Congressional Record, Volume 163 Issue 173 (Thursday, October 26, 2017)

[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 173 (Thursday, October 26, 2017)]
[House]
[Pages H8230-H8254]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]

CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL YEAR 2018

Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 580, I call up
the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 71) establishing the
congressional budget for the United States Government for fiscal year
2018 and setting forth the appropriate budgetary levels for fiscal
years 2019 through 2027, with the Senate amendment thereto, and ask for
its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the title of the concurrent resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Jody B. Hice of Georgia). The Clerk will
designate the Senate amendment.
Senate amendment:

Strike all after the resolving clause and insert the
following:

SECTION 1. CONCURRENT RESOLUTION ON THE BUDGET FOR FISCAL
YEAR 2018.

(a) Declaration.--Congress declares that this resolution is
the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2018
and that this resolution sets forth the appropriate budgetary
levels for fiscal years 2019 through 2027.
(b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents for this
concurrent resolution is as follows:

Sec. 1. Concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2018.

TITLE I--RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS

Subtitle A--Budgetary Levels in Both Houses

Sec. 1101. Recommended levels and amounts.
Sec. 1102. Major functional categories.

Subtitle B--Levels and Amounts in the Senate

Sec. 1201. Social Security in the Senate.
Sec. 1202. Postal Service discretionary administrative expenses in the
Senate.

TITLE II--RECONCILIATION

Sec. 2001. Reconciliation in the Senate.
Sec. 2002. Reconciliation in the House of Representatives.

TITLE III--RESERVE FUNDS

Sec. 3001. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to protect flexible and
affordable health care for all.
Sec. 3002. Revenue-neutral reserve fund to reform the American tax
system.
Sec. 3003. Reserve fund for reconciliation legislation.
Sec. 3004. Deficit-neutral reserve fund for extending the State
Children's Health Insurance Program.
Sec. 3005. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to strengthen American
families.
Sec. 3006. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to promote innovative
educational and nutritional models and systems for
American students.
Sec. 3007. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to improve the American banking
system.
Sec. 3008. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to promote American
agriculture, energy, transportation, and infrastructure
improvements.
Sec. 3009. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to restore American military
power.
Sec. 3010. Deficit-neutral reserve fund for veterans and service
members.
Sec. 3011. Deficit-neutral reserve fund for public lands and the
environment.
Sec. 3012. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to secure the American border.
Sec. 3013. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to promote economic growth, the
private sector, and to enhance job creation.
Sec. 3014. Deficit-neutral reserve fund for legislation modifying
statutory budgetary controls.
Sec. 3015. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to prevent the taxpayer bailout
of pension plans.
Sec. 3016. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to implementing work
requirements in all means-tested Federal welfare
programs.
Sec. 3017. Deficit-neutral reserve fund to protect Medicare and repeal
the Independent Payment Advisory Board.
Sec. 3018. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to affordable child
and dependent care.
Sec. 3019. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to worker training
programs.
Sec. 3020. Reserve fund for legislation to provide disaster funds for
relief and recovery efforts to areas devastated by
hurricanes and flooding in 2017.
Sec. 3021. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to protecting Medicare
and Medicaid.
Sec. 3022. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to the provision of
tax relief for families with children.
Sec. 3023. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to the provision of
tax relief for small businesses.
Sec. 3024. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to tax relief for
hard-working middle-class Americans.
Sec. 3025. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to making the American
tax system simpler and fairer for all Americans.
Sec. 3026. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to tax cuts for
working American families.
Sec. 3027. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to the provision of
incentives for businesses to invest in America and create
jobs in America.
Sec. 3028. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to eliminating tax
breaks for companies that ship jobs to foreign countries.
Sec. 3029. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to providing full,
permanent, and mandatory funding for the payment in lieu
of taxes program.
Sec. 3030. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to tax reform which
maintains the progressivity of the tax system.
Sec. 3031. Deficit-neutral reserve fund relating to significantly
improving the budget process.

[[Page H8231]]

TITLE IV--BUDGET PROCESS

Subtitle A--Budget Enforcement

Sec. 4101. Point of order against advance appropriations in the Senate.
Sec. 4102. Point of order against certain changes in mandatory
programs.
Sec. 4103. Point of order against provisions that constitute changes in
mandatory programs affecting the Crime Victims Fund.
Sec. 4104. Point of order against designation of funds for overseas
contingency operations.
Sec. 4105. Point of order against reconciliation amendments with
unknown budgetary effects.
Sec. 4106. Pay-As-You-Go point of order in the Senate.
Sec. 4107. Honest accounting: cost estimates for major legislation to
incorporate macroeconomic effects.
Sec. 4108. Adjustment authority for amendments to statutory caps.
Sec. 4109. Adjustment for wildfire suppression funding in the Senate.
Sec. 4110. Adjustment for improved oversight of spending.
Sec. 4111. Repeal of certain limitations.
Sec. 4112. Emergency legislation.
Sec. 4113. Enforcement filing in the Senate.

Subtitle B--Other Provisions

Sec. 4201. Oversight of Government performance.
Sec. 4202. Budgetary treatment of certain discretionary administrative
expenses.
Sec. 4203. Application and effect of changes in allocations and
aggregates.
Sec. 4204. Adjustments to reflect changes in concepts and definitions.
Sec. 4205. Adjustments to reflect legislation not included in the
baseline.
Sec. 4206. Exercise of rulemaking powers.

TITLE V--BUDGET PROCESS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Subtitle A--Budget Enforcement

Sec. 5101. Point of order against increasing long-term direct spending.
Sec. 5102. Allocation for Overseas Contingency Operations/Global War on
Terrorism.
Sec. 5103. Limitation on changes in certain mandatory programs.
Sec. 5104. Limitation on advance appropriations.
Sec. 5105. Estimates of debt service costs.
Sec. 5106. Fair-value credit estimates.
Sec. 5107. Estimates of macroeconomic effects of major legislation.
Sec. 5108. Adjustments for improved control of budgetary resources.
Sec. 5109. Scoring rule for Energy Savings Performance Contracts.
Sec. 5110. Limitation on transfers from the general fund of the
Treasury to the Highway Trust Fund.
Sec. 5111. Prohibition on use of Federal Reserve surpluses as an
offset.
Sec. 5112. Prohibition on use of guarantee fees as an offset.
Sec. 5113. Modification of reconciliation in the House of
Representatives.

Subtitle B--Other Provisions

Sec. 5201. Budgetary treatment of administrative expenses.
Sec. 5202. Application and effect of changes in allocations and
aggregates.
Sec. 5203. Adjustments to reflect changes in concepts and definitions.
Sec. 5204. Adjustment for changes in the baseline.
Sec. 5205. Application of rule regarding limits on discretionary
spending.
Sec. 5206. Enforcement filing in the House.
Sec. 5207. Exercise of rulemaking powers.

Subtitle C--Adjustment Authority

Sec. 5301. Adjustment authority for amendments to statutory caps.

Subtitle D--Reserve Funds

Sec. 5401. Reserve fund for investments in national infrastructure.
Sec. 5402. Reserve fund for comprehensive tax reform.
Sec. 5403. Reserve fund for the State Children's Health Insurance
Program.
Sec. 5404. Reserve fund for the repeal or replacement of President
Obama's health care laws.

TITLE I--RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS

Subtitle A--Budgetary Levels in Both Houses

SEC. 1101. RECOMMENDED LEVELS AND AMOUNTS.

The following budgetary levels are appropriate for each of
fiscal years 2018 through 2027:
(1) Federal revenues.--For purposes of the enforcement of
this resolution:
(A) The recommended levels of Federal revenues are as
follows:
Fiscal year 2018: $2,490,936,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $2,613,683,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $2,755,381,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $2,883,381,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $3,015,847,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $3,162,063,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $3,306,948,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025: $3,463,269,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: $3,654,829,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: $3,825,184,000,000.
(B) The amounts by which the aggregate levels of Federal
revenues should be changed are as follows:
Fiscal year 2018: -$167,200,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: -$169,500,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: -$166,000,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: -$165,200,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: -$166,400,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: -$167,700,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: -$169,800,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025: -$172,200,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: -$146,400,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: -$145,000,000,000.
(2) New budget authority.--For purposes of the enforcement
of this resolution, the appropriate levels of total new
budget authority are as follows:
Fiscal year 2018: $3,136,721,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $3,220,542,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $3,319,687,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $3,344,861,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $3,501,231,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $3,563,762,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $3,607,752,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025: $3,753,919,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: $3,851,463,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: $3,942,710,000,000.
(3) Budget outlays.--For purposes of the enforcement of
this resolution, the appropriate levels of total budget
outlays are as follows:
Fiscal year 2018: $3,131,688,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $3,233,119,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $3,310,579,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $3,370,283,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $3,486,230,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $3,532,290,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $3,561,834,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025: $3,710,120,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: $3,810,435,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: $3,903,041,000,000.
(4) Deficits.--For purposes of the enforcement of this
resolution, the amounts of the deficits are as follows:
Fiscal year 2018: $640,752,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $619,436,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $555,198,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $486,902,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $470,383,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $370,227,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $254,886,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025: $246,851,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: $155,606,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: $77,857,000,000.
(5) Public debt.--Pursuant to section 301(a)(5) of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 632(a)(5)), the
appropriate levels of the public debt are as follows:
Fiscal year 2018: $21,278,691,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $22,063,363,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $22,760,763,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $23,396,024,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $23,992,408,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $24,508,029,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $24,953,195,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025: $25,375,994,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: $25,777,513,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: $25,999,469,000,000.
(6) Debt held by the public.--The appropriate levels of
debt held by the public are as follows:
Fiscal year 2018: $15,595,294,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $16,281,015,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $16,933,381,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $17,553,196,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $18,188,386,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $18,765,097,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $19,269,019,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025: $19,809,369,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: $20,307,841,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: $20,780,452,000,000.

SEC. 1102. MAJOR FUNCTIONAL CATEGORIES.

Congress determines and declares that the appropriate
levels of new budget authority and outlays for fiscal years
2018 through 2027 for each major functional category are:
(1) National Defense (050):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $557,253,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $569,287,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $570,316,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $568,721,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $584,504,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $574,347,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $598,730,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $584,706,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $613,707,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $601,894,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $629,014,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $611,538,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $644,732,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $621,649,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $660,854,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $641,891,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $678,183,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $658,658,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $695,076,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $675,108,000,000.
(2) International Affairs (150):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $45,157,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $44,985,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $43,978,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,114,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $44,042,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $42,992,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $44,060,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $42,702,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $43,161,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $42,743,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $44,183,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,045,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $45,222,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,511,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:

[[Page H8232]]

(A) New budget authority, $46,283,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $44,062,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $47,394,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $44,844,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $48,467,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $45,676,000,000.
(3) General Science, Space, and Technology (250):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $32,565,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $31,909,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $33,238,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $32,561,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $33,908,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $33,191,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $34,637,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $33,864,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $35,401,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $34,666,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $36,165,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $35,427,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $36,940,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $36,167,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $37,775,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $36,956,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $38,617,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $37,773,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $39,464,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $38,597,000,000.
(4) Energy (270):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, -$762,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $2,686,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $4,392,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $2,869,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $4,737,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $3,529,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $4,615,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $3,558,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $3,363,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $2,268,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $3,069,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,994,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $3,090,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $2,085,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $3,106,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $2,168,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $3,153,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $2,264,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $3,238,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $2,442,000,000.
(5) Natural Resources and Environment (300):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $40,489,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $40,597,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $42,110,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $42,293,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $43,533,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,420,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $43,091,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $42,742,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $45,022,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $44,194,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $45,716,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $44,767,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $46,080,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $45,125,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $47,575,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $46,581,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $48,511,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $47,501,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $49,280,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $48,326,000,000.
(6) Agriculture (350):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $22,063,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $21,979,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $21,564,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,898,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $20,372,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $18,450,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $19,284,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $18,540,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $18,743,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $18,135,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $18,894,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $18,354,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $19,311,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $18,638,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $19,881,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,112,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $20,173,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,439,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $20,280,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,542,000,000.
(7) Commerce and Housing Credit (370):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $9,379,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$4,060,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $12,090,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $2,554,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $7,997,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$646,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $5,359,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$2,364,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $7,393,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$2,715,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, -$3,254,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$14,163,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, -$4,648,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$16,202,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, -$4,817,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$17,747,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, -$6,228,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$19,133,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, -$6,816,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$19,990,000,000.
(8) Transportation (400):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $89,125,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $92,875,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $90,538,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $92,393,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $84,687,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $93,064,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $40,062,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $81,597,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $71,003,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $69,791,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $71,930,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $74,521,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $73,370,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $76,450,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $74,843,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $76,523,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $76,345,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $76,895,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $77,831,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $78,001,000,000.
(9) Community and Regional Development (450):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $19,018,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $21,697,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $19,281,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $20,600,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $19,435,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,518,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $19,690,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $18,867,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $19,778,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $18,506,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $20,061,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $18,041,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $20,347,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $18,277,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $20,669,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $18,831,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $20,985,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,353,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $21,304,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $19,932,000,000.
(10) Education, Training, Employment, and Social Services
(500):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $90,224,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $99,348,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $100,086,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $98,799,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $101,018,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $101,064,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $102,034,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $102,218,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $102,700,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $103,178,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $102,725,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $103,653,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $103,012,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $103,960,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $103,798,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $104,747,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $104,942,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $105,921,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $106,473,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $107,433,000,000.
(11) Health (550):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $546,598,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $558,311,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:

[[Page H8233]]

(A) New budget authority, $560,622,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $563,293,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $578,838,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $570,311,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $574,616,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $575,040,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $586,530,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $583,769,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $601,742,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $599,099,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $605,811,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $603,443,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $617,220,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $614,728,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $633,890,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $630,824,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $652,230,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $653,552,000,000.
(12) Medicare (570):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $586,239,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $585,962,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $643,592,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $643,374,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $687,119,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $686,926,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $734,446,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $734,241,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $819,300,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $819,073,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $833,885,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $833,669,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $845,578,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $845,355,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $934,429,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $934,186,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $1,002,522,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,002,272,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $1,066,566,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $1,066,321,000,000.
(13) Income Security (600):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $491,978,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $477,537,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $490,106,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $479,627,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $493,118,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $482,945,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $494,706,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $485,536,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $497,021,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $494,507,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $506,711,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $499,405,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $515,692,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $502,742,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $531,668,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $520,169,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $544,483,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $538,620,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $557,641,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $548,723,000,000.
(14) Social Security (650):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $39,683,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $39,683,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $43,091,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,091,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $46,182,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $46,182,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $49,460,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $49,460,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $52,915,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $52,915,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $56,734,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $56,734,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $60,953,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $60,953,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $65,424,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $65,424,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $69,757,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $69,757,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $74,173,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $74,173,000,000.
(15) Veterans Benefits and Services (700):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $176,446,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $177,393,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $191,376,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $189,441,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $198,336,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $196,338,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $205,001,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $202,930,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $221,481,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $219,320,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $219,424,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $216,903,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $216,519,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $214,343,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $234,741,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $232,535,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $242,559,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $240,210,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $251,142,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $248,884,000,000.
(16) Administration of Justice (750):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $65,038,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $61,006,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $64,244,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $64,504,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $64,377,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $66,523,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $65,866,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $69,272,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $67,069,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $69,488,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $68,813,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $69,657,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $70,592,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $70,232,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $72,432,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $71,865,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $74,233,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $73,500,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $76,093,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $75,382,000,000.
(17) General Government (800):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $24,675,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $24,889,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $25,518,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $25,642,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $25,989,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $25,994,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $26,649,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $26,358,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $27,311,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $26,973,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $27,972,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $27,608,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $28,485,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $28,134,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $29,255,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $28,830,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $30,052,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $29,610,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $30,827,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $30,382,000,000.
(18) Net Interest (900):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $388,767,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $388,767,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $441,158,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $441,158,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $497,893,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $497,893,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $546,206,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $546,206,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $589,086,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $589,086,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $630,179,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $630,179,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $664,060,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $664,060,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $691,250,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $691,250,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $716,494,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $716,494,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $736,146,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $736,146,000,000.
(19) Allowances (920):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, -$68,576,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$51,055,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, -$133,357,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$96,088,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, -$145,919,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$130,658,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, -$176,695,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$166,918,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, -$218,460,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$209,169,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, -$247,892,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$238,885,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, -$276,275,000,000.

[[Page H8234]]

(B) Outlays, -$266,915,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, -$307,701,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$297,489,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, -$366,270,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$356,035,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, -$415,402,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$404,286,000,000.
(20) Undistributed Offsetting Receipts (950):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, -$95,229,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$95,229,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, -$93,401,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$93,401,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, -$95,479,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$95,479,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, -$98,956,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$98,956,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, -$101,293,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$101,293,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, -$102,309,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$102,309,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, -$111,119,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$111,119,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, -$124,766,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$124,766,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, -$128,332,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$128,332,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, -$141,303,000,000.
(B) Outlays, -$141,303,000,000.
(21) Overseas Contingency Operations (970):
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $76,591,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $43,121,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $50,000,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $48,676,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $25,000,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $34,675,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $12,000,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $20,684,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $8,901,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $3,053,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $946,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $264,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $0.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $0.
(B) Outlays, $0.

Subtitle B--Levels and Amounts in the Senate

SEC. 1201. SOCIAL SECURITY IN THE SENATE.

(a) Social Security Revenues.--For purposes of Senate
enforcement under sections 302 and 311 of the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633 and 642), the amounts of
revenues of the Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust
Fund and the Federal Disability Insurance Trust Fund are as
follows:
Fiscal year 2018: $873,312,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $903,381,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $932,055,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $962,698,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $996,127,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $1,031,653,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $1,068,529,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025: $1,106,862,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: $1,146,803,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: $1,188,060,000,000.
(b) Social Security Outlays.--For purposes of Senate
enforcement under sections 302 and 311 of the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633 and 642), the amounts of
outlays of the Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust
Fund and the Federal Disability Insurance Trust Fund are as
follows:
Fiscal year 2018: $849,609,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019: $909,109,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020: $972,776,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021: $1,040,108,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022: $1,111,446,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023: $1,188,081,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024: $1,266,786,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025: $1,349,334,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026: $1,437,032,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027: $1,530,362,000,000.
(c) Social Security Administrative Expenses.--In the
Senate, the amounts of new budget authority and budget
outlays of the Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance Trust
Fund and the Federal Disability Insurance Trust Fund for
administrative expenses are as follows:
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $5,553,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $5,584,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $5,716,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $5,713,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $5,888,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $5,856,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $6,062,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $6,029,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $6,241,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $6,207,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $6,426,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $6,392,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $6,617,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $6,581,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $6,816,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $6,779,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $7,024,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $6,985,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $7,233,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $7,194,000,000.

SEC. 1202. POSTAL SERVICE DISCRETIONARY ADMINISTRATIVE
EXPENSES IN THE SENATE.

In the Senate, the amounts of new budget authority and
budget outlays of the Postal Service for discretionary
administrative expenses are as follows:
Fiscal year 2018:
(A) New budget authority, $281,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $281,000,000.
Fiscal year 2019:
(A) New budget authority, $290,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $290,000,000.
Fiscal year 2020:
(A) New budget authority, $301,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $301,000,000.
Fiscal year 2021:
(A) New budget authority, $311,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $311,000,000.
Fiscal year 2022:
(A) New budget authority, $322,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $322,000,000.
Fiscal year 2023:
(A) New budget authority, $333,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $333,000,000.
Fiscal year 2024:
(A) New budget authority, $344,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $343,000,000.
Fiscal year 2025:
(A) New budget authority, $356,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $355,000,000.
Fiscal year 2026:
(A) New budget authority, $369,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $368,000,000.
Fiscal year 2027:
(A) New budget authority, $380,000,000.
(B) Outlays, $379,000,000.

TITLE II--RECONCILIATION

SEC. 2001. RECONCILIATION IN THE SENATE.

(a) Committee on Finance.--The Committee on Finance of the
Senate shall report changes in laws within its jurisdiction
that increase the deficit by not more than $1,500,000,000,000
for the period of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.
(b) Committee on Energy and Natural Resources.--The
Committee on Energy and Natural Resources of the Senate shall
report changes in laws within its jurisdiction to reduce the
deficit by not less than $1,000,000,000 for the period of
fiscal years 2018 through 2027.
(c) Submissions.--In the Senate, not later than November
13, 2017, the Committees named in subsections (a) and (b)
shall submit their recommendations to the Committee on the
Budget of the Senate. Upon receiving such recommendations,
the Committee on the Budget of the Senate shall report to the
Senate a reconciliation bill carrying out all such
recommendations without any substantive revision.

SEC. 2002. RECONCILIATION IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

(a) Committee on Ways and Means.--The Committee on Ways and
Means of the House of Representatives shall submit changes in
laws within its jurisdiction that increase the deficit by not
more than $1,500,000,000,000 for the period of fiscal years
2018 through 2027.
(b) Committee on Natural Resources.--The Committee on
Natural Resources of the House of Representatives shall
submit changes in laws within its jurisdiction to reduce the
deficit by not less than $1,000,000,000 for the period of
fiscal years 2018 through 2027.
(c) Submissions.--In the House of Representatives, not
later than November 13, 2017, the committees named in
subsections (a) and (b) shall submit their recommendations to
the Committee on the Budget of the House of Representatives
to carry out this section.

TITLE III--RESERVE FUNDS

SEC. 3001. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO PROTECT FLEXIBLE
AND AFFORDABLE HEALTH CARE FOR ALL.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to
repealing or replacing the Patient Protection and Affordable
Care Act (Public Law 111-148; 124 Stat. 119) and the Health
Care and Education Reconciliation Act of 2010 (Public Law
111-152; 124 Stat. 1029), by the amounts provided in such
legislation for those purposes, provided that such
legislation would not increase the deficit over the period of
the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3002. REVENUE-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO REFORM THE
AMERICAN TAX SYSTEM.

[[Page H8235]]

by the amounts provided in such legislation for those
purposes, provided that such legislation is revenue neutral
and would not increase the deficit over the period of the
total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3003. RESERVE FUND FOR RECONCILIATION LEGISLATION.

(a) In General.--The Chairman of the Committee on the
Budget of the Senate may revise the allocations of a
committee or committees, aggregates, and other appropriate
levels in this resolution, and make adjustments to the pay-
as-you-go ledger, for any bill or joint resolution considered
pursuant to section 2001 containing the recommendations of
one or more committees, or for one or more amendments to, a
conference report on, or an amendment between the Houses in
relation to such a bill or joint resolution, by the amounts
necessary to accommodate the budgetary effects of the
legislation, if the budgetary effects of the legislation
comply with the reconciliation instructions under this
concurrent resolution.
(b) Determination of Compliance.--For purposes of this
section, compliance with the reconciliation instructions
under this concurrent resolution shall be determined by the
Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate.
(c) Exception for Legislation.--Section 404(a) of S. Con.
Res. 13 (111th Congress), the concurrent resolution on the
budget for fiscal year 2010, shall not apply to legislation
for which the Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the
Senate has exercised the authority under subsection (a).

SEC. 3004. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND FOR EXTENDING THE
STATE CHILDREN'S HEALTH INSURANCE PROGRAM.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to an
extension of the State Children's Health Insurance Program,
by the amounts provided in such legislation for those
purposes, provided that such legislation would not increase
the deficit over either the period of the total of fiscal
years 2018 through 2022 or the period of the total of fiscal
years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3005. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO STRENGTHEN
AMERICAN FAMILIES.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to--
(1) addressing the opioid and substance abuse crisis;
(2) protecting and assisting victims of domestic abuse;
(3) foster care, child care, marriage, and fatherhood
programs;
(4) making it easier to save for retirement;
(5) reforming the American public housing system;
(6) the Community Development Block Grant Program; or
(7) extending expiring health care provisions,

by the amounts provided in such legislation for those
purposes, provided that such legislation would not increase
the deficit over either the period of the total of fiscal
years 2018 through 2022 or the period of the total of fiscal
years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3006. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO PROMOTE INNOVATIVE
EDUCATIONAL AND NUTRITIONAL MODELS AND SYSTEMS
FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to--
(1) amending the Higher Education Act of 1965 (20 U.S.C.
1001 et seq.);
(2) ensuring State flexibility in education;
(3) enhancing outcomes with Federal workforce development,
job training, and reemployment programs;
(4) the consolidation and streamlining of overlapping early
learning and child care programs;
(5) educational programs for individuals with disabilities;
or
(6) child nutrition programs,

SEC. 3007. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO IMPROVE THE
AMERICAN BANKING SYSTEM.

SEC. 3008. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO PROMOTE AMERICAN
AGRICULTURE, ENERGY, TRANSPORTATION, AND
INFRASTRUCTURE IMPROVEMENTS.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to--
(1) the Farm Bill;
(2) American energy policies;
(3) the Nuclear Regulatory Commission;
(4) North American energy development;
(5) infrastructure, transportation, and water development;
(6) the Federal Aviation Administration;
(7) the National Flood Insurance Program;
(8) State mineral royalty revenues; or
(9) soda ash royalties,
by the amounts provided in such legislation for those
purposes, provided that such legislation would not increase
the deficit over either the period of the total of fiscal
years 2018 through 2022 or the period of the total of fiscal
years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3009. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO RESTORE AMERICAN
MILITARY POWER.

SEC. 3010. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND FOR VETERANS AND
SERVICE MEMBERS.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to
improving the delivery of benefits and services to veterans
and service members by the amounts provided in such
legislation for those purposes, provided that such
legislation would not increase the deficit over either the
period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the
period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3011. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND FOR PUBLIC LANDS AND
THE ENVIRONMENT.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to--
(1) the Endangered Species Act of 1973 (16 U.S.C. 1531 et
seq.);
(2) forest health and wildfire prevention and control;
(3) resources for wildland firefighting for the Forest
Service and Department of Interior;
(4) the payments in lieu of taxes program; or
(5) the secure rural schools and community self-
determination program,

SEC. 3012. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO SECURE THE
AMERICAN BORDER.

SEC. 3013. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO PROMOTE ECONOMIC
GROWTH, THE PRIVATE SECTOR, AND TO ENHANCE JOB
CREATION.

by the amounts provided in such legislation for those
purposes, provided that such legislation would not increase
the deficit over either the period of the total of fiscal
years 2018 through 2022

[[Page H8236]]

or the period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3014. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND FOR LEGISLATION
MODIFYING STATUTORY BUDGETARY CONTROLS.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to
modifying statutory budget controls, which may include
adjustments to the discretionary spending limits and changes
to the scope of sequestration as carried out by the Office of
Management and Budget, such as for the Financial Accounting
Standards Board, Public Company Accounting Oversight Board,
Securities Investor Protection Corporation, and other similar
entities, by the amounts provided in such legislation for
those purposes, provided that such legislation would not
increase the deficit over the period of the total of fiscal
years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3015. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO PREVENT THE
TAXPAYER BAILOUT OF PENSION PLANS.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to the
prevention of taxpayer bailout of pension plans, by the
amounts provided in such legislation for those purposes,
provided that such legislation would not increase the deficit
over either the period of the total of fiscal years 2018
through 2022 or the period of the total of fiscal years 2018
through 2027.

SEC. 3016. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO
IMPLEMENTING WORK REQUIREMENTS IN ALL MEANS-
TESTED FEDERAL WELFARE PROGRAMS.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to
implementing work requirements in all means-tested Federal
welfare programs by the amounts provided in such legislation
for those purposes, provided that such legislation would not
increase the deficit over either the period of the total of
fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the period of the total of
fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3017. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND TO PROTECT MEDICARE
AND REPEAL THE INDEPENDENT PAYMENT ADVISORY
BOARD.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to
protecting the Medicare program under title XVIII of the
Social Security Act (42 U.S.C. 1395 et seq.), which may
include repealing the Independent Payment Advisory Board
established under section 1899A of such Act (42 U.S.C.
1395kkk), by the amounts provided in such legislation for
those purposes, provided that such legislation would not
increase the deficit over either the period of the total of
fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the period of the total of
fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3018. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO
AFFORDABLE CHILD AND DEPENDENT CARE.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to making
the cost of child and dependent care more affordable and
useful for American families by the amounts provided in such
legislation for those purposes, provided that such
legislation would not increase the deficit over either the
period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the
period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3019. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO WORKER
TRAINING PROGRAMS.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to worker
training programs, such as training programs that target
workers that need advanced skills to progress in their
current profession or apprenticeship or certificate programs
that provide retraining for a new industry, by the amounts
provided in such legislation for those purposes, provided
that such legislation would not increase the deficit over
either the period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through
2022 or the period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through
2027.

SEC. 3020. RESERVE FUND FOR LEGISLATION TO PROVIDE DISASTER
FUNDS FOR RELIEF AND RECOVERY EFFORTS TO AREAS
DEVASTATED BY HURRICANES AND FLOODING IN 2017.

SEC. 3021. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO
PROTECTING MEDICARE AND MEDICAID.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to
protecting the Medicaid program under title XIX of the Social
Security Act (42 U.S.C. 1396 et seq.), which may include
strengthening and improving Medicaid for the most vulnerable
populations, and extending the life of the Federal Hospital
Insurance Trust Fund by the amounts provided in such
legislation for those purposes, provided that such
legislation would not increase the deficit over either the
period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the
period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3022. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO THE
PROVISION OF TAX RELIEF FOR FAMILIES WITH
CHILDREN.

SEC. 3023. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO THE
PROVISION OF TAX RELIEF FOR SMALL BUSINESSES.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to
changes in Federal tax laws, which may include the provision
of tax relief for small businesses, along with provisions to
prevent upper-income taxpayers from sheltering income from
taxation at the appropriate rate, by the amounts provided in
such legislation for those purposes, provided that such
legislation would not increase the deficit over the period of
the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3024. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO TAX
RELIEF FOR HARD-WORKING MIDDLE-CLASS AMERICANS.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to
changes in Federal tax laws, which may include reducing
federal deductions, such as the state and local tax deduction
which disproportionally favors high-income individuals, to
ensure relief for middle- income taxpayers, by the amounts
provided in such legislation for those purposes, provided
that such legislation would not increase the deficit over
either the period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through
2027.

SEC. 3025. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO MAKING
THE AMERICAN TAX SYSTEM SIMPLER AND FAIRER FOR
ALL AMERICANS.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to
changes in Federal tax laws, which may include provisions to
make the American tax system simpler and fairer for all
Americans, by the amounts provided in such legislation for
those purposes, provided that such legislation would not
increase the deficit over the period of the total of fiscal
years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3026. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO TAX CUTS
FOR WORKING AMERICAN FAMILIES.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to
increasing per-child Federal tax relief, which may include
amending the child tax credit, by the amounts provided in
such legislation for those purposes, provided that such
legislation would not increase the deficit over either the
period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the
period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

[[Page H8237]]

SEC. 3027. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO THE
PROVISION OF INCENTIVES FOR BUSINESSES TO
INVEST IN AMERICA AND CREATE JOBS IN AMERICA.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to
changes in federal tax laws, which may include international
tax provisions that provide or enhance incentives for
businesses to invest in America, generate American jobs,
retain American jobs, and return jobs to America, by the
amounts provided in such legislation for those purposes,
provided that such legislation would not increase the deficit
over either the period of the total of fiscal years 2018
through 2022 or the period of the total of fiscal years 2018
through 2027.

SEC. 3028. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO
ELIMINATING TAX BREAKS FOR COMPANIES THAT SHIP
JOBS TO FOREIGN COUNTRIES.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to
eliminating tax breaks for companies that outsource jobs to
foreign countries, by the amounts provided in such
legislation for those purposes, provided that such
legislation would not increase the deficit over either the
period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the
period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3029. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO PROVIDING
FULL, PERMANENT, AND MANDATORY FUNDING FOR THE
PAYMENT IN LIEU OF TAXES PROGRAM.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to
providing full, permanent, and mandatory funding for the
payment in lieu of taxes program by the amounts provided in
such legislation for those purposes, provided that such
legislation would not increase the deficit over either the
period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2022 or the
period of the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3030. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO TAX
REFORM WHICH MAINTAINS THE PROGRESSIVITY OF THE
TAX SYSTEM.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may revise the allocations of a committee or committees,
aggregates, and other appropriate levels in this resolution,
and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go ledger, for one or
more bills, joint resolutions, amendments, amendments between
the Houses, motions, or conference reports relating to
changes in Federal tax laws, which may include tax reform
proposals to ensure that the reformed tax code parallels the
existing tax code with respect to relative burdens and does
not shift the tax burden from high-income to lower- and
middle-income taxpayers, by the amounts provided in such
legislation for those purposes, provided that such
legislation would not increase the deficit over the period of
the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 3031. DEFICIT-NEUTRAL RESERVE FUND RELATING TO
SIGNIFICANTLY IMPROVING THE BUDGET PROCESS.

TITLE IV--BUDGET PROCESS

Subtitle A--Budget Enforcement

SEC. 4101. POINT OF ORDER AGAINST ADVANCE APPROPRIATIONS IN
THE SENATE.

(a) In General.--
(1) Point of order.--Except as provided in subsection (b),
it shall not be in order in the Senate to consider any bill,
joint resolution, motion, amendment, amendment between the
Houses, or conference report that would provide an advance
appropriation for a discretionary account.
(2) Definition.--In this section, the term ``advance
appropriation'' means any new budget authority provided in a
bill or joint resolution making appropriations for fiscal
year 2018 that first becomes available for any fiscal year
after 2018, or any new budget authority provided in a bill or
joint resolution making general appropriations or continuing
appropriations for fiscal year 2019, that first becomes
available for any fiscal year after 2019.
(b) Exceptions.--Advance appropriations may be provided--
(1) for fiscal years 2019 and 2020 for programs, projects,
activities, or accounts identified in the joint explanatory
statement of managers accompanying this concurrent resolution
under the heading ``Accounts Identified for Advance
Appropriations'' in an aggregate amount not to exceed
$28,852,000,000 in new budget authority in each fiscal year;
(2) for the Corporation for Public Broadcasting; and
(3) for the Department of Veterans Affairs for the Medical
Services, Medical Support and Compliance, Veterans Medical
Community Care, and Medical Facilities accounts of the
Veterans Health Administration.
(c) Supermajority Waiver and Appeal.--
(1) Waiver.--In the Senate, subsection (a) may be waived or
suspended only by an affirmative vote of three-fifths of the
Members, duly chosen and sworn.
(2) Appeal.--An affirmative vote of three-fifths of the
Members of the Senate, duly chosen and sworn, shall be
required to sustain an appeal of the ruling of the Chair on a
point of order raised under subsection (a).
(d) Form of Point of Order.--A point of order under
subsection (a) may be raised by a Senator as provided in
section 313(e) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2
U.S.C. 644(e)).
(e) Conference Reports.--When the Senate is considering a
conference report on, or an amendment between the Houses in
relation to, a bill or joint resolution, upon a point of
order being made by any Senator pursuant to this section, and
such point of order being sustained, such material contained
in such conference report or House amendment shall be
stricken, and the Senate shall proceed to consider the
question of whether the Senate shall recede from its
amendment and concur with a further amendment, or concur in
the House amendment with a further amendment, as the case may
be, which further amendment shall consist of only that
portion of the conference report or House amendment, as the
case may be, not so stricken. Any such motion in the Senate
shall be debatable. In any case in which such point of order
is sustained against a conference report (or Senate amendment
derived from such conference report by operation of this
subsection), no further amendment shall be in order.

SEC. 4102. POINT OF ORDER AGAINST CERTAIN CHANGES IN
MANDATORY PROGRAMS.

(a) Definition.--In this section, the term ``CHIMP'' means
a provision that--
(1) would have been estimated as affecting direct spending
or receipts under section 252 of the Balanced Budget and
Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 902) (as in
effect prior to September 30, 2002) if the provision was
included in legislation other than appropriation Acts; and
(2) results in a net decrease in budget authority in the
budget year, but does not result in a net decrease in outlays
over the period of the total of the current year, the budget
year, and all fiscal years covered under the most recently
adopted concurrent resolution on the budget.
(b) Point of Order in the Senate.--
(1) In general.--It shall not be in order in the Senate to
consider a bill or joint resolution making appropriations for
a full fiscal year, or an amendment thereto, amendment
between the Houses in relation thereto, conference report
thereon, or motion thereon, that includes a CHIMP that, if
enacted, would cause the absolute value of the total budget
authority of all such CHIMPs enacted in relation to a full
fiscal year to be more than the amount specified in paragraph
(2).
(2) Amount.--The amount specified in this paragraph is--
(A) for fiscal year 2018, $17,000,000,000;
(B) for fiscal year 2019, $15,000,000,000; and
(C) for fiscal year 2020, $15,000,000,000.
(c) Determination.--For purposes of this section, budgetary
levels shall be determined on the basis of estimates provided
by the Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate.
(d) Supermajority Waiver and Appeal in the Senate.--In the
Senate, subsection (b) may be waived or suspended only by an
affirmative vote of three-fifths of the Members, duly chosen
and sworn. An affirmative vote of three-fifths of the Members
of the Senate, duly chosen and sworn, shall be required to
sustain an appeal of the ruling of the Chair on a point of
order raised under subsection (b).
(e) Senate Point of Order Against Provisions of
Appropriations Legislation That Constitute Changes in
Mandatory Programs With Net Costs.--
(1) In general.--Section 3103 of S. Con. Res. 11 (114th
Congress), the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal
year 2016, is repealed.
(2) Applicability.--In the Senate, section 314 of S. Con.
Res. 70 (110th Congress), the concurrent resolution on the
budget for fiscal year 2009, shall be applied and
administered as if section 3103(e) of S. Con. Res. 11 (114th
Congress), the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal
year 2016, had not been enacted.

SEC. 4103. POINT OF ORDER AGAINST PROVISIONS THAT CONSTITUTE
CHANGES IN MANDATORY PROGRAMS AFFECTING THE
CRIME VICTIMS FUND.

(a) Definition.--In this section--
(1) the term ``CHIMP'' has the meaning given such term in
section 4102(a); and
(2) the term ``Crime Victims Fund'' means the Crime Victims
Fund established under section 1402 of the Victims of Crime
Act of 1984 (34 U.S.C. 20101).
(b) Point of Order in the Senate.--
(1) In general.--When the Senate is considering a bill or
joint resolution making full-year appropriations for fiscal
year 2018, or an amendment thereto, amendment between the
Houses in relation thereto, conference report thereon, or
motion thereon, if a point of order is made by a Senator
against a provision containing a CHIMP affecting the Crime
Victims Fund that, if enacted, would cause the absolute value
of the total budget authority of all CHIMPs affecting the
Crime Victims Fund in relation to fiscal year 2018 to be more
than $11,224,000,000, and the point of order is sustained by
the Chair, that provision shall be

[[Page H8238]]

stricken from the measure and may not be offered as an
amendment from the floor.
(2) Form of the point of order.--A point of order under
paragraph (1) may be raised by a Senator as provided in
section 313(e) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2
U.S.C. 644(e)).
(3) Conference reports.--When the Senate is considering a
conference report on, or an amendment between the Houses in
relation to, a bill or joint resolution, upon a point of
order being made by any Senator pursuant to paragraph (1),
and such point of order being sustained, such material
contained in such conference report or House amendment shall
be stricken, and the Senate shall proceed to consider the
question of whether the Senate shall recede from its
amendment and concur with a further amendment, or concur in
the House amendment with a further amendment, as the case may
be, which further amendment shall consist of only that
portion of the conference report or House amendment, as the
case may be, not so stricken. Any such motion in the Senate
shall be debatable. In any case in which such point of order
is sustained against a conference report (or Senate amendment
derived from such conference report by operation of this
subsection), no further amendment shall be in order.
(4) Supermajority waiver and appeal.--In the Senate, this
subsection may be waived or suspended only by an affirmative
vote of three-fifths of the Members, duly chosen and sworn.
An affirmative vote of three-fifths of Members of the Senate,
duly chosen and sworn shall be required to sustain an appeal
of the ruling of the Chair on a point of order raised under
this subsection.
(5) Determination.--For purposes of this subsection,
budgetary levels shall be determined on the basis of
estimates provided by the Chairman of the Committee on the
Budget of the Senate.
(c) Review of Procedures Regarding Chimps.--The Committee
on the Budget and the Committee on Appropriations of the
Senate shall review existing budget enforcement procedures
regarding CHIMPs included in appropriations legislation.
These committees of jurisdiction should consult with other
relevant committees of jurisdiction and other interested
parties to review such procedures, including for Crime
Victims Fund spending, and include any agreed upon
recommendations in subsequent concurrent resolutions on the
budget.

SEC. 4104. POINT OF ORDER AGAINST DESIGNATION OF FUNDS FOR
OVERSEAS CONTINGENCY OPERATIONS.

(a) Point of Order.--When the Senate is considering a bill,
joint resolution, motion, amendment, amendment between the
Houses, or conference report, if a point of order is made by
a Senator against a provision that designates funds for
fiscal year 2018 for overseas contingency operations, in
accordance with section 251(b)(2)(A) of the Balanced Budget
and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C.
901(b)(2)(A)), and the point of order is sustained by the
Chair, that provision shall be stricken from the measure and
may not be offered as an amendment from the floor.
(b) Form of the Point of Order.--A point of order under
subsection (a) may be raised by a Senator as provided in
section 313(e) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2
U.S.C. 644(e)).
(c) Conference Reports.--When the Senate is considering a
conference report on, or an amendment between the Houses in
relation to, a bill or joint resolution, upon a point of
order being made by any Senator pursuant to subsection (a),
and such point of order being sustained, such material
contained in such conference report or House amendment shall
be stricken, and the Senate shall proceed to consider the
question of whether the Senate shall recede from its
amendment and concur with a further amendment, or concur in
the House amendment with a further amendment, as the case may
be, which further amendment shall consist of only that
portion of the conference report or House amendment, as the
case may be, not so stricken. Any such motion in the Senate
shall be debatable. In any case in which such point of order
is sustained against a conference report (or Senate amendment
derived from such conference report by operation of this
subsection), no further amendment shall be in order.
(d) Supermajority Waiver and Appeal.--In the Senate, this
section may be waived or suspended only by an affirmative
vote of three-fifths of the Members, duly chose and sworn. An
affirmative vote of three-fifths of Members of the Senate,
duly chosen and sworn shall be required to sustain an appeal
of the ruling of the Chair on a point of order raised under
this section.
(e) Suspension of Point of Order.--This section shall not
apply if a declaration of war by Congress is in effect.

SEC. 4105. POINT OF ORDER AGAINST RECONCILIATION AMENDMENTS
WITH UNKNOWN BUDGETARY EFFECTS.

(a) In General.--In the Senate, it shall not be in order to
consider an amendment to or motion on a bill or joint
resolution considered pursuant to section 2001 if the
Chairman of the Committee on the Budget submits a written
statement for the Congressional Record indicating that the
Chairman, after consultation with the Ranking Member of the
Committee on the Budget, is unable to determine the effect
the amendment or motion would have on budget authority,
outlays, direct spending, entitlement authority, revenues,
deficits, or surpluses.
(b) Supermajority Waiver and Appeal in the Senate.--In the
Senate, subsection (a) may be waived or suspended only by an
affirmative vote of three-fifths of the Members, duly chosen
and sworn. An affirmative vote of three-fifths of the Members
of the Senate, duly chosen and sworn, shall be required to
sustain an appeal of the ruling of the Chair on a point of
order raised under subsection (a).

SEC. 4106. PAY-AS-YOU-GO POINT OF ORDER IN THE SENATE.

(a) Point of Order.--
(1) In general.--It shall not be in order in the Senate to
consider any direct spending or revenue legislation that
would increase the on-budget deficit or cause an on-budget
deficit for any of the applicable time periods as measured in
paragraphs (5) and (6).
(2) Applicable time periods.--For purposes of this
subsection, the term ``applicable time period'' means any
of--
(A) the period of the current fiscal year;
(B) the period of the budget year;
(C) the period of the current fiscal year, the budget year,
and the ensuing 4 fiscal years following the budget year; or
(D) the period of the current fiscal year, the budget year,
and the ensuing 9 fiscal years following the budget year.
(3) Direct spending legislation.--For purposes of this
subsection and except as provided in paragraph (4), the term
``direct spending legislation'' means any bill, joint
resolution, amendment, motion, or conference report that
affects direct spending as that term is defined by, and
interpreted for purposes of, the Balanced Budget and
Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 900 et seq.).
(4) Exclusion.--For purposes of this subsection, the terms
``direct spending legislation'' and ``revenue legislation''
do not include--
(A) any concurrent resolution on the budget; or
(B) any provision of legislation that affects the full
funding of, and continuation of, the deposit insurance
guarantee commitment in effect on November 5, 1990.
(5) Baseline.--Estimates prepared pursuant to this
subsection shall--
(A) use the baseline surplus or deficit used for the most
recently adopted concurrent resolution on the budget; and
(B) be calculated under the requirements of subsections (b)
through (d) of section 257 of the Balanced Budget and
Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (as in effect prior to
September 30, 2002) for fiscal years beyond those covered by
that concurrent resolution on the budget.
(6) Prior surplus.--If direct spending or revenue
legislation increases the on-budget deficit or causes an on-
budget deficit when taken individually, it must also increase
the on-budget deficit or cause an on-budget deficit when
taken together with all direct spending and revenue
legislation enacted since the beginning of the calendar year
not accounted for in the baseline under paragraph (5)(A),
except that direct spending or revenue effects resulting in
net deficit reduction enacted in any bill pursuant to a
reconciliation instruction since the beginning of that same
calendar year shall never be made available on the pay-as-
you-go ledger and shall be dedicated only for deficit
reduction.
(b) Supermajority Waiver and Appeals.--
(1) Waiver.--This section may be waived or suspended in the
Senate only by the affirmative vote of three-fifths of the
Members, duly chosen and sworn.
(2) Appeals.--Appeals in the Senate from the decisions of
the Chair relating to any provision of this section shall be
limited to 1 hour, to be equally divided between, and
controlled by, the appellant and the manager of the bill or
joint resolution, as the case may be. An affirmative vote of
three-fifths of the Members of the Senate, duly chosen and
sworn, shall be required to sustain an appeal of the ruling
of the Chair on a point of order raised under this section.
(c) Determination of Budget Levels.--For purposes of this
section, the levels of new budget authority, outlays, and
revenues for a fiscal year shall be determined on the basis
of estimates made by the Senate Committee on the Budget.
(d) Repeal.--In the Senate, section 201 of S. Con. Res. 21
(110th Congress), the concurrent resolution on the budget for
fiscal year 2008, shall no longer apply.

SEC. 4107. HONEST ACCOUNTING: COST ESTIMATES FOR MAJOR
LEGISLATION TO INCORPORATE MACROECONOMIC
EFFECTS.

(a) CBO and JCT Estimates.--During the 115th Congress, any
estimate provided by the Congressional Budget Office under
section 402 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C.
653) or by the Joint Committee on Taxation to the
Congressional Budget Office under section 201(f) of such Act
(2 U.S.C. 601(f)) for major legislation considered in the
Senate shall, to the greatest extent practicable, incorporate
the budgetary effects of changes in economic output,
employment, capital stock, and other macroeconomic variables
resulting from such major legislation.
(b) Contents.--Any estimate referred to in subsection (a)
shall, to the extent practicable, include--
(1) a qualitative assessment of the budgetary effects
(including macroeconomic variables described in subsection
(a)) of the major legislation in the 20-fiscal year period
beginning after the last fiscal year of the most recently
agreed to concurrent resolution on the budget that sets forth
budgetary levels required under section 301 of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 632); and
(2) an identification of the critical assumptions and the
source of data underlying that estimate.
(c) Distributional Effects.--Any estimate referred to in
subsection (a) shall, to the extent practicable, include the
distributional effects across income categories resulting
from major legislation.
(d) Definitions.--In this section:

[[Page H8239]]

(1) Major legislation.--The term ``major legislation''
means a bill, joint resolution, conference report, amendment,
amendment between the Houses, or treaty considered in the
Senate--
(A) for which an estimate is required to be prepared
pursuant to section 402 of the Congressional Budget Act of
1974 (2 U.S.C. 653) and that causes a gross budgetary effect
(before incorporating macroeconomic effects and not including
timing shifts) in a fiscal year in the period of years of the
most recently agreed to concurrent resolution on the budget
equal to or greater than--
(i) 0.25 percent of the current projected gross domestic
product of the United States for that fiscal year; or
(ii) for a treaty, equal to or greater than $15,000,000,000
for that fiscal year; or
(B) designated as such by--
(i) the Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the
Senate for all direct spending and revenue legislation; or
(ii) the Senator who is Chairman or Vice Chairman of the
Joint Committee on Taxation for revenue legislation.
(2) Budgetary effects.--The term ``budgetary effects''
means changes in revenues, direct spending outlays, and
deficits.
(3) Timing shifts.--The term ``timing shifts'' means--
(A) provisions that cause a delay of the date on which
outlays flowing from direct spending would otherwise occur
from one fiscal year to the next fiscal year; or
(B) provisions that cause an acceleration of the date on
which revenues would otherwise occur from one fiscal year to
the prior fiscal year.

SEC. 4108. ADJUSTMENT AUTHORITY FOR AMENDMENTS TO STATUTORY
CAPS.

During the 115th Congress, if a measure becomes law that
amends the discretionary spending limits established under
section 251(c) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit
Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 901(c)), such as a measure
increasing the limit for the revised security category for
fiscal year 2018 to be $640,000,000,000, the Chairman of the
Committee on the Budget of the Senate may adjust the
allocation called for under section 302(a) of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633(a)) to the
appropriate committee or committees of the Senate, and may
adjust all other budgetary aggregates, allocations, levels,
and limits contained in this resolution, as necessary,
consistent with such measure.

SEC. 4109. ADJUSTMENT FOR WILDFIRE SUPPRESSION FUNDING IN THE
SENATE.

During the 115th Congress, if a measure becomes law that
amends the adjustments to discretionary spending limits
established under section 251(b) of the Balanced Budget and
Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 901(b)) to
provide for wildfire suppression funding, which may include
criteria for making such an adjustment, the Chairman of the
Committee on the Budget of the Senate may adjust the
allocation called for in section 302(a) of the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633(a)) to the appropriate
committee or committees of the Senate, and may adjust all
other budgetary aggregates, allocations, levels, and limits
contained in this concurrent resolution, as necessary,
consistent with such measure.

SEC. 4110. ADJUSTMENT FOR IMPROVED OVERSIGHT OF SPENDING.

(a) Adjustments of Direct Spending Levels.--If a measure
becomes law that decreases direct spending (budget authority
and outlays flowing therefrom) for any fiscal year and
provides for an authorization of appropriations for the same
purpose, the Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the
Senate may decrease the allocation to the committee of the
Senate with jurisdiction of the direct spending by an amount
equal to the amount of the decrease in direct spending and
may revise the aggregates and other appropriate levels in
this resolution and make adjustments to the pay-as-you-go
ledger in the amounts necessary to accommodate the decrease
in direct spending.
(b) Determinations.--For purposes of this section, the
levels of budget authority and outlays shall be determined on
the basis of estimates submitted by the Chairman of the
Committee on the Budget of the Senate.

SEC. 4111. REPEAL OF CERTAIN LIMITATIONS.

Sections 3205 and 3206 of S. Con. Res. 11 (114th Congress),
the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2016,
are repealed.

SEC. 4112. EMERGENCY LEGISLATION.

(a) Authority To Designate.--In the Senate, with respect to
a provision of direct spending or receipts legislation or
appropriations for discretionary accounts that Congress
designates as an emergency requirement in such measure, the
amounts of new budget authority, outlays, and receipts in all
fiscal years resulting from that provision shall be treated
as an emergency requirement for the purpose of this section.
(b) Exemption of Emergency Provisions.--Any new budget
authority, outlays, and receipts resulting from any provision
designated as an emergency requirement, pursuant to this
section, in any bill, joint resolution, amendment, amendment
between the Houses, or conference report shall not count for
purposes of sections 302 and 311 of the Congressional Budget
Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633 and 642), section 4106 of this
resolution, section 3101 of S. Con. Res. 11 (114th Congress),
the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2016,
and sections 401 and 404 of S. Con. Res. 13 (111th Congress),
the concurrent resolution on the budget for fiscal year 2010.
Designated emergency provisions shall not count for the
purpose of revising allocations, aggregates, or other levels
pursuant to procedures established under section 301(b)(7) of
the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 632(b)(7)) for
deficit-neutral reserve funds and revising discretionary
spending limits set pursuant to section 301 of S. Con. Res.
13 (111th Congress), the concurrent resolution on the budget
for fiscal year 2010.
(c) Designations.--If a provision of legislation is
designated as an emergency requirement under this section,
the committee report and any statement of managers
accompanying that legislation shall include an explanation of
the manner in which the provision meets the criteria in
subsection (f).
(d) Definitions.--In this section, the terms ``direct
spending'', ``receipts'', and ``appropriations for
discretionary accounts'' mean any provision of a bill, joint
resolution, amendment, motion, amendment between the Houses,
or conference report that affects direct spending, receipts,
or appropriations as those terms have been defined and
interpreted for purposes of the Balanced Budget and Emergency
Deficit Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 900 et seq.).
(e) Point of Order.--
(1) In general.--When the Senate is considering a bill,
resolution, amendment, motion, amendment between the Houses,
or conference report, if a point of order is made by a
Senator against an emergency designation in that measure,
that provision making such a designation shall be stricken
from the measure and may not be offered as an amendment from
the floor.
(2) Supermajority waiver and appeals.--
(A) Waiver.--Paragraph (1) may be waived or suspended in
the Senate only by an affirmative vote of three-fifths of the
Members, duly chosen and sworn.
(B) Appeals.--Appeals in the Senate from the decisions of
the Chair relating to any provision of this subsection shall
be limited to 1 hour, to be equally divided between, and
controlled by, the appellant and the manager of the bill or
joint resolution, as the case may be. An affirmative vote of
three-fifths of the Members of the Senate, duly chosen and
sworn, shall be required to sustain an appeal of the ruling
of the Chair on a point of order raised under this
subsection.
(3) Definition of an emergency designation.--For purposes
of paragraph (1), a provision shall be considered an
emergency designation if it designates any item as an
emergency requirement pursuant to this subsection.
(4) Form of the point of order.--A point of order under
paragraph (1) may be raised by a Senator as provided in
section 313(e) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2
U.S.C. 644(e)).
(5) Conference reports.--When the Senate is considering a
conference report on, or an amendment between the Houses in
relation to, a bill, upon a point of order being made by any
Senator pursuant to this section, and such point of order
being sustained, such material contained in such conference
report shall be stricken, and the Senate shall proceed to
consider the question of whether the Senate shall recede from
its amendment and concur with a further amendment, or concur
in the House amendment with a further amendment, as the case
may be, which further amendment shall consist of only that
portion of the conference report or House amendment, as the
case may be, not so stricken. Any such motion in the Senate
shall be debatable. In any case in which such point of order
is sustained against a conference report (or Senate amendment
derived from such conference report by operation of this
subsection), no further amendment shall be in order.
(f) Criteria.--
(1) In general.--For purposes of this section, any
provision is an emergency requirement if the situation
addressed by such provision is--
(A) necessary, essential, or vital (not merely useful or
beneficial);
(B) sudden, quickly coming into being, and not building up
over time;
(C) an urgent, pressing, and compelling need requiring
immediate action;
(D) subject to paragraph (2), unforeseen, unpredictable,
and unanticipated; and
(E) not permanent, temporary in nature.
(2) Unforeseen.--An emergency that is part of an aggregate
level of anticipated emergencies, particularly when normally
estimated in advance, is not unforeseen.
(g) Inapplicability.--In the Senate, section 403 of S. Con.
Res. 13 (111th Congress), the concurrent resolution on the
budget for fiscal year 2010, shall no longer apply.

SEC. 4113. ENFORCEMENT FILING IN THE SENATE.

If this concurrent resolution on the budget is agreed to by
the Senate and House of Representatives without the
appointment of a committee of conference on the disagreeing
votes of the two Houses, the Chairman of the Committee on the
Budget of the Senate may submit a statement for publication
in the Congressional Record containing--
(1) for the Committee on Appropriations, committee
allocations for fiscal year 2018 consistent with the levels
in title I for the purpose of enforcing section 302 of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633);
(2) for all committees other than the Committee on
Appropriations, committee allocations for fiscal years 2018,
2018 through 2022, and 2018 through 2027 consistent with the
levels in title I for the purpose of enforcing section 302 of
the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633); and
(3) a list of programs, projects, activities, or accounts
identified for advanced appropriations that would have been
identified in the joint explanatory statement of managers
accompanying this concurrent resolution.

Subtitle B--Other Provisions

SEC. 4201. OVERSIGHT OF GOVERNMENT PERFORMANCE.

In the Senate, all committees are directed to review
programs and tax expenditures within their jurisdiction to
identify waste, fraud, abuse or duplication, and increase the
use of performance data to inform committee work. Committees

[[Page H8240]]

are also directed to review the matters for congressional
consideration identified in the Office of Inspector General
semiannual reports and the Office of Inspector General's list
of unimplemented recommendations and on the Government
Accountability Office's High Risk list and the annual report
to reduce program duplication. Based on these oversight
efforts and performance reviews of programs within their
jurisdiction, committees are directed to include
recommendations for improved governmental performance in
their annual views and estimates reports required under
section 301(d) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2
U.S.C. 632(d)) to the Committees on the Budget.

SEC. 4202. BUDGETARY TREATMENT OF CERTAIN DISCRETIONARY
ADMINISTRATIVE EXPENSES.

(a) In General.--In the Senate, notwithstanding section
302(a)(1) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C.
633(a)(1)), section 13301 of the Budget Enforcement Act of
1990 (2 U.S.C. 632 note), and section 2009a of title 39,
United States Code, the joint explanatory statement
accompanying the conference report on any concurrent
resolution on the budget shall include in its allocations
under section 302(a) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974
(2 U.S.C. 633(a)) to the Committees on Appropriations amounts
for the discretionary administrative expenses of the Social
Security Administration and of the Postal Service.
(b) Special Rule.--In the Senate, for purposes of enforcing
sections 302(f) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2
U.S.C. 633(f)), estimates of the level of total new budget
authority and total outlays provided by a measure shall
include any discretionary amounts described in subsection
(a).

SEC. 4203. APPLICATION AND EFFECT OF CHANGES IN ALLOCATIONS
AND AGGREGATES.

(a) Application.--Any adjustments of allocations and
aggregates made pursuant to this resolution shall--
(1) apply while that measure is under consideration;
(2) take effect upon the enactment of that measure; and
(3) be published in the Congressional Record as soon as
practicable.
(b) Effect of Changed Allocations and Aggregates.--Revised
allocations and aggregates resulting from these adjustments
shall be considered for the purposes of the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 621 et seq.) as allocations and
aggregates contained in this resolution.
(c) Budget Committee Determinations.--For purposes of this
resolution the levels of new budget authority, outlays,
direct spending, new entitlement authority, revenues,
deficits, and surpluses for a fiscal year or period of fiscal
years shall be determined on the basis of estimates made by
the Committee on the Budget of the Senate.

SEC. 4204. ADJUSTMENTS TO REFLECT CHANGES IN CONCEPTS AND
DEFINITIONS.

Upon the enactment of a bill or joint resolution providing
for a change in concepts or definitions, the Chairman of the
Committee on the Budget of the Senate may make adjustments to
the levels and allocations in this resolution in accordance
with section 251(b) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency
Deficit Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 901(b)).

SEC. 4205. ADJUSTMENTS TO REFLECT LEGISLATION NOT INCLUDED IN
THE BASELINE.

The Chairman of the Committee on the Budget of the Senate
may make adjustments to the levels and allocations in this
resolution to reflect legislation enacted before the date on
which this resolution is agreed to by Congress that is not
incorporated in the baseline underlying the Congressional
Budget Office's June 2017 update to the Budget and Economic
Outlook: 2017 to 2027.

SEC. 4206. EXERCISE OF RULEMAKING POWERS.

Congress adopts the provisions of this title--
(1) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the Senate,
and as such they shall be considered as part of the rules of
the Senate and such rules shall supersede other rules only to
the extent that they are inconsistent with such other rules;
and
(2) with full recognition of the constitutional right of
the Senate to change those rules at any time, in the same
manner, and to the same extent as is the case of any other
rule of the Senate.

TITLE V--BUDGET PROCESS IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Subtitle A--Budget Enforcement

SEC. 5101. POINT OF ORDER AGAINST INCREASING LONG-TERM DIRECT
SPENDING.

(a) Point of Order.--It shall not be in order in the House
of Representatives to consider any bill or joint resolution,
or amendment thereto or conference report thereon, that would
cause a net increase in direct spending in excess of
$2,500,000,000 in any of the 4 consecutive 10-fiscal year
periods described in subsection (b).
(b) Congressional Budget Office Analysis of Proposals.--The
Director of the Congressional Budget Office shall, to the
extent practicable, prepare an estimate of whether a bill or
joint resolution reported by a committee (other than the
Committee on Appropriations), or amendment thereto or
conference report thereon, would cause, relative to current
law, a net increase in direct spending in the House of
Representatives, in excess of $2,500,000,000 in any of the 4
consecutive 10-fiscal year periods beginning after the last
fiscal year of this concurrent resolution.
(c) Limitation.--In the House of Representatives, the
provisions of this section shall not apply to any bills or
joint resolutions, or amendments thereto or conference
reports thereon, for which the chair of the Committee on the
Budget has made adjustments to the allocations, aggregates,
or other budgetary levels in this concurrent resolution.
(d) Determinations of Budget Levels.--For purposes of this
section, the levels of net increases in direct spending shall
be determined on the basis of estimates provided by the chair
of the Committee on the Budget of the House of
Representatives.
(e) Sunset.--This section shall have no force or effect
after September 30, 2018.

SEC. 5102. ALLOCATION FOR OVERSEAS CONTINGENCY OPERATIONS/
GLOBAL WAR ON TERRORISM.

(a) Separate Allocation for Overseas Contingency
Operations/Global War on Terrorism.--In the House of
Representatives, there shall be a separate allocation of new
budget authority and outlays provided to the Committee on
Appropriations for the purposes of Overseas Contingency
Operations/Global War on Terrorism, which shall be deemed to
be an allocation under section 302(a) of the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974. Section 302(a)(3) of such Act shall not
apply to such separate allocation.
(b) Section 302 Allocations.--The separate allocation
referred to in subsection (a) shall be the exclusive
allocation for Overseas Contingency Operations/Global War on
Terrorism under section 302(b) of the Congressional Budget
Act of 1974. The Committee on Appropriations of the House of
Representatives may provide suballocations of such separate
allocation under such section 302(b).
(c) Application.--For purposes of enforcing the separate
allocation referred to in subsection (a) under section 302(f)
of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, the ``first fiscal
year'' and the ``total of fiscal years'' shall be deemed to
refer to fiscal year 2018. Section 302(c) of such Act shall
not apply to such separate allocation.
(d) Designations.--New budget authority or outlays shall
only be counted toward the allocation referred to in
subsection (a) if designated pursuant to section
251(b)(2)(A)(ii) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit
Control Act of 1985.
(e) Adjustments.--For purposes of subsection (a) for fiscal
year 2018, no adjustment shall be made under section 314(a)
of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 if any adjustment
would be made under section 251(b)(2)(A)(ii) of the Balanced
Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

SEC. 5103. LIMITATION ON CHANGES IN CERTAIN MANDATORY
PROGRAMS.

(a) Definition.--In this section, the term ``change in
mandatory programs'' means a provision that--
(1) would have been estimated as affecting direct spending
or receipts under section 252 of the Balanced Budget and
Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985 (as in effect prior to
September 30, 2002) if the provision were included in
legislation other than appropriation Acts; and
(2) results in a net decrease in budget authority in the
budget year, but does not result in a net decrease in outlays
over the total of the current year, the budget year, and all
fiscal years covered under the most recently agreed to
concurrent resolution on the budget.
(b) Point of Order in the House of Representatives.--
(1) In general.--A provision in a bill or joint resolution
making appropriations for a full fiscal year that proposes a
change in mandatory programs that, if enacted, would cause
the absolute value of the total budget authority of all such
changes in mandatory programs enacted in relation to a full
fiscal year to be more than the amount specified in paragraph
(3), shall not be in order in the House of Representatives.
(2) Amendments and conference reports.--It shall not be in
order in the House of Representatives to consider an
amendment to, or a conference report on, a bill or joint
resolution making appropriations for a full fiscal year if
such amendment thereto or conference report thereon proposes
a change in mandatory programs that, if enacted, would cause
the absolute value of the total budget authority of all such
changes in mandatory programs enacted in relation to a full
fiscal year to be more than the amount specified in paragraph
(3).
(3) Amount.--The amount specified in this paragraph is--
(A) for fiscal year 2018, $19,100,000,000;
(B) for fiscal year 2019, $17,000,000,000; and
(C) for fiscal year 2020, $15,000,000,000.
(c) Determination.--For purposes of this section, budgetary
levels shall be determined on the basis of estimates provided
by the chair of the Committee on the Budget of the House of
Representatives.

SEC. 5104. LIMITATION ON ADVANCE APPROPRIATIONS.

(a) In General.--In the House of Representatives, except as
provided for in subsection (b), any general appropriation
bill or bill or joint resolution continuing appropriations,
or amendment thereto or conference report thereon, may not
provide advance appropriations.
(b) Exceptions.--An advance appropriation may be provided
for programs, projects, activities, or accounts identified in
the report or the joint explanatory statement of managers, as
applicable, accompanying this concurrent resolution under the
following headings:
(1) General.--``Accounts Identified for Advance
Appropriations''.
(2) Veterans.--``Veterans Accounts Identified for Advance
Appropriations''.
(c) Limitations.--The aggregate level of advance
appropriations shall not exceed the following:
(1) General.--$28,852,000,000 in new budget authority for
all programs identified pursuant to subsection (b)(1).
(2) Veterans.--$70,699,313,000 in new budget authority for
programs in the Department of Veterans Affairs identified
pursuant to subsection (b)(2).

[[Page H8241]]

(d) Definition.--In this section, the term ``advance
appropriation'' means any new discretionary budget authority
provided in a general appropriation bill or joint resolution
continuing appropriations for fiscal year 2018, or any
amendment thereto or conference report thereon, that first
becomes available for the first fiscal year following fiscal
year 2018.

SEC. 5105. ESTIMATES OF DEBT SERVICE COSTS.

In the House of Representatives, the chair of the Committee
on the Budget may direct the Congressional Budget Office to
include, in any estimate prepared under section 402 of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974 with respect to any bill or
joint resolution, an estimate of any change in debt service
costs resulting from carrying out such bill or resolution.
Any estimate of debt service costs provided under this
section shall be advisory and shall not be used for purposes
of enforcement of such Act, the Rules of the House of
Representatives, or this concurrent resolution. This section
shall not apply to authorizations of programs funded by
discretionary spending or to appropriation bills or joint
resolutions, but shall apply to changes in the authorization
level of appropriated entitlements.

SEC. 5106. FAIR-VALUE CREDIT ESTIMATES.

(a) All Credit Programs.--Whenever the Director of the
Congressional Budget Office provides an estimate of any
measure that establishes or modifies any program providing
loans or loan guarantees, the Director shall also, to the
extent practicable, provide a fair-value estimate of such
loan or loan guarantee program if requested by the chair of
the Committee on the Budget of the House of Representatives.
(b) Student Financial Assistance and Housing Programs.--The
Director of the Congressional Budget Office shall provide, to
the extent practicable, a fair-value estimate as part of any
estimate for any measure that establishes or modifies a loan
or loan guarantee program for student financial assistance or
housing (including residential mortgage).
(c) Baseline Estimates.--The Congressional Budget Office
shall include estimates, on a fair-value and credit reform
basis, of loan and loan guarantee programs for student
financial assistance, housing (including residential
mortgage), and such other major loan and loan guarantee
programs, as practicable, in its The Budget and Economic
Outlook: 2018 to 2027.
(d) Enforcement in the House of Representatives.--If the
Director of the Congressional Budget Office provides an
estimate pursuant to subsection (a) or (b), the chair of the
Committee on the Budget of the House of Representatives may
use such estimate to determine compliance with the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974 and other budget enforcement
requirements.

SEC. 5107. ESTIMATES OF MACROECONOMIC EFFECTS OF MAJOR
LEGISLATION.

(a) CBO and JCT Estimates.--During the 115th Congress, any
estimate of major legislation considered in the House of
Representatives provided by the Congressional Budget Office
under section 402 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 or
by the Joint Committee on Taxation to the Congressional
Budget Office under section 201(f) of such Act shall, to the
extent practicable, incorporate the budgetary effects of
changes in economic output, employment, capital stock, and
other macroeconomic variables resulting from such major
legislation.
(b) Contents.--Any estimate referred to in subsection (a)
shall, to the extent practicable, include--
(1) a qualitative assessment of the budgetary effects
(including macroeconomic variables described in subsection
(a)) of the major legislation in the 20-fiscal year period
beginning after the last fiscal year of the most recently
agreed to concurrent resolution on the budget that sets forth
budgetary levels required under section 301 of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974; and
(2) an identification of the critical assumptions and the
source of data underlying that estimate.
(c) Definitions.--In this section:
(1) Major legislation.--The term ``major legislation''
means a bill or joint resolution, or amendment thereto or
conference report thereon--
(A) for which an estimate is required to be prepared
pursuant to section 402 of the Congressional Budget Act of
1974 (2 U.S.C. 653) and that causes a gross budgetary effect
(before incorporating macroeconomic effects and not including
timing shifts) in a fiscal year in the period of years of the
most recently agreed to concurrent resolution on the budget
equal to or greater than 0.25 percent of the current
projected gross domestic product of the United States for
that fiscal year; or
(B) designated as such by--
(i) the chair of the Committee on the Budget of the House
of Representatives for all direct spending legislation; or
(ii) the Member who is Chairman or Vice Chairman of the
Joint Committee on Taxation for revenue legislation.
(2) Budgetary effects.--The term ``budgetary effects''
means changes in revenues, direct spending outlays, and
deficits.
(3) Timing shifts.--The term ``timing shifts'' means--
(A) provisions that cause a delay of the date on which
outlays flowing from direct spending would otherwise occur
from one fiscal year to the next fiscal year; or
(B) provisions that cause an acceleration of the date on
which revenues would otherwise occur from one fiscal year to
the prior fiscal year.

SEC. 5108. ADJUSTMENTS FOR IMPROVED CONTROL OF BUDGETARY
RESOURCES.

(a) Adjustments of Discretionary and Direct Spending
Levels.--In the House of Representatives, if a committee
(other than the Committee on Appropriations) reports a bill
or joint resolution, or an amendment thereto is offered or
conference report thereon is submitted, providing for a
decrease in direct spending (budget authority and outlays
flowing therefrom) for any fiscal year and also provides for
an authorization of appropriations for the same purpose, upon
the enactment of such measure, the chair of the Committee on
the Budget may decrease the allocation to the applicable
authorizing committee that reports such measure and increase
the allocation of discretionary spending (budget authority
and outlays flowing therefrom) to the Committee on
Appropriations for fiscal year 2018 by an amount equal to the
new budget authority (and outlays flowing therefrom) provided
for in a bill or joint resolution making appropriations for
the same purpose.
(b) Determinations.--In the House of Representatives, for
purposes of enforcing this concurrent resolution, the
allocations and aggregate levels of new budget authority,
outlays, direct spending, revenues, deficits, and surpluses
for fiscal year 2018 and the total of fiscal years 2018
through 2027 shall be determined on the basis of estimates
made by the chair of the Committee on the Budget and such
chair may adjust the applicable levels in this concurrent
resolution.

SEC. 5109. SCORING RULE FOR ENERGY SAVINGS PERFORMANCE
CONTRACTS.

(a) In General.--The Director of the Congressional Budget
Office shall estimate provisions of any bill or joint
resolution, or amendment thereto or conference report
thereon, that provides the authority to enter into or modify
any covered energy savings contract on a net present value
basis (NPV).
(b) NPV Calculations.--The net present value of any covered
energy savings contract shall be calculated as follows:
(1) The discount rate shall reflect market risk.
(2) The cash flows shall include, whether classified as
mandatory or discretionary, payments to contractors under the
terms of their contracts, payments to contractors for other
services, and direct savings in energy and energy-related
costs.
(3) The stream of payments shall cover the period covered
by the contracts but not to exceed 25 years.
(c) Definition.--As used in this section, the term
``covered energy savings contract'' means--
(1) an energy savings performance contract authorized under
section 801 of the National Energy Conservation Policy Act;
or
(2) a utility energy service contract, as described in the
Office of Management and Budget Memorandum on Federal Use of
Energy Savings Performance Contracting, dated July 25, 1998
(M-98-13), and the Office of Management and Budget Memorandum
on the Federal Use of Energy Saving Performance Contracts and
Utility Energy Service Contracts, dated September 28, 2015
(M-12-21), or any successor to either memorandum.
(d) Enforcement in the House of Representatives.--In the
House of Representatives, if any net present value of any
covered energy savings contract calculated under subsection
(b) results in a net savings, then the budgetary effects of
such contract shall not be counted for purposes of titles III
and IV of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, this
concurrent resolution, or clause 10 of rule XXI of the Rules
of the House of Representatives.
(e) Classification of Spending.--For purposes of budget
enforcement, the estimated net present value of the budget
authority provided by the measure, and outlays flowing
therefrom, shall be classified as direct spending.
(f) Sense of the House of Representatives.--It is the sense
of the House of Representatives that--
(1) the Director of the Office of Management and Budget, in
consultation with the Director of the Congressional Budget
Office, should separately identify the cash flows under
subsection (b)(2) and include such information in the
President's annual budget submission under section 1105(a) of
title 31, United States Code; and
(2) the scoring method used in this section should not be
used to score any contracts other than covered energy savings
contracts.

SEC. 5110. LIMITATION ON TRANSFERS FROM THE GENERAL FUND OF
THE TREASURY TO THE HIGHWAY TRUST FUND.

In the House of Representatives, for purposes of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974, the Balanced Budget and
Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985, and the rules or
orders of the House of Representatives, a bill or joint
resolution, or an amendment thereto or conference report
thereon, that transfers funds from the general fund of the
Treasury to the Highway Trust Fund shall be counted as new
budget authority and outlays equal to the amount of the
transfer in the fiscal year the transfer occurs.

SEC. 5111. PROHIBITION ON USE OF FEDERAL RESERVE SURPLUSES AS
AN OFFSET.

In the House of Representatives, any provision of a bill or
joint resolution, or amendment thereto or conference report
thereon, that transfers any portion of the net surplus of the
Federal Reserve System to the general fund of the Treasury
shall not be counted for purposes of enforcing the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974, this concurrent resolution,
or clause 10 of rule XXI of the Rules of the House of
Representatives.

SEC. 5112. PROHIBITION ON USE OF GUARANTEE FEES AS AN OFFSET.

In the House of Representatives, any provision of a bill or
joint resolution, or amendment thereto or conference report
thereon, that increases, or extends the increase of, any
guarantee fees of the Federal National Mortgage Association
(Fannie Mae) or the Federal Home Loan Mortgage Corporation
(Freddie Mac) shall not be counted for purposes of enforcing
the Congressional Budget Act of 1974, this concurrent
resolution, or clause 10 of rule XXI of the Rules of the
House of Representatives.

[[Page H8242]]

SEC. 5113. MODIFICATION OF RECONCILIATION IN THE HOUSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES.

(a) In General.--Section 2002 shall have no force or
effect.
(b) Reconciliation in the House of Representatives.--Not
later than November 13, 2017, the Committee on Ways and Means
of the House of Representatives shall report to the House of
Representatives changes in laws within its jurisdiction that
increase the deficit by not more than $1,500,000,000,000 for
the period of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

Subtitle B--Other Provisions

SEC. 5201. BUDGETARY TREATMENT OF ADMINISTRATIVE EXPENSES.

(a) In General.--In the House of Representatives,
notwithstanding section 302(a)(1) of the Congressional Budget
Act of 1974, section 13301 of the Budget Enforcement Act of
1990, and section 2009a of title 39, United States Code, the
report or the joint explanatory statement, as applicable,
accompanying this concurrent resolution shall include in its
allocation to the Committee on Appropriations under section
302(a) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 amounts for
the discretionary administrative expenses of the Social
Security Administration and the United States Postal Service.
(b) Special Rule.--In the House of Representatives, for
purposes of enforcing section 302(f) of the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974, estimates of the levels of total new
budget authority and total outlays provided by a measure
shall include any discretionary amounts described in
subsection (a).

SEC. 5202. APPLICATION AND EFFECT OF CHANGES IN ALLOCATIONS
AND AGGREGATES.

(a) Application.--In the House of Representatives, any
adjustments of the allocations, aggregates, and other
budgetary levels made pursuant to this concurrent resolution
shall--
(1) apply while that measure is under consideration;
(2) take effect upon the enactment of that measure; and
(3) be published in the Congressional Record as soon as
practicable.
(b) Effect of Changed Allocations and Aggregates.--Revised
allocations and aggregates resulting from these adjustments
shall be considered for the purposes of the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974 as the allocations and aggregates
contained in this concurrent resolution.
(c) Budget Committee Determinations.--For purposes of this
concurrent resolution, the budgetary levels for a fiscal year
or period of fiscal years shall be determined on the basis of
estimates made by the chair of the Committee on the Budget of
the House of Representatives.
(d) Aggregates, Allocations and Application.--In the House
of Representatives, for purposes of this concurrent
resolution and budget enforcement, the consideration of any
bill or joint resolution, or amendment thereto or conference
report thereon, for which the chair of the Committee on the
Budget makes adjustments or revisions in the allocations,
aggregates, and other budgetary levels of this concurrent
resolution shall not be subject to the points of order set
forth in clause 10 of rule XXI of the Rules of the House of
Representatives or section 5101 of this concurrent
resolution.
(e) Other Adjustments.--The chair of the Committee on the
Budget of the House of Representatives may adjust other
appropriate levels in this concurrent resolution depending on
congressional action on pending reconciliation legislation.

SEC. 5203. ADJUSTMENTS TO REFLECT CHANGES IN CONCEPTS AND
DEFINITIONS.

In the House of Representatives, the chair of the Committee
on the Budget may adjust the appropriate aggregates,
allocations, and other budgetary levels in this concurrent
resolution for any change in budgetary concepts and
definitions consistent with section 251(b)(1) of the Balanced
Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act of 1985.

SEC. 5204. ADJUSTMENT FOR CHANGES IN THE BASELINE.

In the House of Representatives, the chair of the Committee
on the Budget may adjust the allocations, aggregates,
reconciliation targets, and other appropriate budgetary
levels in this concurrent resolution to reflect changes
resulting from the Congressional Budget Office's update to
its baseline for fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 5205. APPLICATION OF RULE REGARDING LIMITS ON
DISCRETIONARY SPENDING.

Section 314(f) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974
shall not apply in the House of Representatives to any bill,
joint resolution, or amendment that provides new budget
authority for a fiscal year or to any conference report on
any such bill or resolution if--
(1) the enactment of that bill or resolution;
(2) the adoption and enactment of that amendment; or
(3) the enactment of that bill or resolution in the form
recommended in that conference report,
would not cause the 302(a) allocation to the Committee on
Appropriations for fiscal year 2018 to be exceeded.

SEC. 5206. ENFORCEMENT FILING IN THE HOUSE.

In the House of Representatives, if a concurrent resolution
on the budget for fiscal year 2018 is adopted without the
appointment of a committee of conference on the disagreeing
votes of the two Houses with respect to this concurrent
resolution on the budget, for the purpose of enforcing the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974 and applicable rules and
requirements set forth in the concurrent resolution on the
budget, the allocations and list provided for in this section
shall apply in the House of Representatives in the same
manner as if such allocations and list were in a joint
explanatory statement accompanying a conference report on the
budget for fiscal year 2018. The chair of the Committee on
the Budget of the House of Representatives shall submit a
statement for publication in the Congressional Record
containing--
(1) for the Committee on Appropriations, committee
allocations for fiscal year 2018 consistent with title I for
the purpose of enforcing section 302 of the Congressional
Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633);
(2) for all committees other than the Committee on
Appropriations, committee allocations consistent with title I
for fiscal year 2018 and for the period of fiscal years 2018
through 2027 for the purpose of enforcing 302 of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633); and
(3) a list of programs, projects, activities, or accounts
identified for advance appropriations for the purpose of
enforcing section 5104 of this concurrent resolution.

SEC. 5207. EXERCISE OF RULEMAKING POWERS.

The House of Representatives adopts the provisions of this
title and section 2002--
(1) as an exercise of the rulemaking power of the House of
Representatives, and as such they shall be considered as part
of the rules of the House of Representatives, and such rules
shall supersede other rules only to the extent that they are
inconsistent with such other rules; and
(2) with full recognition of the constitutional right of
the House of Representatives to change those rules at any
time, in the same manner, and to the same extent as is the
case of any other rule of the House of Representatives.

Subtitle C--Adjustment Authority

SEC. 5301. ADJUSTMENT AUTHORITY FOR AMENDMENTS TO STATUTORY
CAPS.

During the 115th Congress, if a measure becomes law that
amends the discretionary spending limits established under
section 251(c) of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit
Control Act of 1985 (2 U.S.C. 901(c)), such as a measure
increasing the limit for the revised security category for
fiscal year 2018 to be $640,000,000,000, the chair of the
Committee on the Budget of the House of Representatives may
adjust the allocation called for under section 302(a) of the
Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (2 U.S.C. 633(a)) to the
appropriate committee or committees of the House of
Representatives, and may adjust all other budgetary
aggregates, allocations, levels, and limits contained in this
resolution, as necessary, consistent with such measure.

Subtitle D--Reserve Funds

SEC. 5401. RESERVE FUND FOR INVESTMENTS IN NATIONAL
INFRASTRUCTURE.

In the House of Representatives, the chair of the Committee
on the Budget may adjust the allocations, aggregates, and
other appropriate levels in this concurrent resolution for
any bill or joint resolution, or amendment thereto or
conference report thereon, that invests in national
infrastructure to the extent that such measure is deficit
neutral for the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 5402. RESERVE FUND FOR COMPREHENSIVE TAX REFORM.

In the House of Representatives, if the Committee on Ways
and Means reports a bill or joint resolution that provides
for comprehensive tax reform, the chair of the Committee on
the Budget may adjust the allocations, aggregates, and other
appropriate budgetary levels in this concurrent resolution
for the budgetary effects of any such bill or joint
resolution, or amendment thereto or conference report
thereon, if such measure would not increase the deficit for
the total of fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 5403. RESERVE FUND FOR THE STATE CHILDREN'S HEALTH
INSURANCE PROGRAM.

In the House of Representatives, the chair of the Committee
on the Budget may adjust the allocations, budget aggregates
and other appropriate levels in this concurrent resolution
for the budgetary effects of any bill or joint resolution, or
amendment thereto or conference report thereon, that extends
the State Children's Health Insurance Program allotments, if
such measure would not increase the deficit for the total of
fiscal years 2018 through 2027.

SEC. 5404. RESERVE FUND FOR THE REPEAL OR REPLACEMENT OF
PRESIDENT OBAMA'S HEALTH CARE LAWS.

In the House of Representatives, the chair of the Committee
on the Budget may revise the allocations, aggregates, and
other appropriate budgetary levels in this concurrent
resolution for the budgetary effects of any bill or joint
resolution, or amendment thereto or conference report
thereon, that repeals or replaces any provision of the
Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act or title I or
subtitle B of title II of the Health Care and Education
Reconciliation Act of 2010 by the amount of budget authority
and outlays flowing therefrom provided by such measure for
such purpose.

Motion to Concur

Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I have a motion at the desk.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will designate the motion.
The text of the motion is as follows:

Mrs. Black moves that the House concur in the Senate
amendment to House Concurrent Resolution 71.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 580, the motion
shall be debatable for 1 hour equally divided and controlled by the
chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on the Budget.
The gentlewoman from Tennessee (Mrs. Black) and the gentleman from
Kentucky (Mr. Yarmuth) each will control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Tennessee.

[[Page H8243]]

Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the Senate amendment to H.
Con. Res. 71, the budget resolution for fiscal year 2018.
Passing a budget is never easy, and it has, once again, been a
challenge this year. But I am encouraged with where we are now, and I
am pleased that the Senate did its work by approving a budget, one that
we can support in order to unlock tax reform for the American people.
Without question, there are plenty of things that I wish were
included in what the Senate passed, ideas that the House put forward
earlier this month when we approved our budget. For example, I still
feel strongly about addressing unsustainable mandatory spending, and
that hasn't changed. The growing burden of debt caused by mandatory
spending is a real problem that cannot be ignored.
We owe it to the American people to do something, to offer serious
reforms that ensure government programs are financially sustainable and
working well for generations to come, and I think we will tackle this
important issue in the future. Really, we don't have a choice.
But despite any shortcomings of the Senate-passed budget, I am
encouraged that it does reflect the shared priorities of both Chambers.
Moving forward with this budget is also supported by our President.
I want to remind my colleagues that before final passage last week,
the Senate did include numerous provisions previously passed by the
House, and I was proud to be involved in those negotiations with the
leaders of the House, the Senate, and the White House.
For example, the Senate-passed budget creates a mechanism that would
permit the Budget Committee chairman to adjust the budget allocations
if there is future legislation signed into law that revises the BCA
spending caps.
The Senate-passed budget also includes numerous improvements to the
House budget's enforcement that are designed to strengthen fiscal
discipline. Because we worked together to find a common ground, we can
move ahead toward tax reform and expand upon the ideas in the
conservative framework unveiled last month.
Throughout my nearly 7 years as a Member of the House, Republicans
have talked about modernizing our outdated and overly complicated tax
system, and today, we have the opportunity to take that next big step
to unlock tax reform for the American people, fulfilling the promise
that we made long ago to our constituents.
By advancing tax reform, we can help Americans keep more of their
hard-earned paychecks; we can make it possible for most Americans to
file their taxes on a simple postcard; we can level the playing field
for business and help them compete better globally; and we can empower
entrepreneurs and small businesses, encouraging them to create more
jobs.
This budget acknowledges that our economy is in desperate need of a
jolt, and the tax cuts included in the Senate-passed budget hold that
promise of doing just that. Put simply, we have the opportunity to make
history by reforming our tax system for the first time in nearly three
decades.
President Trump is with us on this, and I agree that we must move
quickly, and that is why I urge my colleagues to pass this budget
today.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

{time} 0915

Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, the bill we are debating today is not a real effort at
responsible budgeting. It is a means to an end: a single-minded plan to
make it easier to enact tax cuts for the wealthy and big corporations,
regardless of the consequences for everyone else.
If approved by the House today, an irresponsible $1.5 trillion tax
bill will come to the floor in a matter of weeks. It is being rushed
because Republicans don't want the American people to know what is in
it. They don't want you to find out that it overwhelmingly benefits the
wealthy while increasing taxes on millions of middle class families.
Rushing through legislation that impacts nearly every American family
and business is reckless, and voting on a bill that rewrites our
Nation's Tax Code a week or two after it is introduced without any real
input from the people who will be impacted is negligent. But that is
what you do when you can't defend your own policy.
And there are a lot of unjustifiable provisions in this budget. On
top of massive tax cuts for the rich, it cuts vital national
investments, threatening our economic progress and our national
security. It cuts more than $4 trillion in mandatory spending,
including nearly $2 trillion from Medicare and Medicaid alone.
The enormity of these cuts and the severity of the consequences for
American families cannot be overstated. But more cuts will be coming
once the Republican tax cuts blow an enormous hole in the budget. We
will see a tax on Medicare, Medicaid, Social Security, nutrition
assistance--on important benefits that help American families get
ahead.
I know my Republican colleagues desperately want to believe that the
tax cuts in their budget will pay for themselves and usher in a new era
of economic growth--or at least they want the American people to
believe that. But the record is clear, this approach has failed time
and time again.
And now, even though the evidence and experts have concluded that
these tax cuts will not create an economic boom but will, instead, lead
to a higher concentration of wealth among the rich while dramatically
increasing deficits and debt, my Republican colleagues are trying to do
it again.
Everything we do in Congress should be about making the lives of
American families better and more secure. We owe them a budget that
invests in their future, a Tax Code that is fair, and a full and honest
debate on both. This budget and the tax cuts that will follow are a
failure on all fronts.
I, therefore, urge my Republican colleagues to abandon this dangerous
budget and start addressing the needs and priorities of the American
people.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

General Leave

Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to
include extraneous material on the Senate amendment to H. Con. Res. 71.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentlewoman from Tennessee?
There was no objection.
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, it is now my honor to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. Smith).
Mr. SMITH of Texas. Mr. Speaker, first of all, I want to thank the
chairwoman of the Budget Committee for yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, we need to pass this budget not only to rein in out-of-
control spending, but also to give Congress the go-ahead on much-needed
tax reform.
We need to reduce the tax burden on hardworking Americans. The
typical household in the 21st Congressional District of Texas pays over
$15,700 in Federal taxes. Past experience shows that tax relief
generates strong economic growth. It enables Americans to save, invest,
create jobs, and spend more of their income.
Our vision of tax reform benefits families across America. For
example, in my congressional district, one-sixth of households utilize
the child tax credit. Increasing the child tax credit will help
families keep more of their hard-earned money to use on child care or
parental leave, school supplies, college savings, and other expenses
associated with raising a child.
Let's help American families enjoy a more prosperous future rather
than pay more of their hard-earned dollars to the Federal Government.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I am happy to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the
gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. DelBene), a distinguished Member of
the House Budget Committee and Ways and Means Committee.
Ms. DelBENE. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this budget
proposal.
With many working families and businesses still struggling to adapt
to a rapidly changing economy, our top priority in Congress should be
helping expand opportunities, opportunities to sustain long-term
economic growth

[[Page H8244]]

and security so no American is left behind.
Unfortunately, the bill we are voting on today is not a serious
budget designed to help middle class families. Instead, this budget is
simply a vehicle to rush through a partisan tax proposal using a
process known as reconciliation.
And what is worse, the Ryan-McConnell tax plan would add trillions of
dollars to the deficit, making our children foot the bill for tax cuts
that disproportionately benefit the wealthiest. In fact, the Tax Policy
Center has estimated that the Ryan-McConnell tax plan could raise taxes
by an average of $1,209 a year on families earning between $50,000 and
$150,000 a year. This is moving in the wrong direction.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no.''
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, it is now my honor to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Norman).
Mr. NORMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the fiscal
year 2018 budget resolution, which is a critical first step to
achieving comprehensive tax reform and making the American economy
great again. I also applaud Chairwoman Diane Black for her leadership
in producing this budget.

Our Nation has not significantly reformed our Tax Code in more than
three decades, which has allowed the Tax Code to explode in complexity
and unnecessary burden on hardworking American families and businesses.
Moreover, while the United States is a world leader in innovation and
entrepreneurship, we have failed to reduce our corporate tax rate,
which stands at 35 percent, the highest in the developed world. And I
would add, corporations don't pay tax; the American people pay tax.
The unified framework unveiled earlier this year will simplify the
Tax Code for everyone, eliminate wasteful tax loopholes, and reduce
taxes on businesses. I am also pleased to see that the plan eliminates
the death tax on farmers and moves to full expensing. Under this plan,
the average family will see an increase in income between $4,000 and
$9,000, annually.
While I believe this budget is necessary to spur economic growth and
increase wages, I am extremely disappointed that the Senate removed the
$203 billion of mandatory spending cuts, given the challenge the
national debt poses to our great United States. However, we should not
make the perfect the enemy of the good, and I understand that issues as
complex as the budget and tax reform require compromise.
I appreciate the leadership of Speaker Ryan, Chairman Brady, and the
rest of the leadership team for their hard work on tax reform, and I
look forward to working with my colleagues to moving tax reform over
the finish line and to President Trump's desk.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I am happy to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the
gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. Jayapal), a distinguished member of
the Budget Committee.
Ms. JAYAPAL. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Yarmuth for yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to this fiscal year 2018
budget resolution for a number of reasons, not the least of which is
that the underlying assumptions are grossly misleading. It assumes
fictions like hundreds of billions of dollars from the repeal of the
Affordable Care Act, and it assumes an economic growth rate of 3
percent, which most economists on both sides do not believe is
possible.
This budget is merely a vehicle for Republicans to fast-track tax
cuts for millionaires, billionaires, and large corporations. Any
assertion of cuts for working families is debunked by experts like
Leonard Burman, cofounder of the nonpartisan Tax Policy Center, who has
called this ``utterly implausible.''
Mr. Speaker, the facts are these: 80 percent of the Republican tax
cuts go to the top 1 percent by 2027; the average tax cut for the top 1
percent in 2027 will be $207,000; and 42 million middle class
households will face a tax increase, including those earning between
$50,000 and $150,000, who will see a tax increase of one-third. That is
what this budget lays the path for.
If we want to see where this will lead, let's just look at Kansas, a
place where the Republican legislature has rolled back the tax cuts
that they passed from several years ago because they simply didn't work
and put Kansas' economy into a downward spiral.
We know who wins under this budget resolution. It simply paves the
way for a huge tax cut for the wealthiest millionaires, billionaires,
and corporations. That is wrong, and I urge a ``no'' vote on this
budget.
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, it is now my honor to yield 3 minutes to the
gentleman from California (Mr. McClintock), a member of the Budget
Committee.
Mr. McCLINTOCK. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, unsustainable government spending drives both taxes and
debt.
The budget resolution sets the spending architecture for the fiscal
year. The House version provided for $200 billion of enforceable
mandatory spending reductions over 10 years and balanced within the
decade. The Senate amendments gut these provisions, squandering the one
opportunity Congress has each year to bring mandatory spending under
control, taking us another year closer to a sovereign debt crisis. This
is tragic, and I condemn it in the strongest terms.
The Senate, though, has retained just one key provision from the
House budget. It makes tax reform possible this year. Tax reform is
essential to economic growth, and economic growth is essential to
confront our debt.
Many are alarmed that it provides for $1.5 trillion of additional
debt, but this is due solely to the Senate's rules that require tax
cuts to be scored only as revenue losses without taking into account
economic expansion.
During the Obama years, our economy grew at an average of 1\1/2\
percent, annually. That is about half the average rate since World War
II. Reagan averaged 3\1/2\ percent. Reagan did this by reducing the tax
burdens that were crushing our economy. He slashed the top income tax
rate from 70 percent down to 28 percent, and income tax receipts nearly
doubled because of the economic expansion he unleashed.
Taxes driven by spending are the greatest threat to our economy
today, and debt driven by spending is the greatest threat to our
future. Controlling spending is currently impossible in the Senate. So
it is obvious that we can't balance the budget and reduce our debt
without significantly increasing economic growth; we can't increase
economic growth without tax relief; and we can't get tax relief without
the provisions in the Senate budget.
Arthur Laffer, the architect of the Reagan tax policy, forecasts that
the corporate tax reform alone will increase GDP growth at a rate that
should generate a temporary bump of 5 percent, settling down to an
average of 2.6 percent over the decade. This will add $5 trillion to
the American economy and directly increase revenues to all levels of
government between $1.8 trillion and $2 trillion.
We have tried a static approach to tax policy during the Obama years.
The economy stagnated and the debt doubled.
I remember what it was like in the Reagan era. Wages were rising and
opportunities for better jobs were everywhere. There was a sense of
optimism that comes with prosperity and abundance. When we abandoned
these policies, we lost that prosperity to a decade of despair.
I want my kids to know what that sense of relief and optimism was
like, what it feels like when morning dawns again on the American
economy. This resolution starts that transformation, and I urge its
adoption.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I remind the prior speaker, my friend from
California, that Arthur Laffer was also the architect of the Kansas
plan, which was disastrous for that State. So citing him as a source, I
would be a little bit careful.
Mr. Speaker, I am happy to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman
from California (Ms. Lee), a distinguished member of the Budget
Committee and the Appropriations Committee.
Ms. LEE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding and for his
tremendous leadership.
And also, just very briefly, I want to mention to my colleague from
California on the other side, I remember the Reagan-era tax cut period
also, and there was a huge rise in homeless veterans as a result,
unfortunately.

[[Page H8245]]

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to the so-called budget
plan.
I know that our budget shapes our national priorities and values, but
the Republicans have put forward a budget that I think is downright
sinister. This budget is morally bankrupt. It is a Trojan horse that
steals healthcare from children and rips food from the hungry just to
fast-track $1.5 trillion in tax breaks to billionaires and
corporations.
Budgets are moral documents. They should not be rigged in favor of
special interests and the wealthy few, but the cruel and crooked
Republican budget does just that. Our Nation's budget should prioritize
working families and the middle class, too many of whom are making low
wages and living below the poverty line.

{time} 0930

It should assist those struggling to find a job. It should invest in
workforce training, education, job creation and job training. Instead,
this Republican budget creates tax cuts for billionaires, millionaires,
and corporations.
Our budget should expand to protect healthcare for all. Instead, this
budget steals nearly $2 trillion from lifesaving Medicaid and Medicare.
With nearly 40 million Americans living in poverty, our budget should
invest in communities of color and rural communities, which have higher
rates of poverty.
Simply put, the House Republican budget would push more people into
poverty. It slashes programs that help create good paying jobs for
struggling families. It is a shame, it is immoral, it is un-American,
and I hope we defeat it.
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I just must make a comment on what went on
in Kansas and the attribution that this was Mr. Laffer's idea.
I know Mr. Laffer personally and have had a conversation with him
about his plan and suggestion. It was not followed. So I do want to
lift up his good name and say that his plan was not followed.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr.
Allen).
Mr. ALLEN. Mr. Speaker, I want to congratulate Chairman Black on the
markup of this important piece of legislation out of the Budget
Committee.
As we all know, tax season is the worst. It evokes images of stress,
accountants, lawyers, and American families sending hard-earned money
to the Federal Government.
I, for one, have never been excited when it is tax season, and as a
businessowner, it took on a whole new meaning.
Taxes affect all Americans, but tax season shouldn't include months
and months of preparation, often required to hire tax professionals.
Our Tax Code is broken, and millions of Americans are looking to us
to fix it. That is why Republicans have released the Unified Tax Reform
Framework to provide relief for hardworking Americans and jump-start
our economy.
First, it lowers taxes at every income level, allowing Americans to
keep more of their hard-earned paychecks. It delivers the lowest tax
rates in modern history for job creators, allowing them to invest in
growing their business. I will remind you that the small business
community is responsible for 70 percent of all new jobs created.
The vast majority of taxpayers will no longer have to deal with the
complexity of itemizing due to the increased standard deduction. Small
businesses will no longer be taxed under the individual side of the
code. Families will no longer be penalized for inheriting family
property or businesses, when the death tax is removed. Finally, we will
cut tax rates on personal savings and investment in half.
Americans should invest in their local economies and build towards a
more financially secure future without exorbitant taxes.
Now is the time for tax reform, and today we take a big step towards
action. We must pass this budget. Hardworking Americans across the
Nation will have the same April 15 they always have if we don't, and
that is unacceptable.
We cannot miss this opportunity. President Trump is with us on tax
reform, and we must act for the American people. I urge all my
colleagues to support this budget. It is critical to the American
people.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman
from Pennsylvania (Mr. Brendan F. Boyle), a distinguished member of the
Budget Committee.
Mr. BRENDAN F. BOYLE of Pennsylvania. Mr. Speaker, I rise to oppose
the billionaires' budget. That is exactly what the Republican budget
is. 79.7 percent of it goes to the richest 1 percent.
On top of that, who pays for it? The middle class and working class
families of my district. Some 50 million Americans will be paying more
in taxes, not less, as a result of this tax plan.
Now, I have nothing against the billionaires that my friends on the
other side are so eager to help. I just don't think the working class
and middle class families of my district should be paying for their tax
cuts.
We should instead have a budget that focuses on building the middle
class out, on lifting up those who have been working for the last 15
years and not getting a pay increase. This budget does absolutely
nothing for those families, zero.
On top of all of this, it adds $1.5 trillion to our national debt. It
is wrong. It does not do anything to help the great American middle
class, and it must be rejected.
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio
(Mr. Johnson), a member of the Budget Committee.
Mr. JOHNSON of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairman Black for yielding
time.
Mr. Speaker, I hear it all the time, and it is just a false
narrative. This idea that the tax reform package presented by
Republicans is only a tax relief for the wealthy and that the middle
class and low-income families are not going to benefit from it is just
absolutely untrue.
We are talking about doubling the standard deduction. Millions of
Americans aren't even going to pay any taxes. That is particularly
important in rural areas like I represent in Ohio.
So I would urge my colleagues, let's stop this false narrative that
says that this is just a tax cut for the wealthy, because that is not
true.
By the way, when you cut taxes on businesses and corporations, who
pays those taxes, Mr. Speaker?
It is the American people who buy the products that pay those taxes.
When they get a break, everybody wins.
Look, the adoption of the Senate amendment to the House-passed budget
that we are going to vote on today paves the way for tax reform. It is
going to establish a path of balance through restrained spending,
reduced taxes, and economic growth. It is going to allow for higher
defense spending contingent on future adjustments to discretionary
spending caps for defense and national security, but it begins to
address our national debt.

It reduces nondefense discretionary spending by over $600 billion
over 10 years. It assumes more than $4 trillion in mandatory savings
over 10 years. And it provides for budget enforcement in the House in
order to strengthen fiscal discipline.
Mr. Speaker, this is a responsible path forward. The American people
are screaming for a simpler, fairer, flatter Tax Code, one that makes
American workers competitive, one that let's the American people keep
more of what they earn in their pockets.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support today's vote, pass this
budget amendment, and let's get on to tax reform.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman
from South Carolina (Mr. Clyburn), the assistant Democratic leader.
Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding me the time.
Mr. Speaker, the document before us is a partisan exercise to deliver
large tax cuts to the wealthy. Working Americans will see their taxes
go up, and our children and grandchildren will have to pay back the
debt Republicans will create to finance these tax cuts.
While they promise the American people revenue neutral tax reform
that will simplify the Tax Code and close costly loopholes, the budget
they are ramming through will borrow $1.5 trillion to finance these
cuts. It will precipitate cuts to Medicare, Medicaid, and other safety
net programs upon which middle-income families depend.

[[Page H8246]]

It proposes to eliminate the deduction for State and local taxes,
increasing the tax burden on over 500,000 people in my home State of
South Carolina.
This document threatens the earned income tax credit; lowers the
ceiling on middle-income savings; and eliminates the inheritance tax,
which only affects those with estates valued over $11 million.
It creates a pass-through for businesses that pay zero corporate
taxes, effectively giving the owners of these companies a lower
individual rate than the people they employ.
If the Republicans would engage us, we could produce a bipartisan tax
plan that would expand the earned income tax credit for single
individuals and the child tax credit for working families.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Flores). The time of the gentleman has
expired.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the
gentleman.
Mr. CLYBURN. Mr. Speaker, we could produce a bipartisan tax plan that
would end the preferential treatment of investment income, which
undermines working Americans while enriching wealthy investors.
We stand ready to engage with the other side. Until then, we will be
resolute in our opposition to this unfair, immoral document.
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Florida (Mr. Diaz-Balart), a member of both our Budget Committee and
the Appropriations Committee.
Mr. DIAZ-BALART. Mr. Speaker, I want to first thank the chairwoman
for a phenomenal job.
Look, our current fiscal environment, according to the CBO, they
project that the growth of our economy will be 2 percent or less for
the next decade.
I am reminded of what a good friend and Democratic colleague in the
Budget Committee said one day: That 3 percent growth, that is just a
dream, that is unrealistic.
Yet, before the storms hit, what did we see as far as our economic
growth of the country: 3.1 percent economic growth, something that one
of our colleagues, Democratic colleagues, said was a pipe dream.
This is, in large part, because excessive regulations have been
curtailed by both the administration and by Congress; but to keep that
momentum, we need to pass tax reform.
It will lead to a sustained strong economy. It will again lower the
tax burden to our families. It will lead to increased wages for
families, for the middle class, for individuals for the first time in
such a long time, allowing the American people to keep more of their
hard-earned money. It would make small-, mid-, and large-sized
businesses more competitive so they can create millions of additional
jobs here in the United States.
Mr. Speaker, this legislation will allow us to do real tax reform to
keep the economy growing, to get the economy going, to get the American
people working again, and this is an essential part.
Mr. Speaker, I urge everyone's support.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman
from California (Mr. Carbajal), a distinguished member of the Budget
Committee.
Mr. CARBAJAL. Mr. Speaker, I thank Ranking Member Yarmuth for
yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, snake oil is all that this Republican budget will give
to the American middle class and working families.
This Republican budget before Congress is squarely aimed at ramming
through a tax plan without bipartisan consensus or input. This proposed
tax plan will increase our deficit, adding $1.5 trillion over the next
decade, and it leaves the middle class stuck footing the bill, with an
increase in their annual Federal taxes.
In fact, 80 percent of the tax cuts in this plan benefits only the
wealthiest 1 percent of Americans. That means those benefits are geared
towards those earning $900,000 a year or more.
One in three middle class families making between $50,000 and
$150,000 will see their taxes go up.
One proposal that Republicans have put forth to pay for their plan is
eliminating the State and local tax deduction. This will cost central
coast homeowners and families in my district over $15,000 a year on
average.
As a member of the Budget Committee, I encourage my colleagues to
reject this plan and to get to work on bipartisan negotiations for
lasting tax reform that benefits middle class families.
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, there is an old saying that the Devil is in
the details. And those details have not been released yet, so it is
difficult for me to understand how my colleagues on the other side of
the aisle make assumptions on just what this tax plan will do, calling
it things such as snake oil, when I can assure you that, as a member of
the Ways and Means Committee, it is our goal and intent that the people
in the middle- and low-income categories will see tax relief.
I also want to remind them that what we know was the Devil in the
details is the details given to the American people a number of years
ago on the Affordable Care Act--which is neither affordable nor caring,
in my opinion--was that people would see a return of about $2,500 on
the average in their pocket as a result of the Affordable Care Act's
policies, and what we saw and what we are seeing now is a big increase
in those premiums. Certainly they have not received $2,500 in their
pocket.
They were told they could keep their doctor, which we knew wasn't
true, and the other kinds of things that were done that caused people
to lose their insurance in my very own State, because we had a plan the
people liked and people wanted to keep but could not because of the
mandates that were put on by the Affordable Care Act.

{time} 0945

I want to remind my friends from the other side of the aisle that
maybe the thing to do is to wait and see what really is in the plan,
because the devil is in the detail, and I think you may like it enough
that you perhaps will even vote for this tax plan that does give a jolt
to the economy and does help the American people, especially in the
lower- and middle-income, to keep more of their hard-earned dollars in
their pockets.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman
from Florida (Ms. Wasserman Schultz), a distinguished member of the
Budget Committee.
Ms. WASSERMAN SCHULTZ. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for
yielding me time.
Mr. Speaker, to my friend on the other side of the aisle, the
gentlewoman from Tennessee, the reality is that the truth hurts. This
budget resolution totally abandons America's most cherished values and
betrays its highest ideals.
This extreme budget not only threatens programs for our veterans and
hungry children, it makes drastic cuts to the Medicare and Medicaid
programs that our seniors count on for survival.
As it doles out that budgetary cruelty, this resolution hands massive
tax cuts to millionaires and powerful corporations all while adding
$2.4 trillion to the deficit over the next decade.
It also fails to protect our environment, neglects our children's
education, and once more targets women's healthcare for severe cuts.
In short, the wealthy win, the middle class is ignored, and we all
get saddled with more debt. Those are not values that this House should
stand for. It is certainly not what veterans, children, seniors, or
hardworking Americans deserve. This irresponsible budget rewards the
rich and powerful and punishes everyone else, and that is the best
thing that I can say about it.
Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman
from New York (Mr. Jeffries), a distinguished member of the Budget
Committee.
Mr. JEFFRIES. Mr. Speaker, while House Democrats are focused on
delivering better jobs, better wages, and a better future for the
American people, House Republicans have once again presented a budget
that is reckless, regressive, and reprehensible.
It is a ``billionaire-first, middle class-last tax plan.'' It will
not help the middle class. The House Republican budget and tax proposal
will hurt the middle

[[Page H8247]]

class by raising taxes on working families and middle-income Americans.
The House Republican budget and tax plan is nothing more than a wolf
in sheep's clothing. It will benefit the wealthiest and the well-off
here in this country. Eighty percent of the tax cuts proposed in the
Ryan-McConnell plan will go to the wealthiest 1 percent in America, to
millionaires and billionaires, to the privileged few, to special
interest corporations. It will not lead to economic growth. It will
saddle this country with trillions of dollars in additional debt and
deficit.
It is based on a phony, fraudulent, and failed theory of trickle-down
economics, which I finally figured out what it relates to in terms of
the middle class. You may get a trickle, but you are guaranteed to stay
down. Stay down because they are going to undermine your Medicare, stay
down because they are going to undermine Social Security, and stay down
because they are going to saddle your children with trillions of
dollars of additional debt.
Mr. Speaker, reject this plan. It is a bad deal for the American
people. They deserve a better deal.
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Roskam), a member of the Ways and Means
Committee.
Mr. ROSKAM. Mr. Speaker, I am almost tempted to continue to yield
time to my friend from the other side of the aisle. Just keep driving
the expectations of any tax relief further and further into the ground,
and I think people are going to be surprised and delighted with
ultimately what the House ends up considering.
Mr. Speaker, this is why I am here. This is a prelude to tax reform.
We vote on this. We then make it so that no single political party is
able to deny a vote on tax reform, and both parties can come to the
table and try and negotiate something that is thoughtful, because here
is what we know: it is the current Tax Code that is benefiting people
that everybody is scandalized that they are benefiting. It is the
current Tax Code that allows corporations to lock trillions of dollars
offshore. It is the current Tax Code that is really stifling and so
difficult. And it is the current Tax Code that nobody can defend. There
is not a single person on this floor that is going to say: Oh, the
Internal Revenue Code? I love that, Mr. Speaker. Just leave it the way
it is. It is a disaster, and nobody likes the IRS.
So rather than moaning and groaning and having posters and this and
that, let's do this: let's dump the current Tax Code and let's have a
transformational moment. Mr. Speaker, that is what our country and our
constituents are yearning for, not old bumper stickers, not old shabby
phrases from the past, but they are looking for us to lead and to bring
people together, and that is what we are trying to do.
There is a meddlesome issue that affects my district as a high tax
State, and it affects a lot of other folks, and that is how we deal
with State and local tax deductibility. I am of the view that tax
reform does not mean simply the redistribution of a tax liability from
one part of the country to another, but it means tax relief for
everybody.
Mr. Speaker, I think what we are looking for is to create middle
class tax relief. And if the gentleman's expectations are that low, I
think he is going to be pleased with what we ultimately are able to
come up with.
Mr. Speaker, I urge an ``aye'' vote. I thank the gentlewoman for the
time, and I look forward to passing this resolution and moving forward
to changing our Tax Code.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from
Michigan (Mr. Levin), a distinguished member of the Ways and Means
Committee.
Mr. LEVIN. Mr. Speaker, the Republican budget politically paving the
way for their tax reform proposals can best be described as an elixir
of growth, a magic cure-all. Instead, it is a fake, indeed dangerous,
potion.
History has shown that a huge tax cut, primarily for the very wealthy
and large corporations, does not promote growth, and will make life
harder for the middle class and everyone else.
This budget calls dangerously for raising our debt by $1.5 trillion,
creating a future deficit tax for middle-income families; cutting
Medicare by nearly $500 billion; cutting Medicaid and other health
programs by $1.3 trillion; and assuming $4 trillion in cuts to a broad
range of programs, which could include education and health research.
Mr. Speaker, vote ``no'' on this budget.
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
North Carolina (Mr. Walker), who is the chair of our RSC.
Mr. WALKER. Mr. Speaker, I am torn as I rise today. First, there is
no question I will vote in favor of the budget and encourage my
colleagues to do so because there is no doubt this is the best way
forward to achieve tax reform and unlock the promise of bigger
paychecks, more jobs, and the return of investing in America.
However, I must also include that the Senate did not do its work.
After months of hard work by Chairwoman Black and the Budget Committee,
the House was able to get it done. Even acknowledging the difficult
position of our country, they put us on a path to balance the budget in
less than a decade.
The House's budget included reconciliation instructions to speed up
the enactment of $203 billion in mandatory savings, and the House
budget included instructions that allowed us for the first time to stay
on the path to repeal ObamaCare, to help those who continue to suffer
with rising premiums in the individual market.
I would guess that nearly every Republican in the Chamber agrees that
the House's budget is superior.
So why are we voting on the Senate's?
Because our Senate colleagues seem allergic sometimes to making tough
choices.
But why will the Senate's budget pass?
Because the American people need tax relief. Families and small
businesses wrestle with an outdated and complicated Tax Code every
year. It is true, we do have a once-in-a-generation opportunity.
The specter of the IRS and devastating corporate rate mean that
capital and resources are held outside of the United States and not
invested here. Making our Tax Code fairer and simpler will bring this
capital back to the market and jump-start investment and growth like we
have rarely seen in the United States.
Despite my ongoing and deep frustration sometimes with the Senate, I
encourage my colleagues to pass this budget and bring the promise of
more jobs and bigger paychecks closer to reality.
I am pleased by the Speaker's commitment that the House will vote on
important fiscal legislation in the form of balanced budget amendments,
the Default Prevention Act, or some other deficit-reducing legislation.
Mr. Speaker, the bottom line? It is vital that the House fulfill its
promise to the American people.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I now yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee), a distinguished member of the
Budget Committee.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me
time.
Mr. Speaker, the American people will look forward to a Thanksgiving
and a Christmas of which families come together, but they will also see
a Halloween.
Today, on the floor of the House, the Republicans will vote for the
worst Halloween of hobgoblins and ghosts and monsters that you can ever
imagine. Monsters scare children, so today we will be voting on that
monster that will scare children.
Let me let you listen to Senator Sykes from Kansas, her State
offering a Republican tax cut that was going to boost the economy. Her
words are: ``With the benefit of hindsight, we can say with certainty
this promise was unfulfilled. In the following 5 years, Kansas
experienced nine rounds of budget cuts, stress on State agencies, and
the inability to effectively provide the core functions of government
for our citizens.''
Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record Senator Sykes' message to
Congress.

A Message to Congress: Don't Make the Same Mistake We Did in Kansas

(By Dinah Sykes, a Republican member of the Kansas State Senate)

Americans want efficient government, responsible spending
and reasonable taxes. This is not difficult. Yet sometimes
what

[[Page H8248]]

seems so simple becomes complicated when these concepts are
turned into buzzwords and used as weapons for political gain.
In 2012, Republicans in Kansas enacted a ``revolutionary''
tax overhaul promised to be a ``shot of adrenaline to the
heart of the Kansas economy.'' With the benefit of hindsight,
we can say with certainty this promise was unfulfilled. In
the following five years, Kansas experienced nine rounds of
budget cuts, stress on state agencies and the inability to
effectively provide the core functions of government for our
citizens.
As Republicans in Congress begin working to modify the
federal tax code, I worry that tax reform done poorly could
lead to similar failure. I hope federal lawmakers learn from
mistakes made at the state level.
This year, the Kansas legislature--including many
Republicans like me--voted to partially restore income-tax
rates and to repeal a provision that allowed independent
business owners to pay almost no state taxes on their income.
We also overrode our governor's veto, who opposed rolling
back the tax cuts he championed.
Critics of our vote claim that Kansas didn't cut spending
enough to accompany the tax cuts. In reality, we cut our
budget through across-the-board cuts, targeted cuts,
rescission bills and allotments. Roughly 3,000 state employee
positions were cut, salaries were frozen, and road projects
canceled. We delayed payments to the state employee
retirement system and emptied our savings accounts. Even as
we issued more than $2 billion in new bonds to float our
debt, Kansas received three credit downgrades, making that
debt costlier.
In Kansas, we understand the allure of tax-cut promises. We
want to believe promises of amazing growth or outcomes. In
2012, traditional budget forecast models accurately predicted
the devastating effect the tax breaks would have on state
revenue. Proponents of the plan used dynamic scoring
predicting incredible economic growth and supporting their
own preconceived ideas. Today, we know which forecasts were
correct.
Across the state, citizens may have been paying less in
income taxes, but those decreases were offset by increases in
sales taxes, property taxes and fees. These changes alone
were not enough to put the state on the right path. Education
and infrastructure, key investments necessary for strong
economic growth, were treated as the enemy. As we went
through our 2017 legislative session, the ``shot of economic
adrenaline'' still showed no signs of materializing. Our
state functioned as though the Great Recession had never
ended.
Kansas should serve as a cautionary tale illustrating the
damage done when the normal order is shortchanged. America's
founders and countless generations of leaders embedded
deliberative procedures into our legislative process for a
reason. But in 2012, the governor's tax proposal looked very
different from the package he signed. A dispute between House
and Senate versions should have gone to conference committee;
however, the House cut short debate and rammed through a
motion to concur with the Senate instead. I watch now as
lawmakers in Congress use similar tactics, and I worry that
backroom dealing and circumvention of process will lead to
similar results.
I never anticipated entering public service. I was content
raising my family, participating in the PTA and operating my
business. However, I saw the impact that bad tax policy was
having on the state. I felt the results of growing class
sizes and shrinking programs in the schools my children
attended. I witnessed a gradual erosion of the quality of
life that makes Kansas such a great place to live.
There is a real temptation to let our frustration turn into
anger. In our increasingly polarized world, we see what
happens when we retreat to our ideological trenches. The
antidote, it would seem to me, is listening carefully to
those we disagree with and seeking common ground as a
starting point. (We should also note that failing to listen
to constituents while blindly holding to ideology can have
consequences: About a third of Kansas legislators became ex-
legislators in 2016.)
As our country looks at the key issues ahead of us,
including tax policy and health-care reform, we face
important questions: How can we as Americans work together to
improve our tax policy? How can we work together to provide
core government functions? Answering those questions requires
having civil conversations, learning from our neighbors and
sharing our experiences. We are better when we can work
together to find compromise.

Ms. JACKSON LEE. What do you think will happen to this Nation if we
vote for this budget plan, this Halloween of a plan?
The latest Republican budget mandates $4.9 trillion in budget cuts.
Mr. Speaker, I cannot vote for this. I cannot vote for it because of
the people in Texas after Hurricane Harvey; the people in Louisiana
after Hurricane Nate; the people in Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands,
and Florida after Hurricanes Maria and Irma. I cannot vote for this.
This will gut disaster relief, education, infrastructure, research,
veterans benefits, and it will clearly provide tax cuts for the rich.
The Republican budget provides $1.6 trillion in tax cuts to
millionaires, billionaires, wealthy corporations. It doesn't give any
money to the middle class.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Mitchell). The time of the gentlewoman
has expired.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 15 seconds to the
gentlewoman.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, it explodes the deficit.
How could this happen?
It demands higher cuts to Medicare, Social Security, and education.
This is a Halloween that America will not tolerate.
My good friend from North Carolina, there will be over a million
people that will lose benefits under this plan and the tax plan that
they are planning. They will pay higher taxes. This is a bad bill. Vote
it down.
Mr. Speaker, as a member of the Budget Committee, I rise in strong
and unyielding opposition to the Senate Amendment to H. Con. Res. 71,
the Congressional Budget Resolution for Fiscal Year 2018.
As senior member of the Homeland Security Committee, the Ranking
Member of the Judiciary Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, Homeland
Security, and Investigations, I oppose this phony budget resolution,
which is in reality nothing more than a smoke screen designed to pave
the way for massive tax cuts for the top 1 percent, while exploding the
debt and deficit by $1.5 trillion over ten years.
Here are five reasons why every Member of this House should vote
against this Republican budget resolution:
1. This Republican budget cuts nearly $1.3 trillion from Medicaid and
nearly $500 million from Medicaid;
2. This Republican budget includes massive spending cuts to the
priorities of the American people;
3. This Republican budget guts investment in areas critical to
expanding economic opportunity;
4. This latest Republican budget uses fast track procedures to
increase the debt and deficits by $1.5 trillion, while showering tax
cuts on billionaires, millionaires, and the wealthiest corporations;
and
5. As we have learned from bitter and painful experience, tax cuts do
not pay for themselves, notwithstanding the supply-side fairy tale
claims that they do.
This latest Republican budget mandates $4.9 trillion in spending
cuts to top priorities like disaster relief, education, infrastructure,
research, veteran benefits, and programs that expand opportunities for
American families.
This Republican budget provides $1.6 trillion in tax cuts to
millionaires, billionaires, and wealthy corporations, while raising
taxes on working and middle class families by $470 billion.
Mr. Speaker, let us be very clear and direct: the resolution before
us is not intended to reconcile tax and spending priorities to reflect
the priorities of the American people or to reduce the deficit and
national debt or to put our fiscal house on a sustainable path to
economic growth.
Rather the sole purpose of Republicans bringing this job-killing
budget to the floor today is to fast-track their ``Billionaires First''
tax plan, which will cause significant harm to working and middle class
families, especially to my constituents in the Eighteenth Congressional
District of Texas.
The McConnell-Ryan tax plan, which this budget resolution is designed
to grease the skids for, would raise taxes on about 1.5 million Texas
households, or 12.4 percent of households next year.
On average, families earning up to $86,000 annually would see a $794
increase in their tax liability, a significant burden on families
struggling to afford child care and balance their checkbook.
An estimated 2.8 million Texas households deduct state and local
taxes with an average deduction of $7,823 in 2015.
The Ryan-McConnell plan eliminates this deduction, which would lower
home values and put pressure on states and towns to collect revenues
they depend on to fund schools, roads, and vital public resources.
The proposed elimination of the personal exemption will harm millions
of Texans by taking away the $4,050 deduction for each taxpayer and
claimed dependent; in 2015, roughly 9.3 million dependent exemptions
were claimed in the Lone Star State.
Equally terrible is that the McConnell-Ryan tax plan drastically
reduces the Earned Income Tax Credit, which encourages work for 2.7
million low-income individuals in Texas, helping them make ends meet
with an average credit of $2,689.
The EITC and the Child Tax Credit lift about 1.2 million Texans,
including 663,000 children, out of poverty each year.
This reckless and irresponsible GOP tax plan is made all the more
obscene by the fact that 80 percent of the GOP's tax cuts go to the
wealthiest 1 percent.

[[Page H8249]]

To achieve this goal of giving more and more to the haves and the
``have mores,'' the GOP budget betrays seniors, children, the most
vulnerable, and needy, and working and middle-class families.
The steep reductions in program investments proposed in this
Republican budget fall most heavily on low-income families, students
struggling to afford college, seniors, and persons with disabilities.
This Republican budget immediately guts investment critical to
expanding economic opportunity by lowering the already inadequate
austerity-level spending caps by an additional $5 billion in 2018 and
by even more in subsequent years.
Republican budget adopts Trumpcare but does even more damage because
in addition to depriving more than 20 million Americans of healthcare,
denying protection to persons with preexisting conditions, and raising
costs for older and low-income adults, cuts more than $1.8 trillion
from Medicaid and Medicare.
Republican budget ends the Medicare guarantee and calls for replacing
Medicare's guaranteed benefits with fixed payments for the purchase of
health insurance, shifting costs and financial risks onto seniors and
disabled workers; this represents a $500 billion cut to Medicare over
ten years.
The Republican budget focuses too narrowly on the military,
shortchanging American soft-power and other essential elements of
national security by increasing defense spending by $72 billion above
the cap and hollowing out the State Department and foreign aid agencies
with cuts of $11 billion and environmental and natural resource
protection by more than $6 billion.
Mr. Speaker, the federal budget is more than a financial document; it
is an expression of our values and priorities as a nation.
Sadly, this latest Republican budget, just like the previous one and
the President's ``skinny budget,'' fails this moral test of government.
America will not be made great by stealing another $1.8 trillion from
Medicare and Medicaid, abandoning seniors and families in need,
depriving students of realizing a dream to attend college without
drowning in debt, or disinvesting in the working families just to give
unwanted tax breaks to wealthy corporations and the top 1 percent.
America will not be positioned to compete and win in the global,
interconnected, and digital economy by slashing funding for scientific
research, the arts and humanities, job retraining, and clean energy.
Even a cursory review leaves the inescapable conclusion that this
budget represents a betrayal--of our values as a nation, and of the
promises made by the President during the election campaign.
This Republican budget is not a budget for the real world that real
Americans live in but is as much a fantasy budget as the Trump ``Skinny
Budget'' in that it pretends to achieve balance by assuming that
painless spending cuts can and will be made by the Congress.
To put this reckless, irresponsible, and draconian budget in
perspective, it is useful to examine what the proposed cuts mean when
applied to the programs depended upon by Americans to rise up the
economic ladder, plan for the future, provide for their families, and
strive to achieve the American Dream.
The elimination of funding for Community Development Block Grants
(CDBG) drains resources from communities, even in times of disaster
because CDBG provides flexible grants to local communities for a wide
range of unique needs, including Meals on Wheels, housing programs, and
community infrastructure improvements.
The Republican budget targets disaster grants made by the Federal
Emergency Management Agency, which help families and businesses when
their disaster-related property losses are not covered by insurance.
The Republican budget makes higher education more expensive by
cutting at least $211 billion from student financial aid programs, like
Pell Grants, over ten years.
The Republican budget also eliminates subsidized loans, making it
difficult for students, particularly low-income students, to afford
college and compounds the damage by making it more difficult to repay
student loans by eliminating the Public Sector Loan Forgiveness and
Teacher Loan Forgiveness programs.
The Republican budget's solution to the affordable housing crisis
currently facing cities large and small all across the country is to
convert all discretionary spending on affordable housing into a block
grant, which means there will be even less assistance to help the 71
percent of extremely low income renter households who spend more than
half their income on housing.
The Republican budget cuts at least $150 billion from the
Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) over the next ten
years by essentially converting it to a block grant, cutting off
funding for eligible individuals and requiring cash-strapped states to
either fill in the gap or take away food assistance from millions of
working families, children, and seniors.
Mr. Speaker, as economists and policy experts have documented time
and again, immigration reform would expand the size of the U.S.
workforce, and in turn would increase the size of the economy and
reduce deficits.
The Republican budget, however, again rejects comprehensive
immigration reform that would bring clear and just rules for those
seeking citizenship and help secure the nation's borders.
In doing so, the Republican budget squanders an opportunity to reduce
deficits by an estimated $900 billion over the next two decades, boost
the economy by 5.4 percent, and extend the solvency of Social Security.
The Republican budget continues to target federal employees by
cutting their compensation and benefits by at least another $163
billion over ten years, which comes on top of the $182 billion in cuts
federal employees have already absorbed in the form of higher
retirement contributions, pay freezes, and furloughs.
The Republican budget cuts hurts veterans by cutting veterans
benefits by nearly $50 billion over the next ten years, with newly
eligible veterans experiencing cuts in programs that pay for education
benefits as well as loan guarantees.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, it must be pointed out that the Republican
budget's pretension to balance is based on reliance on trillions of
dollars in budget games and gimmicks to rig the numbers.
The Republican budget counts a dubious $1.4 trillion ``economic
dividend'' from cutting taxes and taking away consumer protections that
is not backed up by any credible analysis or historical experience.
The Republican budget assumes, despite all precedent and evidence to
the contrary, that tax reform will be revenue neutral, even though
Republican tax plans are projected to lose between $3 trillion and $7
trillion.
Given these budgetary shenanigans, never could it more truly be said
that ``figures don't lie, but liars figure.''
In evaluating the merits of a budget resolution, it is not enough to
subject it only to the test of fiscal responsibility.
To keep faith with the nation's past, to be fair to the nation's
present, and to safeguard the nation's future, the budget must also
pass a ``moral test.''
The Republican budget resolution fails both of these standards.
I strongly oppose the Senate Amendment to H. Con. Res. 71 and urge
all Members to join me in voting against this reckless, cruel, and
heartless budget resolution that will do nothing to improve the lives
or well-being of middle and working class families, and the poor and
vulnerable `caught in the tentacles of circumstance.'
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Texas (Mr. Flores).
Mr. FLORES. Mr. Speaker, I thank Chairwoman Black and her committee
for all the great work that they have done in putting forth a budget
that moves America in the right direction.
Mr. Speaker, I have been astounded by the rhetoric that we have heard
from the other side for a plan that they haven't really seen. They are
making up their facts as they go along to suit their wishes.
Mr. Speaker, I support the fiscal year 2018 budget resolution. While
I think the Senate's version falls far short of the great work we did
in the House and our budget, it is still the key thing that we need to
have to move forward with tax reform for the American people.
Our tax reform plan includes tax cuts for the working class Americans
who have been struggling for the last several years under a broken Tax
Code.
It also makes America's businesses the most competitive in the world
instead of having to struggle with the world's least competitive tax
system.
Mr. Speaker, in summary, this budget provides a way for a tax plan
that provides for bigger paychecks, more jobs, a stronger economy, and
a balanced budget. I strongly urge our colleagues to support this
budget.

{time} 1000

Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time remains.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Kentucky has 12\3/4\
minutes remaining.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ half minutes to the
gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal), the ranking member of the Ways
and Means Committee.
Mr. NEAL. Mr. Speaker, it is getting time for Halloween, so they have
put on the disguise on the other side. So what we are hearing today is,
from the last two Republican speakers: This is a bad budget. Let's vote
``yes.''

[[Page H8250]]

The gentleman from Ohio said a while ago, this is all about the
middle class. The middle class does not pay an estate tax. The middle
class, because of our efforts--and, I think, mine in particular--no
longer pay the alternative minimum tax. And the people in the middle
class are not locked into the 39.6 top rate in the Tax Code. This is a
disguise.
They are adding $1.5 trillion to the debt and, actually, over 10
years, when you borrow the money, they are adding $2.3 trillion to the
debt, all for a tax cut for people at the very top.
Now, let me say this: I am happy to negotiate a tax reform package
that we can all live with. I am happy to sit down with the other side
and acknowledge some parts of the Code that clearly don't work any
longer for the American people.
This is being done by one party, exclusively. They have not
negotiated with us. They have not given us the opening. They have not
said to us: ``Where do you want to proceed on this?''
Instead, if you pass this budget today, they suggest you are going to
see their plan on November 1, and you are going to vote for it sometime
around November 6. That is not negotiation.
The Congress I signed up for actually negotiated these agreements,
and if you couldn't love the final passage, at least you could like it
because you had sufficient input. That is not what has happened, Mr.
Speaker, in this process.
This process is one-sided. It is one-dimensional. They
interchangeably use the words ``tax cut'' and ``tax reform.'' This is
about a tax cut.
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the Democratic whip.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I have been here--this is my 37th year. This
is the most reckless and irresponsible budget that I have seen in the
37 years that I have been here.
Today, we are considering the Senate's budget resolution, not because
the House supports it, but because it is just a vehicle to get partisan
tax reform--strike that--tax cuts.
On an issue as consequential as tax reform, the Congress should not
be rushing to meet self-imposed political deadlines without enough time
to read and analyze the effects.
More importantly, we should not be considering a bill to cut taxes
that is partisan and that is as terrible as we are hearing the
majority's proposal will be. I say that because we still haven't seen
the full details of a bill that this resolution provides for
Republicans to jam through on an expedited process; one they will
reportedly introduce, mark up, and bring to the floor in the few
legislative days we have left before Thanksgiving.
Is the sunshine too bright for you?
Even my friends on the other side of the aisle don't know exactly how
bad it will be for their constituents. When asked about the details of
the Republican bill, Representative Chris Collins, a Republican from
New York, said: ``We don't know, we don't know, we don't know, we don't
know, we don't know.''
That is a Republican Member of Congress who is saying he has no idea
what this bill is empowering.
But we do know that, based on a nonpartisan analysis of their
framework, it will raise taxes on 47 million Americans.
We know that 80 percent of the tax cuts--80 percent of the tax cuts--
will go to the top 1 percent.
And we know, as well, that nearly half of all taxpayers with
children, 44.5 percent, will see their taxes go up. Those same children
will be on the hook for a $2.4 trillion cost. This is the biggest debt
explosion of any bill that I have seen.
Republican Representative Matt Gaetz of Florida summed up today's
vote as being for a budget--hear this, my friends on both sides of the
aisle. This is Matt Gaetz, Republican, Florida, summed up today's vote
as being for a budget that ``nobody believes in so that we have a
chance to vote for a tax bill that nobody's read.''
That is not what we should be doing. We ought to be working together
to craft a bipartisan tax reform package that is revenue neutral.
It will be the height of hypocrisy to say that you are for fiscal
discipline and to vote for this budget. Let's not risk our fiscal
future and the economic security of our people. Defeat this resolution.
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Georgia (Mr. Ferguson), a distinguished member of the Budget Committee.
Mr. FERGUSON. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the FY18
budget. I think that this is a very important step in doing something
that this Nation needs, and that is for the United States Congress and
the President to pass tax reform.
For way too long, our national economy has languished at a GDP growth
that is far below historical averages. One of the most important things
that we have got to do is to grow our economy because that leads to
families being successful, rising wages, being able to have careers for
themselves and their family members, and I believe that tax reform
unlocks the American economy in a way that we haven't seen in decades.
For far too long, we have looked at our Tax Code only through a set
of domestic lenses and only looked at the rates; and we get into these
ridiculous debates about the top bracket versus the lowest bracket, and
we divide our Nation. But, for the first time, we are approaching our
Tax Code through a set of global lenses that really give our American
economy a chance to be competitive on the world stage.

It is not simply about cutting rates. It is not simply about giving a
break to one group or another and to get away from this rhetoric. It is
about creating the most vibrant place in the world to do business by
reforming the Code and creating fairness.
If we do that and our American families succeed, and we see people
moving from poverty into the middle class, and from the middle class
up, and we see entrepreneurs, and we see new businesses and innovation,
we are going to see growth in our economy like we have not seen in a
generation.
The importance of that is it will give us the tools that we need to
address the single biggest driver of our debt, and that is mandatory
spending. And this body must have the political courage and integrity,
along with the Senate, to address mandatory spending, to have an honest
conversation about Social Security, about Medicare, about Medicaid,
and, most importantly, about welfare entitlement reform, because we can
no longer trap generation after generation in poverty. We must create
pathways out of poverty into the middle class for our fellow Americans.
We can do this. We can be committed to it.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky), a distinguished member of the Budget
Committee.
Ms. SCHAKOWSKY. Mr. Speaker, regardless of what the Republicans say,
their budget paves the way for trillions of dollars in tax cuts for
millionaires, billionaires, and wealthy corporations.
And who would pay for it?
It would be the middle class families, children, seniors, and people
with disabilities. It would slash Medicaid by $1 trillion, threaten
healthcare for one in four Americans. It would slash Medicare by $470
billion. And this budget proposes, yet again, to repeal the Affordable
Care Act.
Under the Republican tax plan, 1.9 million Illinoisans would no
longer be able to claim State and local tax deductions; and nationwide,
47 million people in middle class households making between $50,000 and
$150,000 a year would pay more in taxes.
So I ask my colleagues: Did you really come to Congress to take away
healthcare and reduce income for middle class families?
If you care about anyone other than millionaires and billionaires,
you need to vote ``no.''
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman
from Vermont (Mr. Welch), a distinguished member of the Energy and
Commerce Committee.
Mr. WELCH. Mr. Speaker, I want to say three things about this budget:
First, deficits matter. Deficits matter. This budget explicitly
raises the deficit. It admits to $1.5 trillion, more likely $2.5
trillion. That means that

[[Page H8251]]

our children and our grandchildren are going to be the ones paying for
the deficit that is added.
Second, process matters. We are hearing a lot of talk about tax
reform, but there has been no process. There is no bill, and we are
about to vote on a so-called tax reform package that has not been
explicitly printed to paper. This is no way to do any business. We are
making it up as we go along, and it is the same process that was used
on healthcare. We went into committee with no bill and came out, 27
hours later, with 24 million people losing healthcare. There has been
no process on this.
And third, details matter, and the details that are leaking out are
very punishing to the middle class. Anybody who is an income tax payer
in a State, a property tax payer in a State, is going to lose that
deduction.
It is very tough on middle class efforts to save for retirement. That
is in play. Folks' deductions on their Keogh plans, their 401(k) plans,
are very much a part of the process that is going to lower this.
Reject this plan.
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I almost can't sit here and not make a comment on my colleagues'
budget on the other side of the aisle. All of a sudden, they seem to be
very concerned about deficits when, as a matter of fact, their budget
assumed almost $1 trillion worth of deficits in their budget.
I want to also say that our committee did a really good job in having
a balanced budget, and we are, obviously, looking at a budget from the
Senate that we are going to be taking up so that we can do tax reform.
But they also, in addition to that, had $2 trillion worth of new
taxes that they placed on the American people. So all of a sudden, this
purity of worrying about these deficits just makes me scratch my head,
and about raising taxes on the people when their own plan did the very
opposite of what we are trying to do is cut taxes. They added $2
trillion worth of taxes.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire how much time we have
remaining.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Kentucky has 5\3/4\
minutes remaining. The gentlewoman from Tennessee has 5\1/4\ minutes
remaining.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
As we wind down our arguments here, once again, we have had a very
fascinating discussion and, once again, we seem to disagree on
virtually everything.
For instance, I have heard from the other side many times over the
last few days and today that we really can't say what the impact is,
the claims that we are making about whether this bill will help the
rich or help the middle class or help lower income individuals, because
we don't have the details. Well, that is absolutely correct; we don't
have the details.
But then, if we don't have the details, how can the other side talk
about the huge benefits that this proposal, this tax proposal that is
yet unwritten, will provide for the middle class? And how can they deny
that it will benefit the wealthy disproportionately?
We know from the outline that was released by the other side in
recent weeks that they intend to eliminate the estate tax. The estate
tax only benefits wealthy Americans, people with estates over $11
million for a couple.
They want to eliminate the alternative minimum tax. We know the
alternative minimum tax only affects wealthy individuals. There was one
estimate that the one year of President Trump's tax return that we
have, that in that year alone, the alternative minimum tax, if it were
repealed, would have saved him $30 million. So we know that affects
very wealthy people.

{time} 1015

We know that if you reduce the top rate from 39.6 percent to 35
percent, that benefits very high-income people. So we do have enough
information to draw some pretty definite conclusions about the impact
that the released outline, at least, will have on wealthy Americans,
and we can draw some of the same conclusions about how it will hurt
middle class Americans.
If, in fact, the Republican tax bill repeals the deduction for State
and local taxes. In my State, there will be half a million people who
will lose an average of $9,900 of deductions every year. So we
absolutely know the impact that the proposal, as we know it now, will
have, and I think it is fair--given that there will be no hearings on
this bill--it is fair to raise the alarms about what the potential for
this bill is.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, it is my extreme honor to yield 3 minutes to
the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Scalise), our majority whip, who is a
wonderful member of our Conference.
Mr. SCALISE. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank Chairwoman Black for her
leadership on this budget. It is important that we do a budget--and it
is always difficult to bring a budget forward because it represents the
views that we have, and, of course, we in the House passed a budget
that shows the country how we can get back to a balanced Federal
budget, how we can get our economy moving again, and how we can finally
rebuild the middle class.
Mr. Speaker, that is really what is at heart with this budget vote.
This budget starts the process of actually going out and cutting taxes
across the board so that middle class families can have a better
opportunity for the American Dream. If you look over the last 10 years,
we have seen our middle class evaporate in this country.
So many times, we have seen company after company move jobs overseas.
And anybody who has complained about that--and I sure have been angry
about it--the first thing you do is you go ask them: Why did you move
the jobs overseas? And they say: Because America is not competitive
again.
We have the highest corporate tax rate in the world, in the entire
industrial world. And what it means is, middle class jobs are being
shipped to other countries. We can complain about it all day, Mr.
Speaker, but how about we actually do something about it? This bill
starts that process--working with President Trump who wants to bring
those middle class jobs back to America.
We are talking about high-paying jobs, $60,000- to $150,000-a-year
jobs that left our country. We can bring those jobs back. That is what
this vote is about. That is what this budget is about: starting the
process to finally rebuild our middle class, to finally bring those
jobs back, and to finally give a tax break to families who have been
struggling for so long under slow economic growth.
Let's actually grow our economy. Growing our economy is not just good
for rebuilding the middle class and for those hardworking taxpayers who
will get real relief under this bill, but also to our ability to reduce
the deficit and finally get back to balanced Federal budgets so that we
can create a healthier economy and a healthier America.
Mr. Speaker, I urge everybody to vote ``yes'' on this budget.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I now have the distinct honor of yielding 1
minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), the Democratic
leader.
Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Kentucky for
yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I particularly want to recognize Mr. Yarmuth's
extraordinary leadership as the ranking member on the Budget Committee.
As we all know, budget should be a statement of our national values.
What is important to us as a nation should be reflected in how we
allocate our resources.
Again, it is a statement of values, and who better to manage all of
that in this Congress of the United States than Mr. Yarmuth, who brings
his values and his heartland priorities to the budget process, and I
thank him for the leadership he has provided.
Sadly though, I rise in opposition to what the Republicans have
proposed which is a devastating Republican budget. The first step in
the GOP's dangerous plan to fast track their immoral tax framework is
to hand trillions of dollars to the wealthy while raising taxes on
working American families.
The Republican budget and tax plan cruelly rig an unfair system even
further against hardworking Americans. It cuts a raw deal for families
in every corner of our country. Democrats have a better deal, better
jobs, better pay, better future.

[[Page H8252]]

But right here, before our eyes in this House, Republicans are
replacing the great American ladders of opportunity with the silver
spoons of plutocracy and aristocracy. Their agenda raises taxes on the
middle class. That is a fact. Tens of millions of middle class families
will pay higher taxes, including a heavier burden for State and local
taxes.
It might be interesting to our distinguished colleague, Mr. Scalise--
and isn't it a joy to see him in debate on the floor--in his State of
Louisiana, 458,000 people will pay an average of nearly $7,000 more by
losing their deduction.
And Congresswoman Black, from the great State of Tennessee, in her
State, 573,960 people will lose their deduction, around $5,600 a filer.
Not only that, if that isn't bad enough for assaulting the dream of
homeownership in our country by attacking the deduction, this plan that
the Republicans propose has been estimated to reduce the value of
people's homes by 10 percent. You not only are paying more money in
order to give a tax break to the wealthy and to big corporations, you
are reducing the value of your home, and, by the way, your neighbors'
homes as well.
So with all of the unfairness in it, the one that is most
understandable to people directly is how it affects them. And in that
case, 44 million Americans will pay more because of what the
Republicans have in their plan.

So it raises taxes on middle class, particularly with the State and
local tax deduction removed. And by the way--another by the way--if you
are a corporation, your deduction is not removed, just if you are an
individual filer, so again, an advantage to corporate America at the
expense of America's working families.
Next, it borrows trillions from the future to give tax cuts to the
wealthiest. Eighty percent of the tax cuts in this Republican proposal
goes to the wealthiest 1 percent; 80 percent goes to the wealthiest 1
percent at the expense of America's working families and children. The
budget on the floor today reveals the true cruelty behind the
Republican's tax plan. What words would be best to use it? It is
looting the middle class, massive looting of the middle class; rip-off
of the middle class, because there are many middle class people.
So you take some money from all of those middle class people and
those who aspire to it so that you can give a lot of money to the few.
That is a big sucking up of assets from the middle class to the
wealthy. That is what they are here for. It is in their DNA: trickle-
down economics. It is in their DNA. That is what the Republicans come
here to do, and that causes a deep addition to the national debt.
They are supposed to be deficit hawks, but I think they have become
an endangered species because they don't seem to care that, with the
cuts that they are taking, the tax breaks they are giving to corporate
and wealthy America will cost over $2 trillion--not counting service on
the national debt which would take it closer to $3 trillion additional.
That is a very hard road to come back from. And as our distinguished
ranking member has pointed out, the opportunity cost in the budget,
whether it is a trillion dollars from Medicaid, half a trillion dollars
from Medicare, funds taken from education, the seed corn of America's
preeminence in the world. Why? To give a tax cut to the high end.
And they will say: Oh, well, the growth will come from this. We will
pay for that.
It never has; never has. Don't take it from me. Bruce Bartlett, who
was one of the orchestrators of the supply-side economics said: We
never said it paid for itself. Anyone who says it does, it is not true.
It is nonsense.
He went even further to call it BS.
As I said, it ransacks Medicare and Medicaid, adding trillions to the
debt in tax breaks for corporations and the wealthy, looting the middle
class, shaking down the middle class, ripping off the middle class,
increasing the taxes of the middle class.
It devastates vital investments, as our distinguished ranking member
said, in good-paying jobs with higher wages for working families, the
education of our children, the health of our working families. It
really is a good example of what they say that Medicare should wither
on the vine. In keeping with their trickle-down economics, Medicare
should wither on the vine because they will take half a trillion
dollars from Medicare in their budget that will follow.
So Republicans will harm veterans, rural America, seniors, and
children, again, all in the name of fast-tracking trillion-dollar tax
breaks for the wealthiest 1 percent. What more do you need to know?
Eighty percent goes to the wealthiest 1 percent.
Again and again on the floor, the Republicans have tried to tilt the
playing field against hardworking families. This is really quite
remarkable though. This is a great transformative moment for America
where we can reject this assault on the middle class, this addition to
the national debt, and instead, say: Let's go to the table and work in
a bipartisan way to truly reform our Tax Code so that we can be
competitive in the world; so that families can thrive, and that they
can have the deductions that are fair for them and needed, and not
taken away from them, but not taken away from corporate America. So we
stand ready to go in a bipartisan way to work to do this.
Any tax cuts, because this isn't just tax cuts to the rich--that is
not tax reform--any tax cuts, any agenda like that has to be bipartisan
in order for it to be sustainable. So let's come to our senses here.
Common sense says--well, mathematics says, if you take a lot of money
from many people to give it to a few, you are exacerbating the
disparity of opportunity equity income in our country.
This is the wrong thing to do. It is not what our values are about.
It is really a shame that they would even bring such a document to the
floor. Anybody who lives in a district where their deductions, the tax
deductions for State and local taxes, are taken away from individual
filers, but not for corporations, as the bill determines, to the tune--
and I can read you all of the statistics across the country about how
devastating this is--as our own Governor said: How could they do that
to our State or any State without the department of finance of our
States saying: Wait a minute. Understand what this does to the economy
of our State. Understand what this does to our individual filers in our
State.
Who said that this document that came over from the Senate should
have such a devastating impact on States and Members coming to the
floor and endorsing it. Some say: Oh, I am just voting for the budget,
but it really isn't what it--no. No. You are putting your name next to
taking the deduction of homeownership and of State and local taxes away
from your constituents. They are going to know that. I would rather you
reject this. We don't want a political argument. We want to protect the
American people.
That is why I hope everyone here would come down in favor of the
middle class and reject this assault, this rip-off, this shakedown of
the middle class that the Republicans have on the floor.

{time} 1030

Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, it is now my honor to yield 1 minute to the
gentleman from West Virginia (Mr. Mooney).
Mr. MOONEY of West Virginia. Mr. Speaker, we had a Democratic
President, John F. Kennedy, who cut taxes when he was President. I
think he would take issue with a lot of the things that have been said
by his own party.
It has been 30 years since we addressed taxes in this country.
President Ronald Reagan addressed it 30 years ago. We are way overdue
for tax cuts in the United States of America.
Everybody knows that the 35 percent tax rate on corporations has
driven companies overseas. West Virginia saw, just a couple of years
ago, one of our largest remaining corporate headquarters, Mylan
Pharmaceuticals, relocate overseas to avoid the taxes that are too high
in this country. We all know that is a problem. We have a plan we are
putting forward to try to solve it.
I say to my friends on the other side of the aisle: Where is your
plan?
You have no plan. This is all political. All you do is make political
attacks. You have had meetings recently and said: Don't offer a plan.
Let's just attack the Republicans for their plan.

[[Page H8253]]

At least we have a plan to address this because hardworking taxpayers
in West Virginia and America need and expect us to deliver on these tax
cuts. So I rise in strong support of the budget today so we can move
forward with our tax cut plan.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, it is now my delight to yield 2 minutes to
the distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Brady), who is the chairman
of the Ways and Means Committee.
Mr. BRADY of Texas. Mr. Speaker, with this budget, we have an
opportunity to move forward on a major priority for the American
people, which is delivering the first overhaul of America's broken Tax
Code in more than three decades.
When you look, today, at the way America is taxed, it doesn't take
long to recognize this is completely and utterly broken. You can see
that it is so complex it forces millions of families and job creators
to spend billions of hours and dollars each year just filing their
taxes.
It is unfair. It gives wasteful Washington lobbyists loopholes and
carve-outs to special interests by giving hardworking Americans nothing
but frustration.
You can see that our Tax Code is miserably uncompetitive. That is why
more and more of our American businesses and good-paying jobs are going
overseas to countries with more modern and more competitive tax
systems.
By passing this budget today, we can send a clear message to the
American people: real tax reform is on the way. A ``no'' vote, as we
heard from our Democratic colleagues, is to block tax reform and defend
the status quo.
We are all working closely with President Trump as he leads this
charge. Together, we have bold ideas to deliver more jobs, fairer
taxes, and bigger paychecks for all Americans this year.
I want to thank Chairman Black and the Budget Committee for all their
hard work. I want to encourage my colleagues to vote ``yes''--vote
``yes''--on tax reform, and join me in taking an important historic
step forward to deliver on our tax reform promise.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, in closing, I would just like to say that, for anyone
watching this debate or watching any of our discussions out there in
the country, I know it often appears that we don't get along, that we
hate each other, and that we are at each other's throat, but nothing
could be further from the truth.
It has been such an honor to work with Chairman Black as a member of
the Budget Committee and all the Members. We do all respect each other
and get along. We just have some very serious disagreements about
policy. That is fair. That is what this country is about.
Once again, since I may not get to do it again as Chairman Black
pursues another office and probably won't appear with me on the same
program anymore, I just want to wish her the best and say what a joy it
has been to work with her.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is
remaining.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentlewoman from Tennessee has 30
seconds remaining.
Mrs. BLACK. Mr. Speaker, in 30 seconds, I want to once again say
thank you to my colleague from the other side. I have enjoyed working
with him. This is history. We are going to make history.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in their support of the
budget because doing so means that we can truly benefit the American
people, and I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired.
Pursuant to House Resolution 580, the previous question is ordered.
The question is on the motion offered by the gentlewoman from
Tennessee (Mrs. Black).
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. YARMUTH. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, this 15-
minute vote on the motion to concur will be followed by a 5-minute vote
on the motion to suspend the rules and pass H.R. 1698.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 216,
nays 212, not voting 5, as follows:

[Roll No. 589]

YEAS--216

Abraham
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Banks (IN)
Barletta
Barr
Barton
Bergman
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (MI)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Blum
Bost
Brady (TX)
Brat
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Buchanan
Bucshon
Budd
Burgess
Byrne
Calvert
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Chabot
Cheney
Coffman
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Comer
Comstock
Conaway
Cook
Costello (PA)
Cramer
Crawford
Culberson
Curbelo (FL)
Davidson
Davis, Rodney
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Dunn
Emmer
Estes (KS)
Farenthold
Ferguson
Fleischmann
Flores
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gallagher
Garrett
Gianforte
Gibbs
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Griffith
Grothman
Guthrie
Handel
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Hice, Jody B.
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Holding
Hollingsworth
Hudson
Huizenga
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurd
Issa
Jenkins (WV)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
King (IA)
Kinzinger
Knight
Kustoff (TN)
Labrador
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Latta
Lewis (MN)
Long
Loudermilk
Love
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Marchant
Marino
Marshall
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
McSally
Meadows
Meehan
Messer
Mitchell
Moolenaar
Mooney (WV)
Mullin
Newhouse
Noem
Norman
Nunes
Olson
Palazzo
Palmer
Paulsen
Pearce
Perry
Pittenger
Poe (TX)
Poliquin
Posey
Ratcliffe
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Rice (SC)
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Rooney, Francis
Rooney, Thomas J.
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Rouzer
Royce (CA)
Russell
Rutherford
Ryan (WI)
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (TX)
Smucker
Stewart
Stivers
Taylor
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Trott
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walker
Walorski
Walters, Mimi
Weber (TX)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Woodall
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
Young (IA)

NAYS--212

Adams
Aguilar
Amash
Barragan
Bass
Beatty
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brady (PA)
Brown (MD)
Brownley (CA)
Buck
Bustos
Butterfield
Capuano
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu, Judy
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Conyers
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Courtney
Crist
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
Demings
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Donovan
Doyle, Michael F.
Duncan (TN)
Ellison
Engel
Eshoo
Espaillat
Esty (CT)
Evans
Faso
Fitzpatrick
Foster
Frankel (FL)
Fudge
Gabbard
Gaetz
Gallego
Garamendi
Gomez
Gonzalez (TX)
Gottheimer
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutierrez
Hanabusa
Hastings
Heck
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Hoyer
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jayapal
Jeffries
Jenkins (KS)
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones
Kaptur
Katko
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kennedy
Khanna
Kihuen
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
King (NY)
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster (NH)
Lance
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lieu, Ted
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lujan Grisham, M.
Lujan, Ben Ray
Lynch
MacArthur
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Massie
Matsui
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Moore
Moulton
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Nolan
Norcross
O'Halleran
O'Rourke
Pallone
Panetta
Pascrell
Payne
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Peters
Peterson
Pingree
Pocan
Polis
Price (NC)
Quigley
Raskin
Rice (NY)
Richmond
Rosen
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)

[[Page H8254]]

Sanchez
Sanford
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Serrano
Sewell (AL)
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sinema
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (NJ)
Smith (WA)
Soto
Speier
Stefanik
Suozzi
Swalwell (CA)
Takano
Tenney
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tonko
Torres
Tsongas
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walz
Wasserman Schultz
Waters, Maxine
Watson Coleman
Welch
Yarmuth
Zeldin

NOT VOTING--5

Johnson, Sam
Smith (NE)
Thompson (CA)
Webster (FL)
Wilson (FL)

{time} 1059

So the motion to concur was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.

____________________