint resolution considered 
     pursuant to section 2001 containing the recommendations of 
     one or more committees, or for one or more amendments to, a 
     conference report on, or an amendment between the Houses in 
     relation to such a bill or joint resolution, by the amounts 
     necessary to accommodate the budgetary effects of the 
     legislation, if the budgetary effects of the legislation 
     comply with the reconciliation instructions under this 
     concurrent resolution.
       (b) Determination of Compliance.--For purposes of this 
     section, compliance with the reconciliation instructions 
     under this concurrent resolution shall be determined by the 
     Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate.
       (c) Exception for Legislation.--Section 404(a) of S. Con. 
     Res. 13 (111th Congress), the concurrent resolution on the 
     budget for fiscal year 2010, shall not apply to legislation 
     for which the Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the 
     Senate has exercised the authority under subsection (a).

     SEC. 3004. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND FOR EXTENDING THE 
                   STATE CHILDREN'S HEALTH INSURANCE PROGRAM.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to an 
     extension of the State Children's Health Insurance Program, 
     by the amounts provided in such legislation for those 
     purposes, provided that such legislation would not increase 
     the deficit over either the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2022 or the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3005. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO STRENGTHEN 
                   AMERICAN FAMILIES.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to--
       (1) addressing the opioid and substance abuse crisis;
       (2) protecting and assisting victims of domestic abuse;
       (3) foster care, child care, marriage, and fatherhood 
     programs;
       (4) making it easier to save for retirement;
       (5) reforming the American public housing system;
       (6) the Community Development Block Grant Program; or
       (7) extending expiring health care provisions,

     by the amounts provided in such legislation for those 
     purposes, provided that such legislation would not increase 
     the deficit over either the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2022 or the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3006. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO PROMOTE INNOVATIVE 
                   EDUCATIONAL AND NUTRITIONAL MODELS AND SYSTEMS 
                   FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to--
       (1) amending the Higher Education Act of 1965 (20 U.S.C. 
     1001 et seq.);
       (2) ensuring State flexibility in education;
       (3) enhancing outcomes with Federal workforce development, 
     job training, and reemployment programs;
       (4) the consolidation and streamlining of overlapping early 
     learning and child care programs;
       (5) educational programs for individuals with disabilities; 
     or
       (6) child nutrition programs,

     by the amounts provided in such legislation for those 
     purposes, provided that such legislation would not increase 
     the deficit over either the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2022 or the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3007. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO IMPROVE THE 
                   AMERICAN BANKING SYSTEM.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to the 
     American banking system by the amounts provided in such 
     legislation for those purposes, provided that such 
     legislation would not increase the deficit over either the 
     period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the 
     period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3008. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO PROMOTE AMERICAN 
                   AGRICULTURE, ENERGY, TRANSPORTATION, AND 
                   INFRASTRUCTURE IMPROVEMENTS.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to--
       (1) the Farm Bill;
       (2) American energy policies;
       (3) the Nuclear Regulatory Commission;
       (4) North American energy development;
       (5) infrastructure, transportation, and water development;
       (6) the Federal Aviation Administration;
       (7) the National Flood Insurance Program;
       (8) State mineral royalty revenues; or
       (9) soda ash royalties,
     by the amounts provided in such legislation for those 
     purposes, provided that such legislation would not increase 
     the deficit over either the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2022 or the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3009. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO RESTORE AMERICAN 
                   MILITARY POWER.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to--
       (1) improving military readiness, including deferred 
     Facilities Sustainment Restoration and Modernization;
       (2) military technological superiority;
       (3) structural defense reforms; or
       (4) strengthening cybersecurity efforts,

     by the amounts provided in such legislation for those 
     purposes, provided that such legislation would not increase 
     the deficit over either the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2022 or the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3010. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND FOR VETERANS AND 
                   SERVICE MEMBERS.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     improving the delivery of benefits and services to veterans 
     and service members by the amounts provided in such 
     legislation for those purposes, provided that such 
     legislation would not increase the deficit over either the 
     period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the 
     period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3011. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND FOR PUBLIC LANDS AND 
                   THE ENVIRONMENT.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to--
       (1) the Endangered Species Act of 1973 (16 U.S.C. 1531 et 
     seq.);
       (2) forest health and wildfire prevention and control;
       (3) resources for wildland firefighting for the Forest 
     Service and Department of Interior;
       (4) the payments in lieu of taxes program; or
       (5) the secure rural schools and community self-
     determination program,

     by the amounts provided in such legislation for those 
     purposes, provided that such legislation would not increase 
     the deficit over either the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2022 or the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3012. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO SECURE THE 
                   AMERICAN BORDER.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to--
       (1) securing the border of the United States;
       (2) ending human trafficking; or
       (3) stopping the transportation of narcotics into the 
     United States,

     by the amounts provided in such legislation for those 
     purposes, provided that such legislation would not increase 
     the deficit over either the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2022 or the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3013. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO PROMOTE ECONOMIC 
                   GROWTH, THE PRIVATE SECTOR, AND TO ENHANCE JOB 
                   CREATION.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to--
       (1) reducing costs to businesses and individuals stemming 
     from Federal regulations;
       (2) increasing commerce and economic growth; or
       (3) enhancing job creation,

     by the amounts provided in such legislation for those 
     purposes, provided that such legislation would not increase 
     the deficit over either the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2022

[[Page H8236]]

     or the period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3014. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND FOR LEGISLATION 
                   MODIFYING STATUTORY BUDGETARY CONTROLS.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     modifying statutory budget controls, which may include 
     adjustments to the discretionary spending limits and changes 
     to the scope of sequestration as carried out by the Office of 
     Management and Budget, such as for the Financial Accounting 
     Standards Board, Public Company Accounting Oversight Board, 
     Securities Investor Protection Corporation, and other similar 
     entities, by the amounts provided in such legislation for 
     those purposes, provided that such legislation would not 
     increase the deficit over the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3015. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO PREVENT THE 
                   TAXPAYER BAILOUT OF PENSION PLANS.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to the 
     prevention of taxpayer bailout of pension plans, by the 
     amounts provided in such legislation for those purposes, 
     provided that such legislation would not increase the deficit 
     over either the period of the total of fiscal years 2018 
     through 2022 or the period of the total of fiscal years 2018 
     through 2027.

     SEC. 3016. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO 
                   IMPLEMENTING WORK REQUIREMENTS IN ALL MEANS-
                   TESTED FEDERAL WELFARE PROGRAMS.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     implementing work requirements in all means-tested Federal 
     welfare programs by the amounts provided in such legislation 
     for those purposes, provided that such legislation would not 
     increase the deficit over either the period of the total of 
     fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the period of the total of 
     fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3017. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO PROTECT MEDICARE 
                   AND REPEAL THE INDEPENDENT PAYMENT ADVISORY 
                   BOARD.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     protecting the Medicare program under title XVIII of the 
     Social Security Act (42 U.S.C. 1395 et seq.), which may 
     include repealing the Independent Payment Advisory Board 
     established under section 1899A of such Act (42 U.S.C. 
     1395kkk), by the amounts provided in such legislation for 
     those purposes, provided that such legislation would not 
     increase the deficit over either the period of the total of 
     fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the period of the total of 
     fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3018. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO 
                   AFFORDABLE CHILD AND DEPENDENT CARE.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to making 
     the cost of child and dependent care more affordable and 
     useful for American families by the amounts provided in such 
     legislation for those purposes, provided that such 
     legislation would not increase the deficit over either the 
     period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the 
     period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3019. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO WORKER 
                   TRAINING PROGRAMS.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to worker 
     training programs, such as training programs that target 
     workers that need advanced skills to progress in their 
     current profession or apprenticeship or certificate programs 
     that provide retraining for a new industry, by the amounts 
     provided in such legislation for those purposes, provided 
     that such legislation would not increase the deficit over 
     either the period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 
     2022 or the period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 
     2027.

     SEC. 3020. RESERVE FUND FOR LEGISLATION TO PROVIDE DISASTER 
                   FUNDS FOR RELIEF AND RECOVERY EFFORTS TO AREAS 
                   DEVASTATED BY HURRICANES AND FLOODING IN 2017.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     providing disaster funds for relief and recovery to areas 
     devastated by hurricanes and flooding in 2017, by the amounts 
     necessary to accommodate the budgetary effects of the 
     legislation.

     SEC. 3021. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO 
                   PROTECTING MEDICARE AND MEDICAID.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     protecting the Medicaid program under title XIX of the Social 
     Security Act (42 U.S.C. 1396 et seq.), which may include 
     strengthening and improving Medicaid for the most vulnerable 
     populations, and extending the life of the Federal Hospital 
     Insurance Trust Fund by the amounts provided in such 
     legislation for those purposes, provided that such 
     legislation would not increase the deficit over either the 
     period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the 
     period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3022. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO THE 
                   PROVISION OF TAX RELIEF FOR FAMILIES WITH 
                   CHILDREN.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     changes in Federal tax laws, which may include lowering taxes 
     on families with children, by the amounts provided in such 
     legislation for those purposes, provided that such 
     legislation would not increase the deficit over the period of 
     the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3023. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO THE 
                   PROVISION OF TAX RELIEF FOR SMALL BUSINESSES.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     changes in Federal tax laws, which may include the provision 
     of tax relief for small businesses, along with provisions to 
     prevent upper-income taxpayers from sheltering income from 
     taxation at the appropriate rate, by the amounts provided in 
     such legislation for those purposes, provided that such 
     legislation would not increase the deficit over the period of 
     the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3024. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO TAX 
                   RELIEF FOR HARD-WORKING MIDDLE-CLASS AMERICANS.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     changes in Federal tax laws, which may include reducing 
     federal deductions, such as the state and local tax deduction 
     which disproportionally favors high-income individuals, to 
     ensure relief for middle- income taxpayers, by the amounts 
     provided in such legislation for those purposes, provided 
     that such legislation would not increase the deficit over 
     either the period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 
     2027.

     SEC. 3025. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO MAKING 
                   THE AMERICAN TAX SYSTEM SIMPLER AND FAIRER FOR 
                   ALL AMERICANS.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     changes in Federal tax laws, which may include provisions to 
     make the American tax system simpler and fairer for all 
     Americans, by the amounts provided in such legislation for 
     those purposes, provided that such legislation would not 
     increase the deficit over the period of the total of fiscal 
     years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3026. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO TAX CUTS 
                   FOR WORKING AMERICAN FAMILIES.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     increasing per-child Federal tax relief, which may include 
     amending the child tax credit, by the amounts provided in 
     such legislation for those purposes, provided that such 
     legislation would not increase the deficit over either the 
     period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the 
     period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

[[Page H8237]]

  


     SEC. 3027. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO THE 
                   PROVISION OF INCENTIVES FOR BUSINESSES TO 
                   INVEST IN AMERICA AND CREATE JOBS IN AMERICA.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     changes in federal tax laws, which may include international 
     tax provisions that provide or enhance incentives for 
     businesses to invest in America, generate American jobs, 
     retain American jobs, and return jobs to America, by the 
     amounts provided in such legislation for those purposes, 
     provided that such legislation would not increase the deficit 
     over either the period of the total of fiscal years 2018 
     through 2022 or the period of the total of fiscal years 2018 
     through 2027.

     SEC. 3028. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO 
                   ELIMINATING TAX BREAKS FOR COMPANIES THAT SHIP 
                   JOBS TO FOREIGN COUNTRIES.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     eliminating tax breaks for companies that outsource jobs to 
     foreign countries, by the amounts provided in such 
     legislation for those purposes, provided that such 
     legislation would not increase the deficit over either the 
     period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the 
     period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3029. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO PROVIDING 
                   FULL, PERMANENT, AND MANDATORY FUNDING FOR THE 
                   PAYMENT IN LIEU OF TAXES PROGRAM.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     providing full, permanent, and mandatory funding for the 
     payment in lieu of taxes program by the amounts provided in 
     such legislation for those purposes, provided that such 
     legislation would not increase the deficit over either the 
     period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the 
     period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3030. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO TAX 
                   REFORM WHICH MAINTAINS THE PROGRESSIVITY OF THE 
                   TAX SYSTEM.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     changes in Federal tax laws, which may include tax reform 
     proposals to ensure that the reformed tax code parallels the 
     existing tax code with respect to relative burdens and does 
     not shift the tax burden from high-income to lower- and 
     middle-income taxpayers, by the amounts provided in such 
     legislation for those purposes, provided that such 
     legislation would not increase the deficit over the period of 
     the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 3031. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO 
                   SIGNIFICANTLY IMPROVING THE BUDGET PROCESS.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may revise the allocations of a committee or committees, 
     aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution, 
     and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or 
     more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between 
     the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to 
     significantly improving the budget process by the amounts 
     provided in such legislation for those purposes, provided 
     that such legislation would not increase the deficit over 
     either the period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 
     2022 or the period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 
     2027.

                        TITLE IV--BUDGET PROCESS

                     Subtitle A--Budget Enforcement

     SEC. 4101. POINT OF ORDER AGAINST ADVANCE APPROPRIATIONS IN 
                   THE SENATE.

       (a) In General.--
       (1) Point of order.--Except as provided in subsection (b), 
     it shall not be in order in the Senate to consider any bill, 
     joint resolution, motion, amendment, amendment between the 
     Houses, or conference report that would provide an advance 
     appropriation for a discretionary account.
       (2) Definition.--In this section, the term ``advance 
     appropriation'' means any new budget authority provided in a 
     bill or joint resolution making appropriations for fiscal 
     year 2018 that first becomes available for any fiscal year 
     after 2018, or any new budget authority provided in a bill or 
     joint resolution making general appropriations or continuing 
     appropriations for fiscal year 2019, that first becomes 
     available for any fiscal year after 2019.
       (b) Exceptions.--Advance appropriations may be provided--
       (1) for fiscal years 2019 and 2020 for programs, projects, 
     activities, or accounts identified in the joint explanatory 
     statement of managers accompanying this concurrent resolution 
     under the heading ``Accounts Identified for Advance 
     Appropriations'' in an aggregate amount not to exceed 
     $28,852,000,000 in new budget authority in each fiscal year;
       (2) for the Corporation for Public Broadcasting; and
       (3) for the Department of Veterans Affairs for the Medical 
     Services, Medical Support and Compliance, Veterans Medical 
     Community Care, and Medical Facilities accounts of the 
     Veterans Health Administration.
       (c) Supermajority Waiver and Appeal.--
       (1) Waiver.--In the Senate, subsection (a) may be waived or 
     suspended only by an affirmative vote of three-fifths of the 
     Members, duly chosen and sworn.
       (2) Appeal.--An affirmative vote of three-fifths of the 
     Members of the Senate, duly chosen and sworn, shall be 
     required to sustain an appeal of the ruling of the Chair on a 
     point of order raised under subsection (a).
       (d) Form of Point of Order.--A point of order under 
     subsection (a) may be raised by a Senator as provided in 
     section 313(e) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 
     U.S.C. 644(e)).
       (e) Conference Reports.--When the Senate is considering a 
     conference report on, or an amendment between the Houses in 
     relation to, a bill or joint resolution, upon a point of 
     order being made by any Senator pursuant to this section, and 
     such point of order being sustained, such material contained 
     in such conference report or House amendment shall be 
     stricken, and the Senate shall proceed to consider the 
     question of whether the Senate shall recede from its 
     amendment and concur with a further amendment, or concur in 
     the House amendment with a further amendment, as the case may 
     be, which further amendment shall consist of only that 
     portion of the conference report or House amendment, as the 
     case may be, not so stricken. Any such motion in the Senate 
     shall be debatable. In any case in which such point of order 
     is sustained against a conference report (or Senate amendment 
     derived from such conference report by operation of this 
     subsection), no further amendment shall be in order.

     SEC. 4102. POINT OF ORDER AGAINST CERTAIN CHANGES IN 
                   MANDATORY PROGRAMS.

       (a) Definition.--In this section, the term ``CHIMP'' means 
     a provision that--
       (1) would have been estimated as affecting direct spending 
     or receipts under section 252 of the Balanced Budget and 
     Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 902) (as in 
     effect prior to September 30, 2002) if the provision was 
     included in legislation other than appropriation Acts; and
       (2) results in a net decrease in budget authority in the 
     budget year, but does not result in a net decrease in outlays 
     over the period of the total of the current year, the budget 
     year, and all fiscal years covered under the most recently 
     adopted concurrent resolution on the budget.
       (b) Point of Order in the Senate.--
       (1) In general.--It shall not be in order in the Senate to 
     consider a bill or joint resolution making appropriations for 
     a full fiscal year, or an amendment thereto, amendment 
     between the Houses in relation thereto, conference report 
     thereon, or motion thereon, that includes a CHIMP that, if 
     enacted, would cause the absolute value of the total budget 
     authority of all such CHIMPs enacted in relation to a full 
     fiscal year to be more than the amount specified in paragraph 
     (2).
       (2) Amount.--The amount specified in this paragraph is--
       (A) for fiscal year 2018, $17,000,000,000;
       (B) for fiscal year 2019, $15,000,000,000; and
       (C) for fiscal year 2020, $15,000,000,000.
       (c) Determination.--For purposes of this section, budgetary 
     levels shall be determined on the basis of estimates provided 
     by the Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate.
       (d) Supermajority Waiver and Appeal in the Senate.--In the 
     Senate, subsection (b) may be waived or suspended only by an 
     affirmative vote of three-fifths of the Members, duly chosen 
     and sworn. An affirmative vote of three-fifths of the Members 
     of the Senate, duly chosen and sworn, shall be required to 
     sustain an appeal of the ruling of the Chair on a point of 
     order raised under subsection (b).
       (e) Senate Point of Order Against Provisions of 
     Appropriations Legislation That Constitute Changes in 
     Mandatory Programs With Net Costs.--
       (1) In general.--Section 3103 of S. Con. Res. 11 (114th 
     Congress), the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal 
     year 2016, is repealed.
       (2) Applicability.--In the Senate, section 314 of S. Con. 
     Res. 70 (110th Congress), the concurrent resolution on the 
     budget for fiscal year 2009, shall be applied and 
     administered as if section 3103(e) of S. Con. Res. 11 (114th 
     Congress), the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal 
     year 2016, had not been enacted.

     SEC. 4103. POINT OF ORDER AGAINST PROVISIONS THAT CONSTITUTE 
                   CHANGES IN MANDATORY PROGRAMS AFFECTING THE 
                   CRIME VICTIMS FUND.

       (a) Definition.--In this section--
       (1) the term ``CHIMP'' has the meaning given such term in 
     section 4102(a); and
       (2) the term ``Crime Victims Fund'' means the Crime Victims 
     Fund established under section 1402 of the Victims of Crime 
     Act of 1984 (34 U.S.C. 20101).
       (b) Point of Order in the Senate.--
       (1) In general.--When the Senate is considering a bill or 
     joint resolution making full-year appropriations for fiscal 
     year 2018, or an amendment thereto, amendment between the 
     Houses in relation thereto, conference report thereon, or 
     motion thereon, if a point of order is made by a Senator 
     against a provision containing a CHIMP affecting the Crime 
     Victims Fund that, if enacted, would cause the absolute value 
     of the total budget authority of all CHIMPs affecting the 
     Crime Victims Fund in relation to fiscal year 2018 to be more 
     than $11,224,000,000, and the point of order is sustained by 
     the Chair, that provision shall be

[[Page H8238]]

     stricken from the measure and may not be offered as an 
     amendment from the floor.
       (2) Form of the point of order.--A point of order under 
     paragraph (1) may be raised by a Senator as provided in 
     section 313(e) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 
     U.S.C. 644(e)).
       (3) Conference reports.--When the Senate is considering a 
     conference report on, or an amendment between the Houses in 
     relation to, a bill or joint resolution, upon a point of 
     order being made by any Senator pursuant to paragraph (1), 
     and such point of order being sustained, such material 
     contained in such conference report or House amendment shall 
     be stricken, and the Senate shall proceed to consider the 
     question of whether the Senate shall recede from its 
     amendment and concur with a further amendment, or concur in 
     the House amendment with a further amendment, as the case may 
     be, which further amendment shall consist of only that 
     portion of the conference report or House amendment, as the 
     case may be, not so stricken. Any such motion in the Senate 
     shall be debatable. In any case in which such point of order 
     is sustained against a conference report (or Senate amendment 
     derived from such conference report by operation of this 
     subsection), no further amendment shall be in order.
       (4) Supermajority waiver and appeal.--In the Senate, this 
     subsection may be waived or suspended only by an affirmative 
     vote of three-fifths of the Members, duly chosen and sworn. 
     An affirmative vote of three-fifths of Members of the Senate, 
     duly chosen and sworn shall be required to sustain an appeal 
     of the ruling of the Chair on a point of order raised under 
     this subsection.
       (5) Determination.--For purposes of this subsection, 
     budgetary levels shall be determined on the basis of 
     estimates provided by the Chairman of the Committee on the 
     Budget of the Senate.
       (c) Review of Procedures Regarding Chimps.--The Committee 
     on the Budget and the Committee on Appropriations of the 
     Senate shall review existing budget enforcement procedures 
     regarding CHIMPs included in appropriations legislation. 
     These committees of jurisdiction should consult with other 
     relevant committees of jurisdiction and other interested 
     parties to review such procedures, including for Crime 
     Victims Fund spending, and include any agreed upon 
     recommendations in subsequent concurrent resolutions on the 
     budget.

     SEC. 4104. POINT OF ORDER AGAINST DESIGNATION OF FUNDS FOR 
                   OVERSEAS CONTINGENCY OPERATIONS.

       (a) Point of Order.--When the Senate is considering a bill, 
     joint resolution, motion, amendment, amendment between the 
     Houses, or conference report, if a point of order is made by 
     a Senator against a provision that designates funds for 
     fiscal year 2018 for overseas contingency operations, in 
     accordance with section 251(b)(2)(A) of the Balanced Budget 
     and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 
     901(b)(2)(A)), and the point of order is sustained by the 
     Chair, that provision shall be stricken from the measure and 
     may not be offered as an amendment from the floor.
       (b) Form of the Point of Order.--A point of order under 
     subsection (a) may be raised by a Senator as provided in 
     section 313(e) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 
     U.S.C. 644(e)).
       (c) Conference Reports.--When the Senate is considering a 
     conference report on, or an amendment between the Houses in 
     relation to, a bill or joint resolution, upon a point of 
     order being made by any Senator pursuant to subsection (a), 
     and such point of order being sustained, such material 
     contained in such conference report or House amendment shall 
     be stricken, and the Senate shall proceed to consider the 
     question of whether the Senate shall recede from its 
     amendment and concur with a further amendment, or concur in 
     the House amendment with a further amendment, as the case may 
     be, which further amendment shall consist of only that 
     portion of the conference report or House amendment, as the 
     case may be, not so stricken. Any such motion in the Senate 
     shall be debatable. In any case in which such point of order 
     is sustained against a conference report (or Senate amendment 
     derived from such conference report by operation of this 
     subsection), no further amendment shall be in order.
       (d) Supermajority Waiver and Appeal.--In the Senate, this 
     section may be waived or suspended only by an affirmative 
     vote of three-fifths of the Members, duly chose and sworn. An 
     affirmative vote of three-fifths of Members of the Senate, 
     duly chosen and sworn shall be required to sustain an appeal 
     of the ruling of the Chair on a point of order raised under 
     this section.
       (e) Suspension of Point of Order.--This section shall not 
     apply if a declaration of war by Congress is in effect.

     SEC. 4105. POINT OF ORDER AGAINST RECONCILIATION AMENDMENTS 
                   WITH UNKNOWN BUDGETARY EFFECTS.

       (a) In General.--In the Senate, it shall not be in order to 
     consider an amendment to or motion on a bill or joint 
     resolution considered pursuant to section 2001 if the 
     Chairman of the Committee on the Budget submits a written 
     statement for the Congressional Record indicating that the 
     Chairman, after consultation with the Ranking Member of the 
     Committee on the Budget, is unable to determine the effect 
     the amendment or motion would have on budget authority, 
     outlays, direct spending, entitlement authority, revenues, 
     deficits, or surpluses.
       (b) Supermajority Waiver and Appeal in the Senate.--In the 
     Senate, subsection (a) may be waived or suspended only by an 
     affirmative vote of three-fifths of the Members, duly chosen 
     and sworn. An affirmative vote of three-fifths of the Members 
     of the Senate, duly chosen and sworn, shall be required to 
     sustain an appeal of the ruling of the Chair on a point of 
     order raised under subsection (a).

     SEC. 4106. PAY-AS-YOU-GO POINT OF ORDER IN THE SENATE.

       (a) Point of Order.--
       (1) In general.--It shall not be in order in the Senate to 
     consider any direct spending or revenue legislation that 
     would increase the on-budget deficit or cause an on-budget 
     deficit for any of the applicable time periods as measured in 
     paragraphs (5) and (6).
       (2) Applicable time periods.--For purposes of this 
     subsection, the term ``applicable time period'' means any 
     of--
       (A) the period of the current fiscal year;
       (B) the period of the budget year;
       (C) the period of the current fiscal year, the budget year, 
     and the ensuing 4 fiscal years following the budget year; or
       (D) the period of the current fiscal year, the budget year, 
     and the ensuing 9 fiscal years following the budget year.
       (3) Direct spending legislation.--For purposes of this 
     subsection and except as provided in paragraph (4), the term 
     ``direct spending legislation'' means any bill, joint 
     resolution, amendment, motion, or conference report that 
     affects direct spending as that term is defined by, and 
     interpreted for purposes of, the Balanced Budget and 
     Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 900 et seq.).
       (4) Exclusion.--For purposes of this subsection, the terms 
     ``direct spending legislation'' and ``revenue legislation'' 
     do not include--
       (A) any concurrent resolution on the budget; or
       (B) any provision of legislation that affects the full 
     funding of, and continuation of, the deposit insurance 
     guarantee commitment in effect on November 5, 1990.
       (5) Baseline.--Estimates prepared pursuant to this 
     subsection shall--
       (A) use the baseline surplus or deficit used for the most 
     recently adopted concurrent resolution on the budget; and
       (B) be calculated under the requirements of subsections (b) 
     through (d) of section 257 of the Balanced Budget and 
     Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (as in effect prior to 
     September 30, 2002) for fiscal years beyond those covered by 
     that concurrent resolution on the budget.
       (6) Prior surplus.--If direct spending or revenue 
     legislation increases the on-budget deficit or causes an on-
     budget deficit when taken individually, it must also increase 
     the on-budget deficit or cause an on-budget deficit when 
     taken together with all direct spending and revenue 
     legislation enacted since the beginning of the calendar year 
     not accounted for in the baseline under paragraph (5)(A), 
     except that direct spending or revenue effects resulting in 
     net deficit reduction enacted in any bill pursuant to a 
     reconciliation instruction since the beginning of that same 
     calendar year shall never be made available on the pay-as-
     you-go ledger and shall be dedicated only for deficit 
     reduction.
       (b) Supermajority Waiver and Appeals.--
       (1) Waiver.--This section may be waived or suspended in the 
     Senate only by the affirmative vote of three-fifths of the 
     Members, duly chosen and sworn.
       (2) Appeals.--Appeals in the Senate from the decisions of 
     the Chair relating to any provision of this section shall be 
     limited to 1 hour, to be equally divided between, and 
     controlled by, the appellant and the manager of the bill or 
     joint resolution, as the case may be. An affirmative vote of 
     three-fifths of the Members of the Senate, duly chosen and 
     sworn, shall be required to sustain an appeal of the ruling 
     of the Chair on a point of order raised under this section.
       (c) Determination of Budget Levels.--For purposes of this 
     section, the levels of new budget authority, outlays, and 
     revenues for a fiscal year shall be determined on the basis 
     of estimates made by the Senate Committee on the Budget.
       (d) Repeal.--In the Senate, section 201 of S. Con. Res. 21 
     (110th Congress), the concurrent resolution on the budget for 
     fiscal year 2008, shall no longer apply.

     SEC. 4107. HONEST ACCOUNTING: COST ESTIMATES FOR MAJOR 
                   LEGISLATION TO INCORPORATE MACROECONOMIC 
                   EFFECTS.

       (a) CBO and JCT Estimates.--During the 115th Congress, any 
     estimate provided by the Congressional Budget Office under 
     section 402 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 
     653) or by the Joint Committee on Taxation to the 
     Congressional Budget Office under section 201(f) of such Act 
     (2 U.S.C. 601(f)) for major legislation considered in the 
     Senate shall, to the greatest extent practicable, incorporate 
     the budgetary effects of changes in economic output, 
     employment, capital stock, and other macroeconomic variables 
     resulting from such major legislation.
       (b) Contents.--Any estimate referred to in subsection (a) 
     shall, to the extent practicable, include--
       (1) a qualitative assessment of the budgetary effects 
     (including macroeconomic variables described in subsection 
     (a)) of the major legislation in the 20-fiscal year period 
     beginning after the last fiscal year of the most recently 
     agreed to concurrent resolution on the budget that sets forth 
     budgetary levels required under section 301 of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 632); and
       (2) an identification of the critical assumptions and the 
     source of data underlying that estimate.
       (c) Distributional Effects.--Any estimate referred to in 
     subsection (a) shall, to the extent practicable, include the 
     distributional effects across income categories resulting 
     from major legislation.
       (d) Definitions.--In this section:

[[Page H8239]]

       (1) Major legislation.--The term ``major legislation'' 
     means a bill, joint resolution, conference report, amendment, 
     amendment between the Houses, or treaty considered in the 
     Senate--
       (A) for which an estimate is required to be prepared 
     pursuant to section 402 of the Congressional Budget Act of 
     1974 (2 U.S.C. 653) and that causes a gross budgetary effect 
     (before incorporating macroeconomic effects and not including 
     timing shifts) in a fiscal year in the period of years of the 
     most recently agreed to concurrent resolution on the budget 
     equal to or greater than--
       (i) 0.25 percent of the current projected gross domestic 
     product of the United States for that fiscal year; or
       (ii) for a treaty, equal to or greater than $15,000,000,000 
     for that fiscal year; or
       (B) designated as such by--
       (i) the Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the 
     Senate for all direct spending and revenue legislation; or
       (ii) the Senator who is Chairman or Vice Chairman of the 
     Joint Committee on Taxation for revenue legislation.
       (2) Budgetary effects.--The term ``budgetary effects'' 
     means changes in revenues, direct spending outlays, and 
     deficits.
       (3) Timing shifts.--The term ``timing shifts'' means--
       (A) provisions that cause a delay of the date on which 
     outlays flowing from direct spending would otherwise occur 
     from one fiscal year to the next fiscal year; or
       (B) provisions that cause an acceleration of the date on 
     which revenues would otherwise occur from one fiscal year to 
     the prior fiscal year.

     SEC. 4108. ADJUSTMENT AUTHORITY FOR AMENDMENTS TO STATUTORY 
                   CAPS.

       During the 115th Congress, if a measure becomes law that 
     amends the discretionary spending limits established under 
     section 251(c) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit 
     Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 901(c)), such as a measure 
     increasing the limit for the revised security category for 
     fiscal year 2018 to be $640,000,000,000, the Chairman of the 
     Committee on the Budget of the Senate may adjust the 
     allocation called for under section 302(a) of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633(a)) to the 
     appropriate committee or committees of the Senate, and may 
     adjust all other budgetary aggregates, allocations, levels, 
     and limits contained in this resolution, as necessary, 
     consistent with such measure.

     SEC. 4109. ADJUSTMENT FOR WILDFIRE SUPPRESSION FUNDING IN THE 
                   SENATE.

       During the 115th Congress, if a measure becomes law that 
     amends the adjustments to discretionary spending limits 
     established under section 251(b) of the Balanced Budget and 
     Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 901(b)) to 
     provide for wildfire suppression funding, which may include 
     criteria for making such an adjustment, the Chairman of the 
     Committee on the Budget of the Senate may adjust the 
     allocation called for in section 302(a) of the Congressional 
     Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633(a)) to the appropriate 
     committee or committees of the Senate, and may adjust all 
     other budgetary aggregates, allocations, levels, and limits 
     contained in this concurrent resolution, as necessary, 
     consistent with such measure.

     SEC. 4110. ADJUSTMENT FOR IMPROVED OVERSIGHT OF SPENDING.

       (a) Adjustments of Direct Spending Levels.--If a measure 
     becomes law that decreases direct spending (budget authority 
     and outlays flowing therefrom) for any fiscal year and 
     provides for an authorization of appropriations for the same 
     purpose, the Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the 
     Senate may decrease the allocation to the committee of the 
     Senate with jurisdiction of the direct spending by an amount 
     equal to the amount of the decrease in direct spending and 
     may revise the aggregates and other appropriate levels in 
     this resolution and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go 
     ledger in the amounts necessary to accommodate the decrease 
     in direct spending.
       (b) Determinations.--For purposes of this section, the 
     levels of budget authority and outlays shall be determined on 
     the basis of estimates submitted by the Chairman of the 
     Committee on the Budget of the Senate.

     SEC. 4111. REPEAL OF CERTAIN LIMITATIONS.

       Sections 3205 and 3206 of S. Con. Res. 11 (114th Congress), 
     the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2016, 
     are repealed.

     SEC. 4112. EMERGENCY LEGISLATION.

       (a) Authority To Designate.--In the Senate, with respect to 
     a provision of direct spending or receipts legislation or 
     appropriations for discretionary accounts that Congress 
     designates as an emergency requirement in such measure, the 
     amounts of new budget authority, outlays, and receipts in all 
     fiscal years resulting from that provision shall be treated 
     as an emergency requirement for the purpose of this section.
       (b) Exemption of Emergency Provisions.--Any new budget 
     authority, outlays, and receipts resulting from any provision 
     designated as an emergency requirement, pursuant to this 
     section, in any bill, joint resolution, amendment, amendment 
     between the Houses, or conference report shall not count for 
     purposes of sections 302 and 311 of the Congressional Budget 
     Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633 and 642), section 4106 of this 
     resolution, section 3101 of S. Con. Res. 11 (114th Congress), 
     the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2016, 
     and sections 401 and 404 of S. Con. Res. 13 (111th Congress), 
     the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2010. 
     Designated emergency provisions shall not count for the 
     purpose of revising allocations, aggregates, or other levels 
     pursuant to procedures established under section 301(b)(7) of 
     the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 632(b)(7)) for 
     deficit-neutral reserve funds and revising discretionary 
     spending limits set pursuant to section 301 of S. Con. Res. 
     13 (111th Congress), the concurrent resolution on the budget 
     for fiscal year 2010.
       (c) Designations.--If a provision of legislation is 
     designated as an emergency requirement under this section, 
     the committee report and any statement of managers 
     accompanying that legislation shall include an explanation of 
     the manner in which the provision meets the criteria in 
     subsection (f).
       (d) Definitions.--In this section, the terms ``direct 
     spending'', ``receipts'', and ``appropriations for 
     discretionary accounts'' mean any provision of a bill, joint 
     resolution, amendment, motion, amendment between the Houses, 
     or conference report that affects direct spending, receipts, 
     or appropriations as those terms have been defined and 
     interpreted for purposes of the Balanced Budget and Emergency 
     Deficit Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 900 et seq.).
       (e) Point of Order.--
       (1) In general.--When the Senate is considering a bill, 
     resolution, amendment, motion, amendment between the Houses, 
     or conference report, if a point of order is made by a 
     Senator against an emergency designation in that measure, 
     that provision making such a designation shall be stricken 
     from the measure and may not be offered as an amendment from 
     the floor.
       (2) Supermajority waiver and appeals.--
       (A) Waiver.--Paragraph (1) may be waived or suspended in 
     the Senate only by an affirmative vote of three-fifths of the 
     Members, duly chosen and sworn.
       (B) Appeals.--Appeals in the Senate from the decisions of 
     the Chair relating to any provision of this subsection shall 
     be limited to 1 hour, to be equally divided between, and 
     controlled by, the appellant and the manager of the bill or 
     joint resolution, as the case may be. An affirmative vote of 
     three-fifths of the Members of the Senate, duly chosen and 
     sworn, shall be required to sustain an appeal of the ruling 
     of the Chair on a point of order raised under this 
     subsection.
       (3) Definition of an emergency designation.--For purposes 
     of paragraph (1), a provision shall be considered an 
     emergency designation if it designates any item as an 
     emergency requirement pursuant to this subsection.
       (4) Form of the point of order.--A point of order under 
     paragraph (1) may be raised by a Senator as provided in 
     section 313(e) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 
     U.S.C. 644(e)).
       (5) Conference reports.--When the Senate is considering a 
     conference report on, or an amendment between the Houses in 
     relation to, a bill, upon a point of order being made by any 
     Senator pursuant to this section, and such point of order 
     being sustained, such material contained in such conference 
     report shall be stricken, and the Senate shall proceed to 
     consider the question of whether the Senate shall recede from 
     its amendment and concur with a further amendment, or concur 
     in the House amendment with a further amendment, as the case 
     may be, which further amendment shall consist of only that 
     portion of the conference report or House amendment, as the 
     case may be, not so stricken. Any such motion in the Senate 
     shall be debatable. In any case in which such point of order 
     is sustained against a conference report (or Senate amendment 
     derived from such conference report by operation of this 
     subsection), no further amendment shall be in order.
       (f) Criteria.--
       (1) In general.--For purposes of this section, any 
     provision is an emergency requirement if the situation 
     addressed by such provision is--
       (A) necessary, essential, or vital (not merely useful or 
     beneficial);
       (B) sudden, quickly coming into being, and not building up 
     over time;
       (C) an urgent, pressing, and compelling need requiring 
     immediate action;
       (D) subject to paragraph (2), unforeseen, unpredictable, 
     and unanticipated; and
       (E) not permanent, temporary in nature.
       (2) Unforeseen.--An emergency that is part of an aggregate 
     level of anticipated emergencies, particularly when normally 
     estimated in advance, is not unforeseen.
       (g) Inapplicability.--In the Senate, section 403 of S. Con. 
     Res. 13 (111th Congress), the concurrent resolution on the 
     budget for fiscal year 2010, shall no longer apply.

     SEC. 4113. ENFORCEMENT FILING IN THE SENATE.

       If this concurrent resolution on the budget is agreed to by 
     the Senate and House of Representatives without the 
     appointment of a committee of conference on the disagreeing 
     votes of the two Houses, the Chairman of the Committee on the 
     Budget of the Senate may submit a statement for publication 
     in the Congressional Record containing--
       (1) for the Committee on Appropriations, committee 
     allocations for fiscal year 2018 consistent with the levels 
     in title I for the purpose of enforcing section 302 of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633);
       (2) for all committees other than the Committee on 
     Appropriations, committee allocations for fiscal years 2018, 
     2018 through 2022, and 2018 through 2027 consistent with the 
     levels in title I for the purpose of enforcing section 302 of 
     the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633); and
       (3) a list of programs, projects, activities, or accounts 
     identified for advanced appropriations that would have been 
     identified in the joint explanatory statement of managers 
     accompanying this concurrent resolution.

                      Subtitle B--Other Provisions

     SEC. 4201. OVERSIGHT OF GOVERNMENT PERFORMANCE.

       In the Senate, all committees are directed to review 
     programs and tax expenditures within their jurisdiction to 
     identify waste, fraud, abuse or duplication, and increase the 
     use of performance data to inform committee work. Committees

[[Page H8240]]

     are also directed to review the matters for congressional 
     consideration identified in the Office of Inspector General 
     semiannual reports and the Office of Inspector General's list 
     of unimplemented recommendations and on the Government 
     Accountability Office's High Risk list and the annual report 
     to reduce program duplication. Based on these oversight 
     efforts and performance reviews of programs within their 
     jurisdiction, committees are directed to include 
     recommendations for improved governmental performance in 
     their annual views and estimates reports required under 
     section 301(d) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 
     U.S.C. 632(d)) to the Committees on the Budget.

     SEC. 4202. BUDGETARY TREATMENT OF CERTAIN DISCRETIONARY 
                   ADMINISTRATIVE EXPENSES.

       (a) In General.--In the Senate, notwithstanding section 
     302(a)(1) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 
     633(a)(1)), section 13301 of the Budget Enforcement Act of 
     1990 (2 U.S.C. 632 note), and section 2009a of title 39, 
     United States Code, the joint explanatory statement 
     accompanying the conference report on any concurrent 
     resolution on the budget shall include in its allocations 
     under section 302(a) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 
     (2 U.S.C. 633(a)) to the Committees on Appropriations amounts 
     for the discretionary administrative expenses of the Social 
     Security Administration and of the Postal Service.
       (b) Special Rule.--In the Senate, for purposes of enforcing 
     sections 302(f) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 
     U.S.C. 633(f)), estimates of the level of total new budget 
     authority and total outlays provided by a measure shall 
     include any discretionary amounts described in subsection 
     (a).

     SEC. 4203. APPLICATION AND EFFECT OF CHANGES IN ALLOCATIONS 
                   AND AGGREGATES.

       (a) Application.--Any adjustments of allocations and 
     aggregates made pursuant to this resolution shall--
       (1) apply while that measure is under consideration;
       (2) take effect upon the enactment of that measure; and
       (3) be published in the Congressional Record as soon as 
     practicable.
       (b) Effect of Changed Allocations and Aggregates.--Revised 
     allocations and aggregates resulting from these adjustments 
     shall be considered for the purposes of the Congressional 
     Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 621 et seq.) as allocations and 
     aggregates contained in this resolution.
       (c) Budget Committee Determinations.--For purposes of this 
     resolution the levels of new budget authority, outlays, 
     direct spending, new entitlement authority, revenues, 
     deficits, and surpluses for a fiscal year or period of fiscal 
     years shall be determined on the basis of estimates made by 
     the Committee on the Budget of the Senate.

     SEC. 4204. ADJUSTMENTS TO REFLECT CHANGES IN CONCEPTS AND 
                   DEFINITIONS.

       Upon the enactment of a bill or joint resolution providing 
     for a change in concepts or definitions, the Chairman of the 
     Committee on the Budget of the Senate may make adjustments to 
     the levels and allocations in this resolution in accordance 
     with section 251(b) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency 
     Deficit Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 901(b)).

     SEC. 4205. ADJUSTMENTS TO REFLECT LEGISLATION NOT INCLUDED IN 
                   THE BASELINE.

       The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate 
     may make adjustments to the levels and allocations in this 
     resolution to reflect legislation enacted before the date on 
     which this resolution is agreed to by Congress that is not 
     incorporated in the baseline underlying the Congressional 
     Budget Office's June 2017 update to the Budget and Economic 
     Outlook: 2017 to 2027.

     SEC. 4206. EXERCISE OF RULEMAKING POWERS.

       Congress adopts the provisions of this title--
       (1) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the Senate, 
     and as such they shall be considered as part of the rules of 
     the Senate and such rules shall supersede other rules only to 
     the extent that they are inconsistent with such other rules; 
     and
       (2) with full recognition of the constitutional right of 
     the Senate to change those rules at any time, in the same 
     manner, and to the same extent as is the case of any other 
     rule of the Senate.

        TITLE V--BUDGET PROCESS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

                     Subtitle A--Budget Enforcement

     SEC. 5101. POINT OF ORDER AGAINST INCREASING LONG-TERM DIRECT 
                   SPENDING.

       (a) Point of Order.--It shall not be in order in the House 
     of Representatives to consider any bill or joint resolution, 
     or amendment thereto or conference report thereon, that would 
     cause a net increase in direct spending in excess of 
     $2,500,000,000 in any of the 4 consecutive 10-fiscal year 
     periods described in subsection (b).
       (b) Congressional Budget Office Analysis of Proposals.--The 
     Director of the Congressional Budget Office shall, to the 
     extent practicable, prepare an estimate of whether a bill or 
     joint resolution reported by a committee (other than the 
     Committee on Appropriations), or amendment thereto or 
     conference report thereon, would cause, relative to current 
     law, a net increase in direct spending in the House of 
     Representatives, in excess of $2,500,000,000 in any of the 4 
     consecutive 10-fiscal year periods beginning after the last 
     fiscal year of this concurrent resolution.
       (c) Limitation.--In the House of Representatives, the 
     provisions of this section shall not apply to any bills or 
     joint resolutions, or amendments thereto or conference 
     reports thereon, for which the chair of the Committee on the 
     Budget has made adjustments to the allocations, aggregates, 
     or other budgetary levels in this concurrent resolution.
       (d) Determinations of Budget Levels.--For purposes of this 
     section, the levels of net increases in direct spending shall 
     be determined on the basis of estimates provided by the chair 
     of the Committee on the Budget of the House of 
     Representatives.
       (e) Sunset.--This section shall have no force or effect 
     after September 30, 2018.

     SEC. 5102. ALLOCATION FOR OVERSEAS CONTINGENCY OPERATIONS/
                   GLOBAL WAR ON TERRORISM.

       (a) Separate Allocation for Overseas Contingency 
     Operations/Global War on Terrorism.--In the House of 
     Representatives, there shall be a separate allocation of new 
     budget authority and outlays provided to the Committee on 
     Appropriations for the purposes of Overseas Contingency 
     Operations/Global War on Terrorism, which shall be deemed to 
     be an allocation under section 302(a) of the Congressional 
     Budget Act of 1974. Section 302(a)(3) of such Act shall not 
     apply to such separate allocation.
       (b) Section 302 Allocations.--The separate allocation 
     referred to in subsection (a) shall be the exclusive 
     allocation for Overseas Contingency Operations/Global War on 
     Terrorism under section 302(b) of the Congressional Budget 
     Act of 1974. The Committee on Appropriations of the House of 
     Representatives may provide suballocations of such separate 
     allocation under such section 302(b).
       (c) Application.--For purposes of enforcing the separate 
     allocation referred to in subsection (a) under section 302(f) 
     of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, the ``first fiscal 
     year'' and the ``total of fiscal years'' shall be deemed to 
     refer to fiscal year 2018. Section 302(c) of such Act shall 
     not apply to such separate allocation.
       (d) Designations.--New budget authority or outlays shall 
     only be counted toward the allocation referred to in 
     subsection (a) if designated pursuant to section 
     251(b)(2)(A)(ii) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit 
     Control Act of 1985.
       (e) Adjustments.--For purposes of subsection (a) for fiscal 
     year 2018, no adjustment shall be made under section 314(a) 
     of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 if any adjustment 
     would be made under section 251(b)(2)(A)(ii) of the Balanced 
     Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

     SEC. 5103. LIMITATION ON CHANGES IN CERTAIN MANDATORY 
                   PROGRAMS.

       (a) Definition.--In this section, the term ``change in 
     mandatory programs'' means a provision that--
       (1) would have been estimated as affecting direct spending 
     or receipts under section 252 of the Balanced Budget and 
     Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (as in effect prior to 
     September 30, 2002) if the provision were included in 
     legislation other than appropriation Acts; and
       (2) results in a net decrease in budget authority in the 
     budget year, but does not result in a net decrease in outlays 
     over the total of the current year, the budget year, and all 
     fiscal years covered under the most recently agreed to 
     concurrent resolution on the budget.
       (b) Point of Order in the House of Representatives.--
       (1) In general.--A provision in a bill or joint resolution 
     making appropriations for a full fiscal year that proposes a 
     change in mandatory programs that, if enacted, would cause 
     the absolute value of the total budget authority of all such 
     changes in mandatory programs enacted in relation to a full 
     fiscal year to be more than the amount specified in paragraph 
     (3), shall not be in order in the House of Representatives.
       (2) Amendments and conference reports.--It shall not be in 
     order in the House of Representatives to consider an 
     amendment to, or a conference report on, a bill or joint 
     resolution making appropriations for a full fiscal year if 
     such amendment thereto or conference report thereon proposes 
     a change in mandatory programs that, if enacted, would cause 
     the absolute value of the total budget authority of all such 
     changes in mandatory programs enacted in relation to a full 
     fiscal year to be more than the amount specified in paragraph 
     (3).
       (3) Amount.--The amount specified in this paragraph is--
       (A) for fiscal year 2018, $19,100,000,000;
       (B) for fiscal year 2019, $17,000,000,000; and
       (C) for fiscal year 2020, $15,000,000,000.
       (c) Determination.--For purposes of this section, budgetary 
     levels shall be determined on the basis of estimates provided 
     by the chair of the Committee on the Budget of the House of 
     Representatives.

     SEC. 5104. LIMITATION ON ADVANCE APPROPRIATIONS.

       (a) In General.--In the House of Representatives, except as 
     provided for in subsection (b), any general appropriation 
     bill or bill or joint resolution continuing appropriations, 
     or amendment thereto or conference report thereon, may not 
     provide advance appropriations.
       (b) Exceptions.--An advance appropriation may be provided 
     for programs, projects, activities, or accounts identified in 
     the report or the joint explanatory statement of managers, as 
     applicable, accompanying this concurrent resolution under the 
     following headings:
       (1) General.--``Accounts Identified for Advance 
     Appropriations''.
       (2) Veterans.--``Veterans Accounts Identified for Advance 
     Appropriations''.
       (c) Limitations.--The aggregate level of advance 
     appropriations shall not exceed the following:
       (1) General.--$28,852,000,000 in new budget authority for 
     all programs identified pursuant to subsection (b)(1).
       (2) Veterans.--$70,699,313,000 in new budget authority for 
     programs in the Department of Veterans Affairs identified 
     pursuant to subsection (b)(2).

[[Page H8241]]

       (d) Definition.--In this section, the term ``advance 
     appropriation'' means any new discretionary budget authority 
     provided in a general appropriation bill or joint resolution 
     continuing appropriations for fiscal year 2018, or any 
     amendment thereto or conference report thereon, that first 
     becomes available for the first fiscal year following fiscal 
     year 2018.

     SEC. 5105. ESTIMATES OF DEBT SERVICE COSTS.

       In the House of Representatives, the chair of the Committee 
     on the Budget may direct the Congressional Budget Office to 
     include, in any estimate prepared under section 402 of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974 with respect to any bill or 
     joint resolution, an estimate of any change in debt service 
     costs resulting from carrying out such bill or resolution. 
     Any estimate of debt service costs provided under this 
     section shall be advisory and shall not be used for purposes 
     of enforcement of such Act, the Rules of the House of 
     Representatives, or this concurrent resolution. This section 
     shall not apply to authorizations of programs funded by 
     discretionary spending or to appropriation bills or joint 
     resolutions, but shall apply to changes in the authorization 
     level of appropriated entitlements.

     SEC. 5106. FAIR-VALUE CREDIT ESTIMATES.

       (a) All Credit Programs.--Whenever the Director of the 
     Congressional Budget Office provides an estimate of any 
     measure that establishes or modifies any program providing 
     loans or loan guarantees, the Director shall also, to the 
     extent practicable, provide a fair-value estimate of such 
     loan or loan guarantee program if requested by the chair of 
     the Committee on the Budget of the House of Representatives.
       (b) Student Financial Assistance and Housing Programs.--The 
     Director of the Congressional Budget Office shall provide, to 
     the extent practicable, a fair-value estimate as part of any 
     estimate for any measure that establishes or modifies a loan 
     or loan guarantee program for student financial assistance or 
     housing (including residential mortgage).
       (c) Baseline Estimates.--The Congressional Budget Office 
     shall include estimates, on a fair-value and credit reform 
     basis, of loan and loan guarantee programs for student 
     financial assistance, housing (including residential 
     mortgage), and such other major loan and loan guarantee 
     programs, as practicable, in its The Budget and Economic 
     Outlook: 2018 to 2027.
       (d) Enforcement in the House of Representatives.--If the 
     Director of the Congressional Budget Office provides an 
     estimate pursuant to subsection (a) or (b), the chair of the 
     Committee on the Budget of the House of Representatives may 
     use such estimate to determine compliance with the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974 and other budget enforcement 
     requirements.

     SEC. 5107. ESTIMATES OF MACROECONOMIC EFFECTS OF MAJOR 
                   LEGISLATION.

       (a) CBO and JCT Estimates.--During the 115th Congress, any 
     estimate of major legislation considered in the House of 
     Representatives provided by the Congressional Budget Office 
     under section 402 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 or 
     by the Joint Committee on Taxation to the Congressional 
     Budget Office under section 201(f) of such Act shall, to the 
     extent practicable, incorporate the budgetary effects of 
     changes in economic output, employment, capital stock, and 
     other macroeconomic variables resulting from such major 
     legislation.
       (b) Contents.--Any estimate referred to in subsection (a) 
     shall, to the extent practicable, include--
       (1) a qualitative assessment of the budgetary effects 
     (including macroeconomic variables described in subsection 
     (a)) of the major legislation in the 20-fiscal year period 
     beginning after the last fiscal year of the most recently 
     agreed to concurrent resolution on the budget that sets forth 
     budgetary levels required under section 301 of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974; and
       (2) an identification of the critical assumptions and the 
     source of data underlying that estimate.
       (c) Definitions.--In this section:
       (1) Major legislation.--The term ``major legislation'' 
     means a bill or joint resolution, or amendment thereto or 
     conference report thereon--
       (A) for which an estimate is required to be prepared 
     pursuant to section 402 of the Congressional Budget Act of 
     1974 (2 U.S.C. 653) and that causes a gross budgetary effect 
     (before incorporating macroeconomic effects and not including 
     timing shifts) in a fiscal year in the period of years of the 
     most recently agreed to concurrent resolution on the budget 
     equal to or greater than 0.25 percent of the current 
     projected gross domestic product of the United States for 
     that fiscal year; or
       (B) designated as such by--
       (i) the chair of the Committee on the Budget of the House 
     of Representatives for all direct spending legislation; or
       (ii) the Member who is Chairman or Vice Chairman of the 
     Joint Committee on Taxation for revenue legislation.
       (2) Budgetary effects.--The term ``budgetary effects'' 
     means changes in revenues, direct spending outlays, and 
     deficits.
       (3) Timing shifts.--The term ``timing shifts'' means--
       (A) provisions that cause a delay of the date on which 
     outlays flowing from direct spending would otherwise occur 
     from one fiscal year to the next fiscal year; or
       (B) provisions that cause an acceleration of the date on 
     which revenues would otherwise occur from one fiscal year to 
     the prior fiscal year.

     SEC. 5108. ADJUSTMENTS FOR IMPROVED CONTROL OF BUDGETARY 
                   RESOURCES.

       (a) Adjustments of Discretionary and Direct Spending 
     Levels.--In the House of Representatives, if a committee 
     (other than the Committee on Appropriations) reports a bill 
     or joint resolution, or an amendment thereto is offered or 
     conference report thereon is submitted, providing for a 
     decrease in direct spending (budget authority and outlays 
     flowing therefrom) for any fiscal year and also provides for 
     an authorization of appropriations for the same purpose, upon 
     the enactment of such measure, the chair of the Committee on 
     the Budget may decrease the allocation to the applicable 
     authorizing committee that reports such measure and increase 
     the allocation of discretionary spending (budget authority 
     and outlays flowing therefrom) to the Committee on 
     Appropriations for fiscal year 2018 by an amount equal to the 
     new budget authority (and outlays flowing therefrom) provided 
     for in a bill or joint resolution making appropriations for 
     the same purpose.
       (b) Determinations.--In the House of Representatives, for 
     purposes of enforcing this concurrent resolution, the 
     allocations and aggregate levels of new budget authority, 
     outlays, direct spending, revenues, deficits, and surpluses 
     for fiscal year 2018 and the total of fiscal years 2018 
     through 2027 shall be determined on the basis of estimates 
     made by the chair of the Committee on the Budget and such 
     chair may adjust the applicable levels in this concurrent 
     resolution.

     SEC. 5109. SCORING RULE FOR ENERGY SAVINGS PERFORMANCE 
                   CONTRACTS.

       (a) In General.--The Director of the Congressional Budget 
     Office shall estimate provisions of any bill or joint 
     resolution, or amendment thereto or conference report 
     thereon, that provides the authority to enter into or modify 
     any covered energy savings contract on a net present value 
     basis (NPV).
       (b) NPV Calculations.--The net present value of any covered 
     energy savings contract shall be calculated as follows:
       (1) The discount rate shall reflect market risk.
       (2) The cash flows shall include, whether classified as 
     mandatory or discretionary, payments to contractors under the 
     terms of their contracts, payments to contractors for other 
     services, and direct savings in energy and energy-related 
     costs.
       (3) The stream of payments shall cover the period covered 
     by the contracts but not to exceed 25 years.
       (c) Definition.--As used in this section, the term 
     ``covered energy savings contract'' means--
       (1) an energy savings performance contract authorized under 
     section 801 of the National Energy Conservation Policy Act; 
     or
       (2) a utility energy service contract, as described in the 
     Office of Management and Budget Memorandum on Federal Use of 
     Energy Savings Performance Contracting, dated July 25, 1998 
     (M-98-13), and the Office of Management and Budget Memorandum 
     on the Federal Use of Energy Saving Performance Contracts and 
     Utility Energy Service Contracts, dated September 28, 2015 
     (M-12-21), or any successor to either memorandum.
       (d) Enforcement in the House of Representatives.--In the 
     House of Representatives, if any net present value of any 
     covered energy savings contract calculated under subsection 
     (b) results in a net savings, then the budgetary effects of 
     such contract shall not be counted for purposes of titles III 
     and IV of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, this 
     concurrent resolution, or clause 10 of rule XXI of the Rules 
     of the House of Representatives.
       (e) Classification of Spending.--For purposes of budget 
     enforcement, the estimated net present value of the budget 
     authority provided by the measure, and outlays flowing 
     therefrom, shall be classified as direct spending.
       (f) Sense of the House of Representatives.--It is the sense 
     of the House of Representatives that--
       (1) the Director of the Office of Management and Budget, in 
     consultation with the Director of the Congressional Budget 
     Office, should separately identify the cash flows under 
     subsection (b)(2) and include such information in the 
     President's annual budget submission under section 1105(a) of 
     title 31, United States Code; and
       (2) the scoring method used in this section should not be 
     used to score any contracts other than covered energy savings 
     contracts.

     SEC. 5110. LIMITATION ON TRANSFERS FROM THE GENERAL FUND OF 
                   THE TREASURY TO THE HIGHWAY TRUST FUND.

       In the House of Representatives, for purposes of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974, the Balanced Budget and 
     Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985, and the rules or 
     orders of the House of Representatives, a bill or joint 
     resolution, or an amendment thereto or conference report 
     thereon, that transfers funds from the general fund of the 
     Treasury to the Highway Trust Fund shall be counted as new 
     budget authority and outlays equal to the amount of the 
     transfer in the fiscal year the transfer occurs.

     SEC. 5111. PROHIBITION ON USE OF FEDERAL RESERVE SURPLUSES AS 
                   AN OFFSET.

       In the House of Representatives, any provision of a bill or 
     joint resolution, or amendment thereto or conference report 
     thereon, that transfers any portion of the net surplus of the 
     Federal Reserve System to the general fund of the Treasury 
     shall not be counted for purposes of enforcing the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974, this concurrent resolution, 
     or clause 10 of rule XXI of the Rules of the House of 
     Representatives.

     SEC. 5112. PROHIBITION ON USE OF GUARANTEE FEES AS AN OFFSET.

       In the House of Representatives, any provision of a bill or 
     joint resolution, or amendment thereto or conference report 
     thereon, that increases, or extends the increase of, any 
     guarantee fees of the Federal National Mortgage Association 
     (Fannie Mae) or the Federal Home Loan Mortgage Corporation 
     (Freddie Mac) shall not be counted for purposes of enforcing 
     the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, this concurrent 
     resolution, or clause 10 of rule XXI of the Rules of the 
     House of Representatives.

[[Page H8242]]

  


     SEC. 5113. MODIFICATION OF RECONCILIATION IN THE HOUSE OF 
                   REPRESENTATIVES.

       (a) In General.--Section 2002 shall have no force or 
     effect.
       (b) Reconciliation in the House of Representatives.--Not 
     later than November 13, 2017, the Committee on Ways and Means 
     of the House of Representatives shall report to the House of 
     Representatives changes in laws within its jurisdiction that 
     increase the deficit by not more than $1,500,000,000,000 for 
     the period of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

                      Subtitle B--Other Provisions

     SEC. 5201. BUDGETARY TREATMENT OF ADMINISTRATIVE EXPENSES.

       (a) In General.--In the House of Representatives, 
     notwithstanding section 302(a)(1) of the Congressional Budget 
     Act of 1974, section 13301 of the Budget Enforcement Act of 
     1990, and section 2009a of title 39, United States Code, the 
     report or the joint explanatory statement, as applicable, 
     accompanying this concurrent resolution shall include in its 
     allocation to the Committee on Appropriations under section 
     302(a) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 amounts for 
     the discretionary administrative expenses of the Social 
     Security Administration and the United States Postal Service.
       (b) Special Rule.--In the House of Representatives, for 
     purposes of enforcing section 302(f) of the Congressional 
     Budget Act of 1974, estimates of the levels of total new 
     budget authority and total outlays provided by a measure 
     shall include any discretionary amounts described in 
     subsection (a).

     SEC. 5202. APPLICATION AND EFFECT OF CHANGES IN ALLOCATIONS 
                   AND AGGREGATES.

       (a) Application.--In the House of Representatives, any 
     adjustments of the allocations, aggregates, and other 
     budgetary levels made pursuant to this concurrent resolution 
     shall--
       (1) apply while that measure is under consideration;
       (2) take effect upon the enactment of that measure; and
       (3) be published in the Congressional Record as soon as 
     practicable.
       (b) Effect of Changed Allocations and Aggregates.--Revised 
     allocations and aggregates resulting from these adjustments 
     shall be considered for the purposes of the Congressional 
     Budget Act of 1974 as the allocations and aggregates 
     contained in this concurrent resolution.
       (c) Budget Committee Determinations.--For purposes of this 
     concurrent resolution, the budgetary levels for a fiscal year 
     or period of fiscal years shall be determined on the basis of 
     estimates made by the chair of the Committee on the Budget of 
     the House of Representatives.
       (d) Aggregates, Allocations and Application.--In the House 
     of Representatives, for purposes of this concurrent 
     resolution and budget enforcement, the consideration of any 
     bill or joint resolution, or amendment thereto or conference 
     report thereon, for which the chair of the Committee on the 
     Budget makes adjustments or revisions in the allocations, 
     aggregates, and other budgetary levels of this concurrent 
     resolution shall not be subject to the points of order set 
     forth in clause 10 of rule XXI of the Rules of the House of 
     Representatives or section 5101 of this concurrent 
     resolution.
       (e) Other Adjustments.--The chair of the Committee on the 
     Budget of the House of Representatives may adjust other 
     appropriate levels in this concurrent resolution depending on 
     congressional action on pending reconciliation legislation.

     SEC. 5203. ADJUSTMENTS TO REFLECT CHANGES IN CONCEPTS AND 
                   DEFINITIONS.

       In the House of Representatives, the chair of the Committee 
     on the Budget may adjust the appropriate aggregates, 
     allocations, and other budgetary levels in this concurrent 
     resolution for any change in budgetary concepts and 
     definitions consistent with section 251(b)(1) of the Balanced 
     Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

     SEC. 5204. ADJUSTMENT FOR CHANGES IN THE BASELINE.

       In the House of Representatives, the chair of the Committee 
     on the Budget may adjust the allocations, aggregates, 
     reconciliation targets, and other appropriate budgetary 
     levels in this concurrent resolution to reflect changes 
     resulting from the Congressional Budget Office's update to 
     its baseline for fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 5205. APPLICATION OF RULE REGARDING LIMITS ON 
                   DISCRETIONARY SPENDING.

       Section 314(f) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 
     shall not apply in the House of Representatives to any bill, 
     joint resolution, or amendment that provides new budget 
     authority for a fiscal year or to any conference report on 
     any such bill or resolution if--
       (1) the enactment of that bill or resolution;
       (2) the adoption and enactment of that amendment; or
       (3) the enactment of that bill or resolution in the form 
     recommended in that conference report,
     would not cause the 302(a) allocation to the Committee on 
     Appropriations for fiscal year 2018 to be exceeded.

     SEC. 5206. ENFORCEMENT FILING IN THE HOUSE.

       In the House of Representatives, if a concurrent resolution 
     on the budget for fiscal year 2018 is adopted without the 
     appointment of a committee of conference on the disagreeing 
     votes of the two Houses with respect to this concurrent 
     resolution on the budget, for the purpose of enforcing the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974 and applicable rules and 
     requirements set forth in the concurrent resolution on the 
     budget, the allocations and list provided for in this section 
     shall apply in the House of Representatives in the same 
     manner as if such allocations and list were in a joint 
     explanatory statement accompanying a conference report on the 
     budget for fiscal year 2018. The chair of the Committee on 
     the Budget of the House of Representatives shall submit a 
     statement for publication in the Congressional Record 
     containing--
       (1) for the Committee on Appropriations, committee 
     allocations for fiscal year 2018 consistent with title I for 
     the purpose of enforcing section 302 of the Congressional 
     Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633);
       (2) for all committees other than the Committee on 
     Appropriations, committee allocations consistent with title I 
     for fiscal year 2018 and for the period of fiscal years 2018 
     through 2027 for the purpose of enforcing 302 of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633); and
       (3) a list of programs, projects, activities, or accounts 
     identified for advance appropriations for the purpose of 
     enforcing section 5104 of this concurrent resolution.

     SEC. 5207. EXERCISE OF RULEMAKING POWERS.

       The House of Representatives adopts the provisions of this 
     title and section 2002--
       (1) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the House of 
     Representatives, and as such they shall be considered as part 
     of the rules of the House of Representatives, and such rules 
     shall supersede other rules only to the extent that they are 
     inconsistent with such other rules; and
       (2) with full recognition of the constitutional right of 
     the House of Representatives to change those rules at any 
     time, in the same manner, and to the same extent as is the 
     case of any other rule of the House of Representatives.

                    Subtitle C--Adjustment Authority

     SEC. 5301. ADJUSTMENT AUTHORITY FOR AMENDMENTS TO STATUTORY 
                   CAPS.

       During the 115th Congress, if a measure becomes law that 
     amends the discretionary spending limits established under 
     section 251(c) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit 
     Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 901(c)), such as a measure 
     increasing the limit for the revised security category for 
     fiscal year 2018 to be $640,000,000,000, the chair of the 
     Committee on the Budget of the House of Representatives may 
     adjust the allocation called for under section 302(a) of the 
     Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633(a)) to the 
     appropriate committee or committees of the House of 
     Representatives, and may adjust all other budgetary 
     aggregates, allocations, levels, and limits contained in this 
     resolution, as necessary, consistent with such measure.

                       Subtitle D--Reserve Funds

     SEC. 5401. RESERVE FUND FOR INVESTMENTS IN NATIONAL 
                   INFRASTRUCTURE.

       In the House of Representatives, the chair of the Committee 
     on the Budget may adjust the allocations, aggregates, and 
     other appropriate levels in this concurrent resolution for 
     any bill or joint resolution, or amendment thereto or 
     conference report thereon, that invests in national 
     infrastructure to the extent that such measure is deficit 
     neutral for the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 5402. RESERVE FUND FOR COMPREHENSIVE TAX REFORM.

       In the House of Representatives, if the Committee on Ways 
     and Means reports a bill or joint resolution that provides 
     for comprehensive tax reform, the chair of the Committee on 
     the Budget may adjust the allocations, aggregates, and other 
     appropriate budgetary levels in this concurrent resolution 
     for the budgetary effects of any such bill or joint 
     resolution, or amendment thereto or conference report 
     thereon, if such measure would not increase the deficit for 
     the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 5403. RESERVE FUND FOR THE STATE CHILDREN'S HEALTH 
                   INSURANCE PROGRAM.

       In the House of Representatives, the chair of the Committee 
     on the Budget may adjust the allocations, budget aggregates 
     and other appropriate levels in this concurrent resolution 
     for the budgetary effects of any bill or joint resolution, or 
     amendment thereto or conference report thereon, that extends 
     the State Children's Health Insurance Program allotments, if 
     such measure would not increase the deficit for the total of 
     fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

     SEC. 5404. RESERVE FUND FOR THE REPEAL OR REPLACEMENT OF 
                   PRESIDENT OBAMA'S HEALTH CARE LAWS.

       In the House of Representatives, the chair of the Committee 
     on the Budget may revise the allocations, aggregates, and 
     other appropriate budgetary levels in this concurrent 
     resolution for the budgetary effects of any bill or joint 
     resolution, or amendment thereto or conference report 
     thereon, that repeals or replaces any provision of the 
     Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act or title I or 
     subtitle B of title II of the Health Care and Education 
     Reconciliation Act of 2010 by the amount of budget authority 
     and outlays flowing therefrom provided by such measure for 
     such purpose.

                            Motion to Concur

  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I have a motion at the desk.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will designate the motion.
  The text of the motion is as follows:

       Mrs. Black moves that the House concur in the Senate 
     amendment to House Concurrent Resolution 71.

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 580, the motion 
shall be debatable for 1 hour equally divided and controlled by the 
chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on the Budget.
  The gentlewoman from Tennessee (Mrs. Black) and the gentleman from 
Kentucky (Mr. Yarmuth) each will control 30 minutes.
  The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Tennessee.

[[Page H8243]]

  

  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the Senate amendment to H. 
Con. Res. 71, the budget resolution for fiscal year 2018.
  Passing a budget is never easy, and it has, once again, been a 
challenge this year. But I am encouraged with where we are now, and I 
am pleased that the Senate did its work by approving a budget, one that 
we can support in order to unlock tax reform for the American people.
  Without question, there are plenty of things that I wish were 
included in what the Senate passed, ideas that the House put forward 
earlier this month when we approved our budget. For example, I still 
feel strongly about addressing unsustainable mandatory spending, and 
that hasn't changed. The growing burden of debt caused by mandatory 
spending is a real problem that cannot be ignored.
  We owe it to the American people to do something, to offer serious 
reforms that ensure government programs are financially sustainable and 
working well for generations to come, and I think we will tackle this 
important issue in the future. Really, we don't have a choice.
  But despite any shortcomings of the Senate-passed budget, I am 
encouraged that it does reflect the shared priorities of both Chambers. 
Moving forward with this budget is also supported by our President.
  I want to remind my colleagues that before final passage last week, 
the Senate did include numerous provisions previously passed by the 
House, and I was proud to be involved in those negotiations with the 
leaders of the House, the Senate, and the White House.
  For example, the Senate-passed budget creates a mechanism that would 
permit the Budget Committee chairman to adjust the budget allocations 
if there is future legislation signed into law that revises the BCA 
spending caps.
  The Senate-passed budget also includes numerous improvements to the 
House budget's enforcement that are designed to strengthen fiscal 
discipline. Because we worked together to find a common ground, we can 
move ahead toward tax reform and expand upon the ideas in the 
conservative framework unveiled last month.
  Throughout my nearly 7 years as a Member of the House, Republicans 
have talked about modernizing our outdated and overly complicated tax 
system, and today, we have the opportunity to take that next big step 
to unlock tax reform for the American people, fulfilling the promise 
that we made long ago to our constituents.
  By advancing tax reform, we can help Americans keep more of their 
hard-earned paychecks; we can make it possible for most Americans to 
file their taxes on a simple postcard; we can level the playing field 
for business and help them compete better globally; and we can empower 
entrepreneurs and small businesses, encouraging them to create more 
jobs.
  This budget acknowledges that our economy is in desperate need of a 
jolt, and the tax cuts included in the Senate-passed budget hold that 
promise of doing just that. Put simply, we have the opportunity to make 
history by reforming our tax system for the first time in nearly three 
decades.
  President Trump is with us on this, and I agree that we must move 
quickly, and that is why I urge my colleagues to pass this budget 
today.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

                              {time}  0915

  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  Mr. Speaker, the bill we are debating today is not a real effort at 
responsible budgeting. It is a means to an end: a single-minded plan to 
make it easier to enact tax cuts for the wealthy and big corporations, 
regardless of the consequences for everyone else.
  If approved by the House today, an irresponsible $1.5 trillion tax 
bill will come to the floor in a matter of weeks. It is being rushed 
because Republicans don't want the American people to know what is in 
it. They don't want you to find out that it overwhelmingly benefits the 
wealthy while increasing taxes on millions of middle class families.
  Rushing through legislation that impacts nearly every American family 
and business is reckless, and voting on a bill that rewrites our 
Nation's Tax Code a week or two after it is introduced without any real 
input from the people who will be impacted is negligent. But that is 
what you do when you can't defend your own policy.
  And there are a lot of unjustifiable provisions in this budget. On 
top of massive tax cuts for the rich, it cuts vital national 
investments, threatening our economic progress and our national 
security. It cuts more than $4 trillion in mandatory spending, 
including nearly $2 trillion from Medicare and Medicaid alone.
  The enormity of these cuts and the severity of the consequences for 
American families cannot be overstated. But more cuts will be coming 
once the Republican tax cuts blow an enormous hole in the budget. We 
will see a tax on Medicare, Medicaid, Social Security, nutrition 
assistance--on important benefits that help American families get 
ahead.
  I know my Republican colleagues desperately want to believe that the 
tax cuts in their budget will pay for themselves and usher in a new era 
of economic growth--or at least they want the American people to 
believe that. But the record is clear, this approach has failed time 
and time again.
  And now, even though the evidence and experts have concluded that 
these tax cuts will not create an economic boom but will, instead, lead 
to a higher concentration of wealth among the rich while dramatically 
increasing deficits and debt, my Republican colleagues are trying to do 
it again.
  Everything we do in Congress should be about making the lives of 
American families better and more secure. We owe them a budget that 
invests in their future, a Tax Code that is fair, and a full and honest 
debate on both. This budget and the tax cuts that will follow are a 
failure on all fronts.
  I, therefore, urge my Republican colleagues to abandon this dangerous 
budget and start addressing the needs and priorities of the American 
people.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.


                             General Leave

  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members 
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to 
include extraneous material on the Senate amendment to H. Con. Res. 71.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the 
gentlewoman from Tennessee?
  There was no objection.
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, it is now my honor to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Smith).
  Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, first of all, I want to thank the 
chairwoman of the Budget Committee for yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, we need to pass this budget not only to rein in out-of-
control spending, but also to give Congress the go-ahead on much-needed 
tax reform.
  We need to reduce the tax burden on hardworking Americans. The 
typical household in the 21st Congressional District of Texas pays over 
$15,700 in Federal taxes. Past experience shows that tax relief 
generates strong economic growth. It enables Americans to save, invest, 
create jobs, and spend more of their income.
  Our vision of tax reform benefits families across America. For 
example, in my congressional district, one-sixth of households utilize 
the child tax credit. Increasing the child tax credit will help 
families keep more of their hard-earned money to use on child care or 
parental leave, school supplies, college savings, and other expenses 
associated with raising a child.
  Let's help American families enjoy a more prosperous future rather 
than pay more of their hard-earned dollars to the Federal Government.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I am happy to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the 
gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. DelBene), a distinguished Member of 
the House Budget Committee and Ways and Means Committee.
  Ms. DelBENE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this budget 
proposal.
  With many working families and businesses still struggling to adapt 
to a rapidly changing economy, our top priority in Congress should be 
helping expand opportunities, opportunities to sustain long-term 
economic growth

[[Page H8244]]

and security so no American is left behind.
  Unfortunately, the bill we are voting on today is not a serious 
budget designed to help middle class families. Instead, this budget is 
simply a vehicle to rush through a partisan tax proposal using a 
process known as reconciliation.
  And what is worse, the Ryan-McConnell tax plan would add trillions of 
dollars to the deficit, making our children foot the bill for tax cuts 
that disproportionately benefit the wealthiest. In fact, the Tax Policy 
Center has estimated that the Ryan-McConnell tax plan could raise taxes 
by an average of $1,209 a year on families earning between $50,000 and 
$150,000 a year. This is moving in the wrong direction.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no.''
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, it is now my honor to yield 2 minutes to the 
gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Norman).
  Mr. NORMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the fiscal 
year 2018 budget resolution, which is a critical first step to 
achieving comprehensive tax reform and making the American economy 
great again. I also applaud Chairwoman Diane Black for her leadership 
in producing this budget.

  Our Nation has not significantly reformed our Tax Code in more than 
three decades, which has allowed the Tax Code to explode in complexity 
and unnecessary burden on hardworking American families and businesses. 
Moreover, while the United States is a world leader in innovation and 
entrepreneurship, we have failed to reduce our corporate tax rate, 
which stands at 35 percent, the highest in the developed world. And I 
would add, corporations don't pay tax; the American people pay tax.
  The unified framework unveiled earlier this year will simplify the 
Tax Code for everyone, eliminate wasteful tax loopholes, and reduce 
taxes on businesses. I am also pleased to see that the plan eliminates 
the death tax on farmers and moves to full expensing. Under this plan, 
the average family will see an increase in income between $4,000 and 
$9,000, annually.
  While I believe this budget is necessary to spur economic growth and 
increase wages, I am extremely disappointed that the Senate removed the 
$203 billion of mandatory spending cuts, given the challenge the 
national debt poses to our great United States. However, we should not 
make the perfect the enemy of the good, and I understand that issues as 
complex as the budget and tax reform require compromise.
  I appreciate the leadership of Speaker Ryan, Chairman Brady, and the 
rest of the leadership team for their hard work on tax reform, and I 
look forward to working with my colleagues to moving tax reform over 
the finish line and to President Trump's desk.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I am happy to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the 
gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. Jayapal), a distinguished member of 
the Budget Committee.
  Ms. JAYAPAL. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Yarmuth for yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to this fiscal year 2018 
budget resolution for a number of reasons, not the least of which is 
that the underlying assumptions are grossly misleading. It assumes 
fictions like hundreds of billions of dollars from the repeal of the 
Affordable Care Act, and it assumes an economic growth rate of 3 
percent, which most economists on both sides do not believe is 
possible.
  This budget is merely a vehicle for Republicans to fast-track tax 
cuts for millionaires, billionaires, and large corporations. Any 
assertion of cuts for working families is debunked by experts like 
Leonard Burman, cofounder of the nonpartisan Tax Policy Center, who has 
called this ``utterly implausible.''
  Mr. Speaker, the facts are these: 80 percent of the Republican tax 
cuts go to the top 1 percent by 2027; the average tax cut for the top 1 
percent in 2027 will be $207,000; and 42 million middle class 
households will face a tax increase, including those earning between 
$50,000 and $150,000, who will see a tax increase of one-third. That is 
what this budget lays the path for.
  If we want to see where this will lead, let's just look at Kansas, a 
place where the Republican legislature has rolled back the tax cuts 
that they passed from several years ago because they simply didn't work 
and put Kansas' economy into a downward spiral.
  We know who wins under this budget resolution. It simply paves the 
way for a huge tax cut for the wealthiest millionaires, billionaires, 
and corporations. That is wrong, and I urge a ``no'' vote on this 
budget.
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, it is now my honor to yield 3 minutes to the 
gentleman from California (Mr. McClintock), a member of the Budget 
Committee.
  Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, unsustainable government spending drives both taxes and 
debt.
  The budget resolution sets the spending architecture for the fiscal 
year. The House version provided for $200 billion of enforceable 
mandatory spending reductions over 10 years and balanced within the 
decade. The Senate amendments gut these provisions, squandering the one 
opportunity Congress has each year to bring mandatory spending under 
control, taking us another year closer to a sovereign debt crisis. This 
is tragic, and I condemn it in the strongest terms.
  The Senate, though, has retained just one key provision from the 
House budget. It makes tax reform possible this year. Tax reform is 
essential to economic growth, and economic growth is essential to 
confront our debt.
  Many are alarmed that it provides for $1.5 trillion of additional 
debt, but this is due solely to the Senate's rules that require tax 
cuts to be scored only as revenue losses without taking into account 
economic expansion.
  During the Obama years, our economy grew at an average of 1\1/2\ 
percent, annually. That is about half the average rate since World War 
II. Reagan averaged 3\1/2\ percent. Reagan did this by reducing the tax 
burdens that were crushing our economy. He slashed the top income tax 
rate from 70 percent down to 28 percent, and income tax receipts nearly 
doubled because of the economic expansion he unleashed.
  Taxes driven by spending are the greatest threat to our economy 
today, and debt driven by spending is the greatest threat to our 
future. Controlling spending is currently impossible in the Senate. So 
it is obvious that we can't balance the budget and reduce our debt 
without significantly increasing economic growth; we can't increase 
economic growth without tax relief; and we can't get tax relief without 
the provisions in the Senate budget.
  Arthur Laffer, the architect of the Reagan tax policy, forecasts that 
the corporate tax reform alone will increase GDP growth at a rate that 
should generate a temporary bump of 5 percent, settling down to an 
average of 2.6 percent over the decade. This will add $5 trillion to 
the American economy and directly increase revenues to all levels of 
government between $1.8 trillion and $2 trillion.
  We have tried a static approach to tax policy during the Obama years. 
The economy stagnated and the debt doubled.
  I remember what it was like in the Reagan era. Wages were rising and 
opportunities for better jobs were everywhere. There was a sense of 
optimism that comes with prosperity and abundance. When we abandoned 
these policies, we lost that prosperity to a decade of despair.
  I want my kids to know what that sense of relief and optimism was 
like, what it feels like when morning dawns again on the American 
economy. This resolution starts that transformation, and I urge its 
adoption.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I remind the prior speaker, my friend from 
California, that Arthur Laffer was also the architect of the Kansas 
plan, which was disastrous for that State. So citing him as a source, I 
would be a little bit careful.
  Mr. Speaker, I am happy to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman 
from California (Ms. Lee), a distinguished member of the Budget 
Committee and the Appropriations Committee.
  Ms. LEE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding and for his 
tremendous leadership.
  And also, just very briefly, I want to mention to my colleague from 
California on the other side, I remember the Reagan-era tax cut period 
also, and there was a huge rise in homeless veterans as a result, 
unfortunately.

[[Page H8245]]

  Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to the so-called budget 
plan.
  I know that our budget shapes our national priorities and values, but 
the Republicans have put forward a budget that I think is downright 
sinister. This budget is morally bankrupt. It is a Trojan horse that 
steals healthcare from children and rips food from the hungry just to 
fast-track $1.5 trillion in tax breaks to billionaires and 
corporations.
  Budgets are moral documents. They should not be rigged in favor of 
special interests and the wealthy few, but the cruel and crooked 
Republican budget does just that. Our Nation's budget should prioritize 
working families and the middle class, too many of whom are making low 
wages and living below the poverty line.

                              {time}  0930

  It should assist those struggling to find a job. It should invest in 
workforce training, education, job creation and job training. Instead, 
this Republican budget creates tax cuts for billionaires, millionaires, 
and corporations.
  Our budget should expand to protect healthcare for all. Instead, this 
budget steals nearly $2 trillion from lifesaving Medicaid and Medicare.
  With nearly 40 million Americans living in poverty, our budget should 
invest in communities of color and rural communities, which have higher 
rates of poverty.
  Simply put, the House Republican budget would push more people into 
poverty. It slashes programs that help create good paying jobs for 
struggling families. It is a shame, it is immoral, it is un-American, 
and I hope we defeat it.
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I just must make a comment on what went on 
in Kansas and the attribution that this was Mr. Laffer's idea.
  I know Mr. Laffer personally and have had a conversation with him 
about his plan and suggestion. It was not followed. So I do want to 
lift up his good name and say that his plan was not followed.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. 
Allen).
  Mr. ALLEN. Mr. Speaker, I want to congratulate Chairman Black on the 
markup of this important piece of legislation out of the Budget 
Committee.
  As we all know, tax season is the worst. It evokes images of stress, 
accountants, lawyers, and American families sending hard-earned money 
to the Federal Government.
  I, for one, have never been excited when it is tax season, and as a 
businessowner, it took on a whole new meaning.
  Taxes affect all Americans, but tax season shouldn't include months 
and months of preparation, often required to hire tax professionals.
  Our Tax Code is broken, and millions of Americans are looking to us 
to fix it. That is why Republicans have released the Unified Tax Reform 
Framework to provide relief for hardworking Americans and jump-start 
our economy.
  First, it lowers taxes at every income level, allowing Americans to 
keep more of their hard-earned paychecks. It delivers the lowest tax 
rates in modern history for job creators, allowing them to invest in 
growing their business. I will remind you that the small business 
community is responsible for 70 percent of all new jobs created.
  The vast majority of taxpayers will no longer have to deal with the 
complexity of itemizing due to the increased standard deduction. Small 
businesses will no longer be taxed under the individual side of the 
code. Families will no longer be penalized for inheriting family 
property or businesses, when the death tax is removed. Finally, we will 
cut tax rates on personal savings and investment in half.
  Americans should invest in their local economies and build towards a 
more financially secure future without exorbitant taxes.
  Now is the time for tax reform, and today we take a big step towards 
action. We must pass this budget. Hardworking Americans across the 
Nation will have the same April 15 they always have if we don't, and 
that is unacceptable.
  We cannot miss this opportunity. President Trump is with us on tax 
reform, and we must act for the American people. I urge all my 
colleagues to support this budget. It is critical to the American 
people.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman 
from Pennsylvania (Mr. Brendan F. Boyle), a distinguished member of the 
Budget Committee.
  Mr. BRENDAN F. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I rise to oppose 
the billionaires' budget. That is exactly what the Republican budget 
is. 79.7 percent of it goes to the richest 1 percent.
  On top of that, who pays for it? The middle class and working class 
families of my district. Some 50 million Americans will be paying more 
in taxes, not less, as a result of this tax plan.
  Now, I have nothing against the billionaires that my friends on the 
other side are so eager to help. I just don't think the working class 
and middle class families of my district should be paying for their tax 
cuts.
  We should instead have a budget that focuses on building the middle 
class out, on lifting up those who have been working for the last 15 
years and not getting a pay increase. This budget does absolutely 
nothing for those families, zero.
  On top of all of this, it adds $1.5 trillion to our national debt. It 
is wrong. It does not do anything to help the great American middle 
class, and it must be rejected.
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio 
(Mr. Johnson), a member of the Budget Committee.
  Mr. JOHNSON of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Black for yielding 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, I hear it all the time, and it is just a false 
narrative. This idea that the tax reform package presented by 
Republicans is only a tax relief for the wealthy and that the middle 
class and low-income families are not going to benefit from it is just 
absolutely untrue.
  We are talking about doubling the standard deduction. Millions of 
Americans aren't even going to pay any taxes. That is particularly 
important in rural areas like I represent in Ohio.
  So I would urge my colleagues, let's stop this false narrative that 
says that this is just a tax cut for the wealthy, because that is not 
true.
  By the way, when you cut taxes on businesses and corporations, who 
pays those taxes, Mr. Speaker?
  It is the American people who buy the products that pay those taxes. 
When they get a break, everybody wins.
  Look, the adoption of the Senate amendment to the House-passed budget 
that we are going to vote on today paves the way for tax reform. It is 
going to establish a path of balance through restrained spending, 
reduced taxes, and economic growth. It is going to allow for higher 
defense spending contingent on future adjustments to discretionary 
spending caps for defense and national security, but it begins to 
address our national debt.

  It reduces nondefense discretionary spending by over $600 billion 
over 10 years. It assumes more than $4 trillion in mandatory savings 
over 10 years. And it provides for budget enforcement in the House in 
order to strengthen fiscal discipline.
  Mr. Speaker, this is a responsible path forward. The American people 
are screaming for a simpler, fairer, flatter Tax Code, one that makes 
American workers competitive, one that let's the American people keep 
more of what they earn in their pockets.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support today's vote, pass this 
budget amendment, and let's get on to tax reform.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman 
from South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn), the assistant Democratic leader.
  Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding me the time.
  Mr. Speaker, the document before us is a partisan exercise to deliver 
large tax cuts to the wealthy. Working Americans will see their taxes 
go up, and our children and grandchildren will have to pay back the 
debt Republicans will create to finance these tax cuts.
  While they promise the American people revenue neutral tax reform 
that will simplify the Tax Code and close costly loopholes, the budget 
they are ramming through will borrow $1.5 trillion to finance these 
cuts. It will precipitate cuts to Medicare, Medicaid, and other safety 
net programs upon which middle-income families depend.

[[Page H8246]]

  It proposes to eliminate the deduction for State and local taxes, 
increasing the tax burden on over 500,000 people in my home State of 
South Carolina.
  This document threatens the earned income tax credit; lowers the 
ceiling on middle-income savings; and eliminates the inheritance tax, 
which only affects those with estates valued over $11 million.
  It creates a pass-through for businesses that pay zero corporate 
taxes, effectively giving the owners of these companies a lower 
individual rate than the people they employ.
  If the Republicans would engage us, we could produce a bipartisan tax 
plan that would expand the earned income tax credit for single 
individuals and the child tax credit for working families.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Flores). The time of the gentleman has 
expired.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the 
gentleman.
  Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, we could produce a bipartisan tax plan that 
would end the preferential treatment of investment income, which 
undermines working Americans while enriching wealthy investors.
  We stand ready to engage with the other side. Until then, we will be 
resolute in our opposition to this unfair, immoral document.
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Florida (Mr. Diaz-Balart), a member of both our Budget Committee and 
the Appropriations Committee.
  Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I want to first thank the chairwoman 
for a phenomenal job.
  Look, our current fiscal environment, according to the CBO, they 
project that the growth of our economy will be 2 percent or less for 
the next decade.
  I am reminded of what a good friend and Democratic colleague in the 
Budget Committee said one day: That 3 percent growth, that is just a 
dream, that is unrealistic.
  Yet, before the storms hit, what did we see as far as our economic 
growth of the country: 3.1 percent economic growth, something that one 
of our colleagues, Democratic colleagues, said was a pipe dream.
  This is, in large part, because excessive regulations have been 
curtailed by both the administration and by Congress; but to keep that 
momentum, we need to pass tax reform.
  It will lead to a sustained strong economy. It will again lower the 
tax burden to our families. It will lead to increased wages for 
families, for the middle class, for individuals for the first time in 
such a long time, allowing the American people to keep more of their 
hard-earned money. It would make small-, mid-, and large-sized 
businesses more competitive so they can create millions of additional 
jobs here in the United States.
  Mr. Speaker, this legislation will allow us to do real tax reform to 
keep the economy growing, to get the economy going, to get the American 
people working again, and this is an essential part.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge everyone's support.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman 
from California (Mr. Carbajal), a distinguished member of the Budget 
Committee.
  Mr. CARBAJAL. Mr. Speaker, I thank Ranking Member Yarmuth for 
yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, snake oil is all that this Republican budget will give 
to the American middle class and working families.
  This Republican budget before Congress is squarely aimed at ramming 
through a tax plan without bipartisan consensus or input. This proposed 
tax plan will increase our deficit, adding $1.5 trillion over the next 
decade, and it leaves the middle class stuck footing the bill, with an 
increase in their annual Federal taxes.
  In fact, 80 percent of the tax cuts in this plan benefits only the 
wealthiest 1 percent of Americans. That means those benefits are geared 
towards those earning $900,000 a year or more.
  One in three middle class families making between $50,000 and 
$150,000 will see their taxes go up.
  One proposal that Republicans have put forth to pay for their plan is 
eliminating the State and local tax deduction. This will cost central 
coast homeowners and families in my district over $15,000 a year on 
average.
  As a member of the Budget Committee, I encourage my colleagues to 
reject this plan and to get to work on bipartisan negotiations for 
lasting tax reform that benefits middle class families.
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, there is an old saying that the Devil is in 
the details. And those details have not been released yet, so it is 
difficult for me to understand how my colleagues on the other side of 
the aisle make assumptions on just what this tax plan will do, calling 
it things such as snake oil, when I can assure you that, as a member of 
the Ways and Means Committee, it is our goal and intent that the people 
in the middle- and low-income categories will see tax relief.
  I also want to remind them that what we know was the Devil in the 
details is the details given to the American people a number of years 
ago on the Affordable Care Act--which is neither affordable nor caring, 
in my opinion--was that people would see a return of about $2,500 on 
the average in their pocket as a result of the Affordable Care Act's 
policies, and what we saw and what we are seeing now is a big increase 
in those premiums. Certainly they have not received $2,500 in their 
pocket.
  They were told they could keep their doctor, which we knew wasn't 
true, and the other kinds of things that were done that caused people 
to lose their insurance in my very own State, because we had a plan the 
people liked and people wanted to keep but could not because of the 
mandates that were put on by the Affordable Care Act.

                              {time}  0945

  I want to remind my friends from the other side of the aisle that 
maybe the thing to do is to wait and see what really is in the plan, 
because the devil is in the detail, and I think you may like it enough 
that you perhaps will even vote for this tax plan that does give a jolt 
to the economy and does help the American people, especially in the 
lower- and middle-income, to keep more of their hard-earned dollars in 
their pockets.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman 
from Florida (Ms. Wasserman Schultz), a distinguished member of the 
Budget Committee.
  Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for 
yielding me time.
  Mr. Speaker, to my friend on the other side of the aisle, the 
gentlewoman from Tennessee, the reality is that the truth hurts. This 
budget resolution totally abandons America's most cherished values and 
betrays its highest ideals.
  This extreme budget not only threatens programs for our veterans and 
hungry children, it makes drastic cuts to the Medicare and Medicaid 
programs that our seniors count on for survival.
  As it doles out that budgetary cruelty, this resolution hands massive 
tax cuts to millionaires and powerful corporations all while adding 
$2.4 trillion to the deficit over the next decade.
  It also fails to protect our environment, neglects our children's 
education, and once more targets women's healthcare for severe cuts.
  In short, the wealthy win, the middle class is ignored, and we all 
get saddled with more debt. Those are not values that this House should 
stand for. It is certainly not what veterans, children, seniors, or 
hardworking Americans deserve. This irresponsible budget rewards the 
rich and powerful and punishes everyone else, and that is the best 
thing that I can say about it.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman 
from New York (Mr. Jeffries), a distinguished member of the Budget 
Committee.
  Mr. JEFFRIES. Mr. Speaker, while House Democrats are focused on 
delivering better jobs, better wages, and a better future for the 
American people, House Republicans have once again presented a budget 
that is reckless, regressive, and reprehensible.
  It is a ``billionaire-first, middle class-last tax plan.'' It will 
not help the middle class. The House Republican budget and tax proposal 
will hurt the middle

[[Page H8247]]

class by raising taxes on working families and middle-income Americans.
  The House Republican budget and tax plan is nothing more than a wolf 
in sheep's clothing. It will benefit the wealthiest and the well-off 
here in this country. Eighty percent of the tax cuts proposed in the 
Ryan-McConnell plan will go to the wealthiest 1 percent in America, to 
millionaires and billionaires, to the privileged few, to special 
interest corporations. It will not lead to economic growth. It will 
saddle this country with trillions of dollars in additional debt and 
deficit.
  It is based on a phony, fraudulent, and failed theory of trickle-down 
economics, which I finally figured out what it relates to in terms of 
the middle class. You may get a trickle, but you are guaranteed to stay 
down. Stay down because they are going to undermine your Medicare, stay 
down because they are going to undermine Social Security, and stay down 
because they are going to saddle your children with trillions of 
dollars of additional debt.
  Mr. Speaker, reject this plan. It is a bad deal for the American 
people. They deserve a better deal.
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished 
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Roskam), a member of the Ways and Means 
Committee.
  Mr. ROSKAM. Mr. Speaker, I am almost tempted to continue to yield 
time to my friend from the other side of the aisle. Just keep driving 
the expectations of any tax relief further and further into the ground, 
and I think people are going to be surprised and delighted with 
ultimately what the House ends up considering.
  Mr. Speaker, this is why I am here. This is a prelude to tax reform. 
We vote on this. We then make it so that no single political party is 
able to deny a vote on tax reform, and both parties can come to the 
table and try and negotiate something that is thoughtful, because here 
is what we know: it is the current Tax Code that is benefiting people 
that everybody is scandalized that they are benefiting. It is the 
current Tax Code that allows corporations to lock trillions of dollars 
offshore. It is the current Tax Code that is really stifling and so 
difficult. And it is the current Tax Code that nobody can defend. There 
is not a single person on this floor that is going to say: Oh, the 
Internal Revenue Code? I love that, Mr. Speaker. Just leave it the way 
it is. It is a disaster, and nobody likes the IRS.
  So rather than moaning and groaning and having posters and this and 
that, let's do this: let's dump the current Tax Code and let's have a 
transformational moment. Mr. Speaker, that is what our country and our 
constituents are yearning for, not old bumper stickers, not old shabby 
phrases from the past, but they are looking for us to lead and to bring 
people together, and that is what we are trying to do.
  There is a meddlesome issue that affects my district as a high tax 
State, and it affects a lot of other folks, and that is how we deal 
with State and local tax deductibility. I am of the view that tax 
reform does not mean simply the redistribution of a tax liability from 
one part of the country to another, but it means tax relief for 
everybody.
  Mr. Speaker, I think what we are looking for is to create middle 
class tax relief. And if the gentleman's expectations are that low, I 
think he is going to be pleased with what we ultimately are able to 
come up with.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge an ``aye'' vote. I thank the gentlewoman for the 
time, and I look forward to passing this resolution and moving forward 
to changing our Tax Code.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from 
Michigan (Mr. Levin), a distinguished member of the Ways and Means 
Committee.
  Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, the Republican budget politically paving the 
way for their tax reform proposals can best be described as an elixir 
of growth, a magic cure-all. Instead, it is a fake, indeed dangerous, 
potion.
  History has shown that a huge tax cut, primarily for the very wealthy 
and large corporations, does not promote growth, and will make life 
harder for the middle class and everyone else.
  This budget calls dangerously for raising our debt by $1.5 trillion, 
creating a future deficit tax for middle-income families; cutting 
Medicare by nearly $500 billion; cutting Medicaid and other health 
programs by $1.3 trillion; and assuming $4 trillion in cuts to a broad 
range of programs, which could include education and health research.
  Mr. Speaker, vote ``no'' on this budget.
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
North Carolina (Mr. Walker), who is the chair of our RSC.
  Mr. WALKER. Mr. Speaker, I am torn as I rise today. First, there is 
no question I will vote in favor of the budget and encourage my 
colleagues to do so because there is no doubt this is the best way 
forward to achieve tax reform and unlock the promise of bigger 
paychecks, more jobs, and the return of investing in America.
  However, I must also include that the Senate did not do its work. 
After months of hard work by Chairwoman Black and the Budget Committee, 
the House was able to get it done. Even acknowledging the difficult 
position of our country, they put us on a path to balance the budget in 
less than a decade.
  The House's budget included reconciliation instructions to speed up 
the enactment of $203 billion in mandatory savings, and the House 
budget included instructions that allowed us for the first time to stay 
on the path to repeal ObamaCare, to help those who continue to suffer 
with rising premiums in the individual market.
  I would guess that nearly every Republican in the Chamber agrees that 
the House's budget is superior.
  So why are we voting on the Senate's?
  Because our Senate colleagues seem allergic sometimes to making tough 
choices.
  But why will the Senate's budget pass?
  Because the American people need tax relief. Families and small 
businesses wrestle with an outdated and complicated Tax Code every 
year. It is true, we do have a once-in-a-generation opportunity.
  The specter of the IRS and devastating corporate rate mean that 
capital and resources are held outside of the United States and not 
invested here. Making our Tax Code fairer and simpler will bring this 
capital back to the market and jump-start investment and growth like we 
have rarely seen in the United States.
  Despite my ongoing and deep frustration sometimes with the Senate, I 
encourage my colleagues to pass this budget and bring the promise of 
more jobs and bigger paychecks closer to reality.
  I am pleased by the Speaker's commitment that the House will vote on 
important fiscal legislation in the form of balanced budget amendments, 
the Default Prevention Act, or some other deficit-reducing legislation.
  Mr. Speaker, the bottom line? It is vital that the House fulfill its 
promise to the American people.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I now yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the 
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee), a distinguished member of the 
Budget Committee.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me 
time.
  Mr. Speaker, the American people will look forward to a Thanksgiving 
and a Christmas of which families come together, but they will also see 
a Halloween.
  Today, on the floor of the House, the Republicans will vote for the 
worst Halloween of hobgoblins and ghosts and monsters that you can ever 
imagine. Monsters scare children, so today we will be voting on that 
monster that will scare children.
  Let me let you listen to Senator Sykes from Kansas, her State 
offering a Republican tax cut that was going to boost the economy. Her 
words are: ``With the benefit of hindsight, we can say with certainty 
this promise was unfulfilled. In the following 5 years, Kansas 
experienced nine rounds of budget cuts, stress on State agencies, and 
the inability to effectively provide the core functions of government 
for our citizens.''
  Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record Senator Sykes' message to 
Congress.

  A Message to Congress: Don't Make the Same Mistake We Did in Kansas

    (By Dinah Sykes, a Republican member of the Kansas State Senate)

       Americans want efficient government, responsible spending 
     and reasonable taxes. This is not difficult. Yet sometimes 
     what

[[Page H8248]]

     seems so simple becomes complicated when these concepts are 
     turned into buzzwords and used as weapons for political gain.
       In 2012, Republicans in Kansas enacted a ``revolutionary'' 
     tax overhaul promised to be a ``shot of adrenaline to the 
     heart of the Kansas economy.'' With the benefit of hindsight, 
     we can say with certainty this promise was unfulfilled. In 
     the following five years, Kansas experienced nine rounds of 
     budget cuts, stress on state agencies and the inability to 
     effectively provide the core functions of government for our 
     citizens.
       As Republicans in Congress begin working to modify the 
     federal tax code, I worry that tax reform done poorly could 
     lead to similar failure. I hope federal lawmakers learn from 
     mistakes made at the state level.
       This year, the Kansas legislature--including many 
     Republicans like me--voted to partially restore income-tax 
     rates and to repeal a provision that allowed independent 
     business owners to pay almost no state taxes on their income. 
     We also overrode our governor's veto, who opposed rolling 
     back the tax cuts he championed.
       Critics of our vote claim that Kansas didn't cut spending 
     enough to accompany the tax cuts. In reality, we cut our 
     budget through across-the-board cuts, targeted cuts, 
     rescission bills and allotments. Roughly 3,000 state employee 
     positions were cut, salaries were frozen, and road projects 
     canceled. We delayed payments to the state employee 
     retirement system and emptied our savings accounts. Even as 
     we issued more than $2 billion in new bonds to float our 
     debt, Kansas received three credit downgrades, making that 
     debt costlier.
       In Kansas, we understand the allure of tax-cut promises. We 
     want to believe promises of amazing growth or outcomes. In 
     2012, traditional budget forecast models accurately predicted 
     the devastating effect the tax breaks would have on state 
     revenue. Proponents of the plan used dynamic scoring 
     predicting incredible economic growth and supporting their 
     own preconceived ideas. Today, we know which forecasts were 
     correct.
       Across the state, citizens may have been paying less in 
     income taxes, but those decreases were offset by increases in 
     sales taxes, property taxes and fees. These changes alone 
     were not enough to put the state on the right path. Education 
     and infrastructure, key investments necessary for strong 
     economic growth, were treated as the enemy. As we went 
     through our 2017 legislative session, the ``shot of economic 
     adrenaline'' still showed no signs of materializing. Our 
     state functioned as though the Great Recession had never 
     ended.
       Kansas should serve as a cautionary tale illustrating the 
     damage done when the normal order is shortchanged. America's 
     founders and countless generations of leaders embedded 
     deliberative procedures into our legislative process for a 
     reason. But in 2012, the governor's tax proposal looked very 
     different from the package he signed. A dispute between House 
     and Senate versions should have gone to conference committee; 
     however, the House cut short debate and rammed through a 
     motion to concur with the Senate instead. I watch now as 
     lawmakers in Congress use similar tactics, and I worry that 
     backroom dealing and circumvention of process will lead to 
     similar results.
       I never anticipated entering public service. I was content 
     raising my family, participating in the PTA and operating my 
     business. However, I saw the impact that bad tax policy was 
     having on the state. I felt the results of growing class 
     sizes and shrinking programs in the schools my children 
     attended. I witnessed a gradual erosion of the quality of 
     life that makes Kansas such a great place to live.
       There is a real temptation to let our frustration turn into 
     anger. In our increasingly polarized world, we see what 
     happens when we retreat to our ideological trenches. The 
     antidote, it would seem to me, is listening carefully to 
     those we disagree with and seeking common ground as a 
     starting point. (We should also note that failing to listen 
     to constituents while blindly holding to ideology can have 
     consequences: About a third of Kansas legislators became ex-
     legislators in 2016.)
       As our country looks at the key issues ahead of us, 
     including tax policy and health-care reform, we face 
     important questions: How can we as Americans work together to 
     improve our tax policy? How can we work together to provide 
     core government functions? Answering those questions requires 
     having civil conversations, learning from our neighbors and 
     sharing our experiences. We are better when we can work 
     together to find compromise.

  Ms. JACKSON LEE. What do you think will happen to this Nation if we 
vote for this budget plan, this Halloween of a plan?
  The latest Republican budget mandates $4.9 trillion in budget cuts.
  Mr. Speaker, I cannot vote for this. I cannot vote for it because of 
the people in Texas after Hurricane Harvey; the people in Louisiana 
after Hurricane Nate; the people in Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, 
and Florida after Hurricanes Maria and Irma. I cannot vote for this. 
This will gut disaster relief, education, infrastructure, research, 
veterans benefits, and it will clearly provide tax cuts for the rich.
  The Republican budget provides $1.6 trillion in tax cuts to 
millionaires, billionaires, wealthy corporations. It doesn't give any 
money to the middle class.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Mitchell). The time of the gentlewoman 
has expired.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 15 seconds to the 
gentlewoman.
  Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, it explodes the deficit.
  How could this happen?
  It demands higher cuts to Medicare, Social Security, and education. 
This is a Halloween that America will not tolerate.
  My good friend from North Carolina, there will be over a million 
people that will lose benefits under this plan and the tax plan that 
they are planning. They will pay higher taxes. This is a bad bill. Vote 
it down.
  Mr. Speaker, as a member of the Budget Committee, I rise in strong 
and unyielding opposition to the Senate Amendment to H. Con. Res. 71, 
the Congressional Budget Resolution for Fiscal Year 2018.
  As senior member of the Homeland Security Committee, the Ranking 
Member of the Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, Homeland 
Security, and Investigations, I oppose this phony budget resolution, 
which is in reality nothing more than a smoke screen designed to pave 
the way for massive tax cuts for the top 1 percent, while exploding the 
debt and deficit by $1.5 trillion over ten years.
  Here are five reasons why every Member of this House should vote 
against this Republican budget resolution:
  1. This Republican budget cuts nearly $1.3 trillion from Medicaid and 
nearly $500 million from Medicaid;
  2. This Republican budget includes massive spending cuts to the 
priorities of the American people;
  3. This Republican budget guts investment in areas critical to 
expanding economic opportunity;
  4. This latest Republican budget uses fast track procedures to 
increase the debt and deficits by $1.5 trillion, while showering tax 
cuts on billionaires, millionaires, and the wealthiest corporations; 
and
  5. As we have learned from bitter and painful experience, tax cuts do 
not pay for themselves, notwithstanding the supply-side fairy tale 
claims that they do.
   This latest Republican budget mandates $4.9 trillion in spending 
cuts to top priorities like disaster relief, education, infrastructure, 
research, veteran benefits, and programs that expand opportunities for 
American families.
  This Republican budget provides $1.6 trillion in tax cuts to 
millionaires, billionaires, and wealthy corporations, while raising 
taxes on working and middle class families by $470 billion.
  Mr. Speaker, let us be very clear and direct: the resolution before 
us is not intended to reconcile tax and spending priorities to reflect 
the priorities of the American people or to reduce the deficit and 
national debt or to put our fiscal house on a sustainable path to 
economic growth.
  Rather the sole purpose of Republicans bringing this job-killing 
budget to the floor today is to fast-track their ``Billionaires First'' 
tax plan, which will cause significant harm to working and middle class 
families, especially to my constituents in the Eighteenth Congressional 
District of Texas.
  The McConnell-Ryan tax plan, which this budget resolution is designed 
to grease the skids for, would raise taxes on about 1.5 million Texas 
households, or 12.4 percent of households next year.
  On average, families earning up to $86,000 annually would see a $794 
increase in their tax liability, a significant burden on families 
struggling to afford child care and balance their checkbook.
  An estimated 2.8 million Texas households deduct state and local 
taxes with an average deduction of $7,823 in 2015.
  The Ryan-McConnell plan eliminates this deduction, which would lower 
home values and put pressure on states and towns to collect revenues 
they depend on to fund schools, roads, and vital public resources.
  The proposed elimination of the personal exemption will harm millions 
of Texans by taking away the $4,050 deduction for each taxpayer and 
claimed dependent; in 2015, roughly 9.3 million dependent exemptions 
were claimed in the Lone Star State.
  Equally terrible is that the McConnell-Ryan tax plan drastically 
reduces the Earned Income Tax Credit, which encourages work for 2.7 
million low-income individuals in Texas, helping them make ends meet 
with an average credit of $2,689.
  The EITC and the Child Tax Credit lift about 1.2 million Texans, 
including 663,000 children, out of poverty each year.
  This reckless and irresponsible GOP tax plan is made all the more 
obscene by the fact that 80 percent of the GOP's tax cuts go to the 
wealthiest 1 percent.

[[Page H8249]]

  To achieve this goal of giving more and more to the haves and the 
``have mores,'' the GOP budget betrays seniors, children, the most 
vulnerable, and needy, and working and middle-class families.
  The steep reductions in program investments proposed in this 
Republican budget fall most heavily on low-income families, students 
struggling to afford college, seniors, and persons with disabilities.
  This Republican budget immediately guts investment critical to 
expanding economic opportunity by lowering the already inadequate 
austerity-level spending caps by an additional $5 billion in 2018 and 
by even more in subsequent years.
  Republican budget adopts Trumpcare but does even more damage because 
in addition to depriving more than 20 million Americans of healthcare, 
denying protection to persons with preexisting conditions, and raising 
costs for older and low-income adults, cuts more than $1.8 trillion 
from Medicaid and Medicare.
  Republican budget ends the Medicare guarantee and calls for replacing 
Medicare's guaranteed benefits with fixed payments for the purchase of 
health insurance, shifting costs and financial risks onto seniors and 
disabled workers; this represents a $500 billion cut to Medicare over 
ten years.
  The Republican budget focuses too narrowly on the military, 
shortchanging American soft-power and other essential elements of 
national security by increasing defense spending by $72 billion above 
the cap and hollowing out the State Department and foreign aid agencies 
with cuts of $11 billion and environmental and natural resource 
protection by more than $6 billion.
  Mr. Speaker, the federal budget is more than a financial document; it 
is an expression of our values and priorities as a nation.
  Sadly, this latest Republican budget, just like the previous one and 
the President's ``skinny budget,'' fails this moral test of government.
  America will not be made great by stealing another $1.8 trillion from 
Medicare and Medicaid, abandoning seniors and families in need, 
depriving students of realizing a dream to attend college without 
drowning in debt, or disinvesting in the working families just to give 
unwanted tax breaks to wealthy corporations and the top 1 percent.
  America will not be positioned to compete and win in the global, 
interconnected, and digital economy by slashing funding for scientific 
research, the arts and humanities, job retraining, and clean energy.
  Even a cursory review leaves the inescapable conclusion that this 
budget represents a betrayal--of our values as a nation, and of the 
promises made by the President during the election campaign.
  This Republican budget is not a budget for the real world that real 
Americans live in but is as much a fantasy budget as the Trump ``Skinny 
Budget'' in that it pretends to achieve balance by assuming that 
painless spending cuts can and will be made by the Congress.
  To put this reckless, irresponsible, and draconian budget in 
perspective, it is useful to examine what the proposed cuts mean when 
applied to the programs depended upon by Americans to rise up the 
economic ladder, plan for the future, provide for their families, and 
strive to achieve the American Dream.
  The elimination of funding for Community Development Block Grants 
(CDBG) drains resources from communities, even in times of disaster 
because CDBG provides flexible grants to local communities for a wide 
range of unique needs, including Meals on Wheels, housing programs, and 
community infrastructure improvements.
  The Republican budget targets disaster grants made by the Federal 
Emergency Management Agency, which help families and businesses when 
their disaster-related property losses are not covered by insurance.
  The Republican budget makes higher education more expensive by 
cutting at least $211 billion from student financial aid programs, like 
Pell Grants, over ten years.
  The Republican budget also eliminates subsidized loans, making it 
difficult for students, particularly low-income students, to afford 
college and compounds the damage by making it more difficult to repay 
student loans by eliminating the Public Sector Loan Forgiveness and 
Teacher Loan Forgiveness programs.
  The Republican budget's solution to the affordable housing crisis 
currently facing cities large and small all across the country is to 
convert all discretionary spending on affordable housing into a block 
grant, which means there will be even less assistance to help the 71 
percent of extremely low income renter households who spend more than 
half their income on housing.
  The Republican budget cuts at least $150 billion from the 
Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) over the next ten 
years by essentially converting it to a block grant, cutting off 
funding for eligible individuals and requiring cash-strapped states to 
either fill in the gap or take away food assistance from millions of 
working families, children, and seniors.
  Mr. Speaker, as economists and policy experts have documented time 
and again, immigration reform would expand the size of the U.S. 
workforce, and in turn would increase the size of the economy and 
reduce deficits.
  The Republican budget, however, again rejects comprehensive 
immigration reform that would bring clear and just rules for those 
seeking citizenship and help secure the nation's borders.
  In doing so, the Republican budget squanders an opportunity to reduce 
deficits by an estimated $900 billion over the next two decades, boost 
the economy by 5.4 percent, and extend the solvency of Social Security.
  The Republican budget continues to target federal employees by 
cutting their compensation and benefits by at least another $163 
billion over ten years, which comes on top of the $182 billion in cuts 
federal employees have already absorbed in the form of higher 
retirement contributions, pay freezes, and furloughs.
  The Republican budget cuts hurts veterans by cutting veterans 
benefits by nearly $50 billion over the next ten years, with newly 
eligible veterans experiencing cuts in programs that pay for education 
benefits as well as loan guarantees.
  Finally, Mr. Speaker, it must be pointed out that the Republican 
budget's pretension to balance is based on reliance on trillions of 
dollars in budget games and gimmicks to rig the numbers.
  The Republican budget counts a dubious $1.4 trillion ``economic 
dividend'' from cutting taxes and taking away consumer protections that 
is not backed up by any credible analysis or historical experience.
  The Republican budget assumes, despite all precedent and evidence to 
the contrary, that tax reform will be revenue neutral, even though 
Republican tax plans are projected to lose between $3 trillion and $7 
trillion.
  Given these budgetary shenanigans, never could it more truly be said 
that ``figures don't lie, but liars figure.''
  In evaluating the merits of a budget resolution, it is not enough to 
subject it only to the test of fiscal responsibility.
  To keep faith with the nation's past, to be fair to the nation's 
present, and to safeguard the nation's future, the budget must also 
pass a ``moral test.''
  The Republican budget resolution fails both of these standards.
  I strongly oppose the Senate Amendment to H. Con. Res. 71 and urge 
all Members to join me in voting against this reckless, cruel, and 
heartless budget resolution that will do nothing to improve the lives 
or well-being of middle and working class families, and the poor and 
vulnerable `caught in the tentacles of circumstance.'
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Texas (Mr. Flores).
  Mr. FLORES. Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairwoman Black and her committee 
for all the great work that they have done in putting forth a budget 
that moves America in the right direction.
  Mr. Speaker, I have been astounded by the rhetoric that we have heard 
from the other side for a plan that they haven't really seen. They are 
making up their facts as they go along to suit their wishes.
  Mr. Speaker, I support the fiscal year 2018 budget resolution. While 
I think the Senate's version falls far short of the great work we did 
in the House and our budget, it is still the key thing that we need to 
have to move forward with tax reform for the American people.
  Our tax reform plan includes tax cuts for the working class Americans 
who have been struggling for the last several years under a broken Tax 
Code.
  It also makes America's businesses the most competitive in the world 
instead of having to struggle with the world's least competitive tax 
system.
  Mr. Speaker, in summary, this budget provides a way for a tax plan 
that provides for bigger paychecks, more jobs, a stronger economy, and 
a balanced budget. I strongly urge our colleagues to support this 
budget.

                              {time}  1000

  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time remains.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Kentucky has 12\3/4\ 
minutes remaining.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ half minutes to the 
gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal), the ranking member of the Ways 
and Means Committee.
  Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, it is getting time for Halloween, so they have 
put on the disguise on the other side. So what we are hearing today is, 
from the last two Republican speakers: This is a bad budget. Let's vote 
``yes.''

[[Page H8250]]

  The gentleman from Ohio said a while ago, this is all about the 
middle class. The middle class does not pay an estate tax. The middle 
class, because of our efforts--and, I think, mine in particular--no 
longer pay the alternative minimum tax. And the people in the middle 
class are not locked into the 39.6 top rate in the Tax Code. This is a 
disguise.
  They are adding $1.5 trillion to the debt and, actually, over 10 
years, when you borrow the money, they are adding $2.3 trillion to the 
debt, all for a tax cut for people at the very top.
  Now, let me say this: I am happy to negotiate a tax reform package 
that we can all live with. I am happy to sit down with the other side 
and acknowledge some parts of the Code that clearly don't work any 
longer for the American people.
  This is being done by one party, exclusively. They have not 
negotiated with us. They have not given us the opening. They have not 
said to us: ``Where do you want to proceed on this?''
  Instead, if you pass this budget today, they suggest you are going to 
see their plan on November 1, and you are going to vote for it sometime 
around November 6. That is not negotiation.
  The Congress I signed up for actually negotiated these agreements, 
and if you couldn't love the final passage, at least you could like it 
because you had sufficient input. That is not what has happened, Mr. 
Speaker, in this process.
  This process is one-sided. It is one-dimensional. They 
interchangeably use the words ``tax cut'' and ``tax reform.'' This is 
about a tax cut.
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from 
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the Democratic whip.
  Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I have been here--this is my 37th year. This 
is the most reckless and irresponsible budget that I have seen in the 
37 years that I have been here.
  Today, we are considering the Senate's budget resolution, not because 
the House supports it, but because it is just a vehicle to get partisan 
tax reform--strike that--tax cuts.
  On an issue as consequential as tax reform, the Congress should not 
be rushing to meet self-imposed political deadlines without enough time 
to read and analyze the effects.
  More importantly, we should not be considering a bill to cut taxes 
that is partisan and that is as terrible as we are hearing the 
majority's proposal will be. I say that because we still haven't seen 
the full details of a bill that this resolution provides for 
Republicans to jam through on an expedited process; one they will 
reportedly introduce, mark up, and bring to the floor in the few 
legislative days we have left before Thanksgiving.
  Is the sunshine too bright for you?
  Even my friends on the other side of the aisle don't know exactly how 
bad it will be for their constituents. When asked about the details of 
the Republican bill, Representative Chris Collins, a Republican from 
New York, said: ``We don't know, we don't know, we don't know, we don't 
know, we don't know.''
  That is a Republican Member of Congress who is saying he has no idea 
what this bill is empowering.
  But we do know that, based on a nonpartisan analysis of their 
framework, it will raise taxes on 47 million Americans.
  We know that 80 percent of the tax cuts--80 percent of the tax cuts--
will go to the top 1 percent.
  And we know, as well, that nearly half of all taxpayers with 
children, 44.5 percent, will see their taxes go up. Those same children 
will be on the hook for a $2.4 trillion cost. This is the biggest debt 
explosion of any bill that I have seen.
  Republican Representative Matt Gaetz of Florida summed up today's 
vote as being for a budget--hear this, my friends on both sides of the 
aisle. This is Matt Gaetz, Republican, Florida, summed up today's vote 
as being for a budget that ``nobody believes in so that we have a 
chance to vote for a tax bill that nobody's read.''
  That is not what we should be doing. We ought to be working together 
to craft a bipartisan tax reform package that is revenue neutral.
  It will be the height of hypocrisy to say that you are for fiscal 
discipline and to vote for this budget. Let's not risk our fiscal 
future and the economic security of our people. Defeat this resolution.
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from 
Georgia (Mr. Ferguson), a distinguished member of the Budget Committee.
  Mr. FERGUSON. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the FY18 
budget. I think that this is a very important step in doing something 
that this Nation needs, and that is for the United States Congress and 
the President to pass tax reform.
  For way too long, our national economy has languished at a GDP growth 
that is far below historical averages. One of the most important things 
that we have got to do is to grow our economy because that leads to 
families being successful, rising wages, being able to have careers for 
themselves and their family members, and I believe that tax reform 
unlocks the American economy in a way that we haven't seen in decades.
  For far too long, we have looked at our Tax Code only through a set 
of domestic lenses and only looked at the rates; and we get into these 
ridiculous debates about the top bracket versus the lowest bracket, and 
we divide our Nation. But, for the first time, we are approaching our 
Tax Code through a set of global lenses that really give our American 
economy a chance to be competitive on the world stage.

  It is not simply about cutting rates. It is not simply about giving a 
break to one group or another and to get away from this rhetoric. It is 
about creating the most vibrant place in the world to do business by 
reforming the Code and creating fairness.
  If we do that and our American families succeed, and we see people 
moving from poverty into the middle class, and from the middle class 
up, and we see entrepreneurs, and we see new businesses and innovation, 
we are going to see growth in our economy like we have not seen in a 
generation.
  The importance of that is it will give us the tools that we need to 
address the single biggest driver of our debt, and that is mandatory 
spending. And this body must have the political courage and integrity, 
along with the Senate, to address mandatory spending, to have an honest 
conversation about Social Security, about Medicare, about Medicaid, 
and, most importantly, about welfare entitlement reform, because we can 
no longer trap generation after generation in poverty. We must create 
pathways out of poverty into the middle class for our fellow Americans.
  We can do this. We can be committed to it.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from 
Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky), a distinguished member of the Budget 
Committee.
  Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Speaker, regardless of what the Republicans say, 
their budget paves the way for trillions of dollars in tax cuts for 
millionaires, billionaires, and wealthy corporations.
  And who would pay for it?
  It would be the middle class families, children, seniors, and people 
with disabilities. It would slash Medicaid by $1 trillion, threaten 
healthcare for one in four Americans. It would slash Medicare by $470 
billion. And this budget proposes, yet again, to repeal the Affordable 
Care Act.
  Under the Republican tax plan, 1.9 million Illinoisans would no 
longer be able to claim State and local tax deductions; and nationwide, 
47 million people in middle class households making between $50,000 and 
$150,000 a year would pay more in taxes.
  So I ask my colleagues: Did you really come to Congress to take away 
healthcare and reduce income for middle class families?
  If you care about anyone other than millionaires and billionaires, 
you need to vote ``no.''
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman 
from Vermont (Mr. Welch), a distinguished member of the Energy and 
Commerce Committee.
  Mr. WELCH. Mr. Speaker, I want to say three things about this budget:
  First, deficits matter. Deficits matter. This budget explicitly 
raises the deficit. It admits to $1.5 trillion, more likely $2.5 
trillion. That means that

[[Page H8251]]

our children and our grandchildren are going to be the ones paying for 
the deficit that is added.
  Second, process matters. We are hearing a lot of talk about tax 
reform, but there has been no process. There is no bill, and we are 
about to vote on a so-called tax reform package that has not been 
explicitly printed to paper. This is no way to do any business. We are 
making it up as we go along, and it is the same process that was used 
on healthcare. We went into committee with no bill and came out, 27 
hours later, with 24 million people losing healthcare. There has been 
no process on this.
  And third, details matter, and the details that are leaking out are 
very punishing to the middle class. Anybody who is an income tax payer 
in a State, a property tax payer in a State, is going to lose that 
deduction.
  It is very tough on middle class efforts to save for retirement. That 
is in play. Folks' deductions on their Keogh plans, their 401(k) plans, 
are very much a part of the process that is going to lower this.
  Reject this plan.
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  I almost can't sit here and not make a comment on my colleagues' 
budget on the other side of the aisle. All of a sudden, they seem to be 
very concerned about deficits when, as a matter of fact, their budget 
assumed almost $1 trillion worth of deficits in their budget.
  I want to also say that our committee did a really good job in having 
a balanced budget, and we are, obviously, looking at a budget from the 
Senate that we are going to be taking up so that we can do tax reform.
  But they also, in addition to that, had $2 trillion worth of new 
taxes that they placed on the American people. So all of a sudden, this 
purity of worrying about these deficits just makes me scratch my head, 
and about raising taxes on the people when their own plan did the very 
opposite of what we are trying to do is cut taxes. They added $2 
trillion worth of taxes.
  I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire how much time we have 
remaining.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Kentucky has 5\3/4\ 
minutes remaining. The gentlewoman from Tennessee has 5\1/4\ minutes 
remaining.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
  As we wind down our arguments here, once again, we have had a very 
fascinating discussion and, once again, we seem to disagree on 
virtually everything.
  For instance, I have heard from the other side many times over the 
last few days and today that we really can't say what the impact is, 
the claims that we are making about whether this bill will help the 
rich or help the middle class or help lower income individuals, because 
we don't have the details. Well, that is absolutely correct; we don't 
have the details.
  But then, if we don't have the details, how can the other side talk 
about the huge benefits that this proposal, this tax proposal that is 
yet unwritten, will provide for the middle class? And how can they deny 
that it will benefit the wealthy disproportionately?
  We know from the outline that was released by the other side in 
recent weeks that they intend to eliminate the estate tax. The estate 
tax only benefits wealthy Americans, people with estates over $11 
million for a couple.
  They want to eliminate the alternative minimum tax. We know the 
alternative minimum tax only affects wealthy individuals. There was one 
estimate that the one year of President Trump's tax return that we 
have, that in that year alone, the alternative minimum tax, if it were 
repealed, would have saved him $30 million. So we know that affects 
very wealthy people.

                              {time}  1015

  We know that if you reduce the top rate from 39.6 percent to 35 
percent, that benefits very high-income people. So we do have enough 
information to draw some pretty definite conclusions about the impact 
that the released outline, at least, will have on wealthy Americans, 
and we can draw some of the same conclusions about how it will hurt 
middle class Americans.
  If, in fact, the Republican tax bill repeals the deduction for State 
and local taxes. In my State, there will be half a million people who 
will lose an average of $9,900 of deductions every year. So we 
absolutely know the impact that the proposal, as we know it now, will 
have, and I think it is fair--given that there will be no hearings on 
this bill--it is fair to raise the alarms about what the potential for 
this bill is.
  Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, it is my extreme honor to yield 3 minutes to 
the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Scalise), our majority whip, who is a 
wonderful member of our Conference.
  Mr. SCALISE. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Chairwoman Black for her 
leadership on this budget. It is important that we do a budget--and it 
is always difficult to bring a budget forward because it represents the 
views that we have, and, of course, we in the House passed a budget 
that shows the country how we can get back to a balanced Federal 
budget, how we can get our economy moving again, and how we can finally 
rebuild the middle class.
  Mr. Speaker, that is really what is at heart with this budget vote. 
This budget starts the process of actually going out and cutting taxes 
across the board so that middle class families can have a better 
opportunity for the American Dream. If you look over the last 10 years, 
we have seen our middle class evaporate in this country.
  So many times, we have seen company after company move jobs overseas. 
And anybody who has complained about that--and I sure have been angry 
about it--the first thing you do is you go ask them: Why did you move 
the jobs overseas? And they say: Because America is not competitive 
again.
  We have the highest corporate tax rate in the world, in the entire 
industrial world. And what it means is, middle class jobs are being 
shipped to other countries. We can complain about it all day, Mr. 
Speaker, but how about we actually do something about it? This bill 
starts that process--working with President Trump who wants to bring 
those middle class jobs back to America.
  We are talking about high-paying jobs, $60,000- to $150,000-a-year 
jobs that left our country. We can bring those jobs back. That is what 
this vote is about. That is what this budget is about: starting the 
process to finally rebuild our middle class, to finally bring those 
jobs back, and to finally give a tax break to families who have been 
struggling for so long under slow economic growth.
  Let's actually grow our economy. Growing our economy is not just good 
for rebuilding the middle class and for those hardworking taxpayers who 
will get real relief under this bill, but also to our ability to reduce 
the deficit and finally get back to balanced Federal budgets so that we 
can create a healthier economy and a healthier America.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge everybody to vote ``yes'' on this budget.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I now have the distinct honor of yielding 1 
minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), the Democratic 
leader.
  Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Kentucky for 
yielding.
  Mr. Speaker, I particularly want to recognize Mr. Yarmuth's 
extraordinary leadership as the ranking member on the Budget Committee. 
As we all know, budget should be a statement of our national values. 
What is important to us as a nation should be reflected in how we 
allocate our resources.
  Again, it is a statement of values, and who better to manage all of 
that in this Congress of the United States than Mr. Yarmuth, who brings 
his values and his heartland priorities to the budget process, and I 
thank him for the leadership he has provided.
  Sadly though, I rise in opposition to what the Republicans have 
proposed which is a devastating Republican budget. The first step in 
the GOP's dangerous plan to fast track their immoral tax framework is 
to hand trillions of dollars to the wealthy while raising taxes on 
working American families.
  The Republican budget and tax plan cruelly rig an unfair system even 
further against hardworking Americans. It cuts a raw deal for families 
in every corner of our country. Democrats have a better deal, better 
jobs, better pay, better future.

[[Page H8252]]

  But right here, before our eyes in this House, Republicans are 
replacing the great American ladders of opportunity with the silver 
spoons of plutocracy and aristocracy. Their agenda raises taxes on the 
middle class. That is a fact. Tens of millions of middle class families 
will pay higher taxes, including a heavier burden for State and local 
taxes.
  It might be interesting to our distinguished colleague, Mr. Scalise--
and isn't it a joy to see him in debate on the floor--in his State of 
Louisiana, 458,000 people will pay an average of nearly $7,000 more by 
losing their deduction.
  And Congresswoman Black, from the great State of Tennessee, in her 
State, 573,960 people will lose their deduction, around $5,600 a filer.
  Not only that, if that isn't bad enough for assaulting the dream of 
homeownership in our country by attacking the deduction, this plan that 
the Republicans propose has been estimated to reduce the value of 
people's homes by 10 percent. You not only are paying more money in 
order to give a tax break to the wealthy and to big corporations, you 
are reducing the value of your home, and, by the way, your neighbors' 
homes as well.
  So with all of the unfairness in it, the one that is most 
understandable to people directly is how it affects them. And in that 
case, 44 million Americans will pay more because of what the 
Republicans have in their plan.

  So it raises taxes on middle class, particularly with the State and 
local tax deduction removed. And by the way--another by the way--if you 
are a corporation, your deduction is not removed, just if you are an 
individual filer, so again, an advantage to corporate America at the 
expense of America's working families.
  Next, it borrows trillions from the future to give tax cuts to the 
wealthiest. Eighty percent of the tax cuts in this Republican proposal 
goes to the wealthiest 1 percent; 80 percent goes to the wealthiest 1 
percent at the expense of America's working families and children. The 
budget on the floor today reveals the true cruelty behind the 
Republican's tax plan. What words would be best to use it? It is 
looting the middle class, massive looting of the middle class; rip-off 
of the middle class, because there are many middle class people.
  So you take some money from all of those middle class people and 
those who aspire to it so that you can give a lot of money to the few. 
That is a big sucking up of assets from the middle class to the 
wealthy. That is what they are here for. It is in their DNA: trickle-
down economics. It is in their DNA. That is what the Republicans come 
here to do, and that causes a deep addition to the national debt.
  They are supposed to be deficit hawks, but I think they have become 
an endangered species because they don't seem to care that, with the 
cuts that they are taking, the tax breaks they are giving to corporate 
and wealthy America will cost over $2 trillion--not counting service on 
the national debt which would take it closer to $3 trillion additional.
  That is a very hard road to come back from. And as our distinguished 
ranking member has pointed out, the opportunity cost in the budget, 
whether it is a trillion dollars from Medicaid, half a trillion dollars 
from Medicare, funds taken from education, the seed corn of America's 
preeminence in the world. Why? To give a tax cut to the high end.
  And they will say: Oh, well, the growth will come from this. We will 
pay for that.
  It never has; never has. Don't take it from me. Bruce Bartlett, who 
was one of the orchestrators of the supply-side economics said: We 
never said it paid for itself. Anyone who says it does, it is not true. 
It is nonsense.
  He went even further to call it BS.
  As I said, it ransacks Medicare and Medicaid, adding trillions to the 
debt in tax breaks for corporations and the wealthy, looting the middle 
class, shaking down the middle class, ripping off the middle class, 
increasing the taxes of the middle class.
  It devastates vital investments, as our distinguished ranking member 
said, in good-paying jobs with higher wages for working families, the 
education of our children, the health of our working families. It 
really is a good example of what they say that Medicare should wither 
on the vine. In keeping with their trickle-down economics, Medicare 
should wither on the vine because they will take half a trillion 
dollars from Medicare in their budget that will follow.
  So Republicans will harm veterans, rural America, seniors, and 
children, again, all in the name of fast-tracking trillion-dollar tax 
breaks for the wealthiest 1 percent. What more do you need to know? 
Eighty percent goes to the wealthiest 1 percent.
  Again and again on the floor, the Republicans have tried to tilt the 
playing field against hardworking families. This is really quite 
remarkable though. This is a great transformative moment for America 
where we can reject this assault on the middle class, this addition to 
the national debt, and instead, say: Let's go to the table and work in 
a bipartisan way to truly reform our Tax Code so that we can be 
competitive in the world; so that families can thrive, and that they 
can have the deductions that are fair for them and needed, and not 
taken away from them, but not taken away from corporate America. So we 
stand ready to go in a bipartisan way to work to do this.
  Any tax cuts, because this isn't just tax cuts to the rich--that is 
not tax reform--any tax cuts, any agenda like that has to be bipartisan 
in order for it to be sustainable. So let's come to our senses here. 
Common sense says--well, mathematics says, if you take a lot of money 
from many people to give it to a few, you are exacerbating the 
disparity of opportunity equity income in our country.
  This is the wrong thing to do. It is not what our values are about. 
It is really a shame that they would even bring such a document to the 
floor. Anybody who lives in a district where their deductions, the tax 
deductions for State and local taxes, are taken away from individual 
filers, but not for corporations, as the bill determines, to the tune--
and I can read you all of the statistics across the country about how 
devastating this is--as our own Governor said: How could they do that 
to our State or any State without the department of finance of our 
States saying: Wait a minute. Understand what this does to the economy 
of our State. Understand what this does to our individual filers in our 
State.
  Who said that this document that came over from the Senate should 
have such a devastating impact on States and Members coming to the 
floor and endorsing it. Some say: Oh, I am just voting for the budget, 
but it really isn't what it--no. No. You are putting your name next to 
taking the deduction of homeownership and of State and local taxes away 
from your constituents. They are going to know that. I would rather you 
reject this. We don't want a political argument. We want to protect the 
American people.
  That is why I hope everyone here would come down in favor of the 
middle class and reject this assault, this rip-off, this shakedown of 
the middle class that the Republicans have on the floor.

                              {time}  1030

  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, it is now my honor to yield 1 minute to the 
gentleman from West Virginia (Mr. Mooney).
  Mr. MOONEY of West Virginia. Mr. Speaker, we had a Democratic 
President, John F. Kennedy, who cut taxes when he was President. I 
think he would take issue with a lot of the things that have been said 
by his own party.
  It has been 30 years since we addressed taxes in this country. 
President Ronald Reagan addressed it 30 years ago. We are way overdue 
for tax cuts in the United States of America.
  Everybody knows that the 35 percent tax rate on corporations has 
driven companies overseas. West Virginia saw, just a couple of years 
ago, one of our largest remaining corporate headquarters, Mylan 
Pharmaceuticals, relocate overseas to avoid the taxes that are too high 
in this country. We all know that is a problem. We have a plan we are 
putting forward to try to solve it.
  I say to my friends on the other side of the aisle: Where is your 
plan?
  You have no plan. This is all political. All you do is make political 
attacks. You have had meetings recently and said: Don't offer a plan. 
Let's just attack the Republicans for their plan.

[[Page H8253]]

  At least we have a plan to address this because hardworking taxpayers 
in West Virginia and America need and expect us to deliver on these tax 
cuts. So I rise in strong support of the budget today so we can move 
forward with our tax cut plan.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, it is now my delight to yield 2 minutes to 
the distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Brady), who is the chairman 
of the Ways and Means Committee.
  Mr. BRADY of Texas. Mr. Speaker, with this budget, we have an 
opportunity to move forward on a major priority for the American 
people, which is delivering the first overhaul of America's broken Tax 
Code in more than three decades.
  When you look, today, at the way America is taxed, it doesn't take 
long to recognize this is completely and utterly broken. You can see 
that it is so complex it forces millions of families and job creators 
to spend billions of hours and dollars each year just filing their 
taxes.
  It is unfair. It gives wasteful Washington lobbyists loopholes and 
carve-outs to special interests by giving hardworking Americans nothing 
but frustration.
  You can see that our Tax Code is miserably uncompetitive. That is why 
more and more of our American businesses and good-paying jobs are going 
overseas to countries with more modern and more competitive tax 
systems.
  By passing this budget today, we can send a clear message to the 
American people: real tax reform is on the way. A ``no'' vote, as we 
heard from our Democratic colleagues, is to block tax reform and defend 
the status quo.
  We are all working closely with President Trump as he leads this 
charge. Together, we have bold ideas to deliver more jobs, fairer 
taxes, and bigger paychecks for all Americans this year.
  I want to thank Chairman Black and the Budget Committee for all their 
hard work. I want to encourage my colleagues to vote ``yes''--vote 
``yes''--on tax reform, and join me in taking an important historic 
step forward to deliver on our tax reform promise.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
  Mr. Speaker, in closing, I would just like to say that, for anyone 
watching this debate or watching any of our discussions out there in 
the country, I know it often appears that we don't get along, that we 
hate each other, and that we are at each other's throat, but nothing 
could be further from the truth.
  It has been such an honor to work with Chairman Black as a member of 
the Budget Committee and all the Members. We do all respect each other 
and get along. We just have some very serious disagreements about 
policy. That is fair. That is what this country is about.
  Once again, since I may not get to do it again as Chairman Black 
pursues another office and probably won't appear with me on the same 
program anymore, I just want to wish her the best and say what a joy it 
has been to work with her.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is 
remaining.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman from Tennessee has 30 
seconds remaining.
  Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, in 30 seconds, I want to once again say 
thank you to my colleague from the other side. I have enjoyed working 
with him. This is history. We are going to make history.
  Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in their support of the 
budget because doing so means that we can truly benefit the American 
people, and I yield back the balance of my time.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired.
  Pursuant to House Resolution 580, the previous question is ordered.
  The question is on the motion offered by the gentlewoman from 
Tennessee (Mrs. Black).
  The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that 
the ayes appeared to have it.
  Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
  The yeas and nays were ordered.
  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, this 15-
minute vote on the motion to concur will be followed by a 5-minute vote 
on the motion to suspend the rules and pass H.R. 1698.
  The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 216, 
nays 212, not voting 5, as follows:

                             [Roll No. 589]

                               YEAS--216

     Abraham
     Aderholt
     Allen
     Amodei
     Arrington
     Babin
     Bacon
     Banks (IN)
     Barletta
     Barr
     Barton
     Bergman
     Biggs
     Bilirakis
     Bishop (MI)
     Bishop (UT)
     Black
     Blackburn
     Blum
     Bost
     Brady (TX)
     Brat
     Bridenstine
     Brooks (AL)
     Brooks (IN)
     Buchanan
     Bucshon
     Budd
     Burgess
     Byrne
     Calvert
     Carter (GA)
     Carter (TX)
     Chabot
     Cheney
     Coffman
     Cole
     Collins (GA)
     Collins (NY)
     Comer
     Comstock
     Conaway
     Cook
     Costello (PA)
     Cramer
     Crawford
     Culberson
     Curbelo (FL)
     Davidson
     Davis, Rodney
     Denham
     Dent
     DeSantis
     DesJarlais
     Diaz-Balart
     Duffy
     Duncan (SC)
     Dunn
     Emmer
     Estes (KS)
     Farenthold
     Ferguson
     Fleischmann
     Flores
     Fortenberry
     Foxx
     Franks (AZ)
     Frelinghuysen
     Gallagher
     Garrett
     Gianforte
     Gibbs
     Gohmert
     Goodlatte
     Gosar
     Gowdy
     Granger
     Graves (GA)
     Graves (LA)
     Graves (MO)
     Griffith
     Grothman
     Guthrie
     Handel
     Harper
     Harris
     Hartzler
     Hensarling
     Herrera Beutler
     Hice, Jody B.
     Higgins (LA)
     Hill
     Holding
     Hollingsworth
     Hudson
     Huizenga
     Hultgren
     Hunter
     Hurd
     Issa
     Jenkins (WV)
     Johnson (LA)
     Johnson (OH)
     Jordan
     Joyce (OH)
     Kelly (MS)
     Kelly (PA)
     King (IA)
     Kinzinger
     Knight
     Kustoff (TN)
     Labrador
     LaHood
     LaMalfa
     Lamborn
     Latta
     Lewis (MN)
     Long
     Loudermilk
     Love
     Lucas
     Luetkemeyer
     Marchant
     Marino
     Marshall
     Mast
     McCarthy
     McCaul
     McClintock
     McHenry
     McKinley
     McMorris Rodgers
     McSally
     Meadows
     Meehan
     Messer
     Mitchell
     Moolenaar
     Mooney (WV)
     Mullin
     Newhouse
     Noem
     Norman
     Nunes
     Olson
     Palazzo
     Palmer
     Paulsen
     Pearce
     Perry
     Pittenger
     Poe (TX)
     Poliquin
     Posey
     Ratcliffe
     Reed
     Reichert
     Renacci
     Rice (SC)
     Roby
     Roe (TN)
     Rogers (AL)
     Rogers (KY)
     Rohrabacher
     Rokita
     Rooney, Francis
     Rooney, Thomas J.
     Ros-Lehtinen
     Roskam
     Ross
     Rothfus
     Rouzer
     Royce (CA)
     Russell
     Rutherford
     Ryan (WI)
     Scalise
     Schweikert
     Scott, Austin
     Sensenbrenner
     Sessions
     Shimkus
     Shuster
     Simpson
     Smith (MO)
     Smith (TX)
     Smucker
     Stewart
     Stivers
     Taylor
     Thompson (PA)
     Thornberry
     Tiberi
     Tipton
     Trott
     Turner
     Upton
     Valadao
     Wagner
     Walberg
     Walden
     Walker
     Walorski
     Walters, Mimi
     Weber (TX)
     Wenstrup
     Westerman
     Williams
     Wilson (SC)
     Wittman
     Womack
     Woodall
     Yoder
     Yoho
     Young (AK)
     Young (IA)

                               NAYS--212

     Adams
     Aguilar
     Amash
     Barragan
     Bass
     Beatty
     Bera
     Beyer
     Bishop (GA)
     Blumenauer
     Blunt Rochester
     Bonamici
     Boyle, Brendan F.
     Brady (PA)
     Brown (MD)
     Brownley (CA)
     Buck
     Bustos
     Butterfield
     Capuano
     Carbajal
     Cardenas
     Carson (IN)
     Cartwright
     Castor (FL)
     Castro (TX)
     Chu, Judy
     Cicilline
     Clark (MA)
     Clarke (NY)
     Clay
     Cleaver
     Clyburn
     Cohen
     Connolly
     Conyers
     Cooper
     Correa
     Costa
     Courtney
     Crist
     Crowley
     Cuellar
     Cummings
     Davis (CA)
     Davis, Danny
     DeFazio
     DeGette
     Delaney
     DeLauro
     DelBene
     Demings
     DeSaulnier
     Deutch
     Dingell
     Doggett
     Donovan
     Doyle, Michael F.
     Duncan (TN)
     Ellison
     Engel
     Eshoo
     Espaillat
     Esty (CT)
     Evans
     Faso
     Fitzpatrick
     Foster
     Frankel (FL)
     Fudge
     Gabbard
     Gaetz
     Gallego
     Garamendi
     Gomez
     Gonzalez (TX)
     Gottheimer
     Green, Al
     Green, Gene
     Grijalva
     Gutierrez
     Hanabusa
     Hastings
     Heck
     Higgins (NY)
     Himes
     Hoyer
     Huffman
     Jackson Lee
     Jayapal
     Jeffries
     Jenkins (KS)
     Johnson (GA)
     Johnson, E. B.
     Jones
     Kaptur
     Katko
     Keating
     Kelly (IL)
     Kennedy
     Khanna
     Kihuen
     Kildee
     Kilmer
     Kind
     King (NY)
     Krishnamoorthi
     Kuster (NH)
     Lance
     Langevin
     Larsen (WA)
     Larson (CT)
     Lawrence
     Lawson (FL)
     Lee
     Levin
     Lewis (GA)
     Lieu, Ted
     Lipinski
     LoBiondo
     Loebsack
     Lofgren
     Lowenthal
     Lowey
     Lujan Grisham, M.
     Lujan, Ben Ray
     Lynch
     MacArthur
     Maloney, Carolyn B.
     Maloney, Sean
     Massie
     Matsui
     McCollum
     McEachin
     McGovern
     McNerney
     Meeks
     Meng
     Moore
     Moulton
     Murphy (FL)
     Nadler
     Napolitano
     Neal
     Nolan
     Norcross
     O'Halleran
     O'Rourke
     Pallone
     Panetta
     Pascrell
     Payne
     Pelosi
     Perlmutter
     Peters
     Peterson
     Pingree
     Pocan
     Polis
     Price (NC)
     Quigley
     Raskin
     Rice (NY)
     Richmond
     Rosen
     Roybal-Allard
     Ruiz
     Ruppersberger
     Rush
     Ryan (OH)

[[Page H8254]]


     Sanchez
     Sanford
     Sarbanes
     Schakowsky
     Schiff
     Schneider
     Schrader
     Scott (VA)
     Scott, David
     Serrano
     Sewell (AL)
     Shea-Porter
     Sherman
     Sinema
     Sires
     Slaughter
     Smith (NJ)
     Smith (WA)
     Soto
     Speier
     Stefanik
     Suozzi
     Swalwell (CA)
     Takano
     Tenney
     Thompson (MS)
     Titus
     Tonko
     Torres
     Tsongas
     Vargas
     Veasey
     Vela
     Velazquez
     Visclosky
     Walz
     Wasserman Schultz
     Waters, Maxine
     Watson Coleman
     Welch
     Yarmuth
     Zeldin

                             NOT VOTING--5

     Johnson, Sam
     Smith (NE)
     Thompson (CA)
     Webster (FL)
     Wilson (FL)

                              {time}  1059

  So the motion to concur was agreed to.
  The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
  A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

                          ____________________