[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 162 (Tuesday, October 10, 2017)]
[House]
[Pages H7913-H7916]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
WORLDWIDE REFUGEE CRISIS
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Rutherford). Under the Speaker's
announced policy of January 3, 2017, the Chair recognizes the gentleman
from Texas (Mr. Castro) for 30 minutes.
General Leave
Mr. CASTRO of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all
Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their
remarks and include extraneous material on the subject of my Special
Order.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Texas?
There was no objection.
Mr. CASTRO of Texas. Mr. Speaker, as with any moment in the history
of our Nation, in the world, there are tragedies and disasters which
sear the conscience and call us to action not only because we are
American, but because we are human.
Some of these tragedies are man-made, others are the work of nature.
Some hit close to home, such as the hurricanes that devastated Texas--
my home State--Florida, and Puerto Rico, taking many lives and
inflicting billions of dollars in damage. Some are the work of one man,
like the shooter in Las Vegas, who took 58 lives.
{time} 2045
Like many in this Chamber, I have spoken up on these tragedies close
to home.
Tonight, I would like to speak to a humanitarian crisis far away from
us; that is, the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya Muslims in Burma.
Since late August, 500,000 Rohingya have been forced out of their
nation. The Rohingya, after being driven out of Burma, have sought
refuge in Bangladesh, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, and India. Some
have even come as far as the United States of America.
These victims had been driven out of the country their ancestors have
called home for hundreds of years through a systematic campaign of
murder and rape and the destruction of entire villages and communities.
It can be challenging for host governments to care for these
displaced populations, which can lead to additional instability,
especially in countries with low incomes or with governments already
under stress to provide services to their citizens. We see this pattern
worldwide.
The refugees from the war in Syria have fled to Lebanon and Turkey,
to Iraq, and across the Mediterranean to Europe. Over a million Syrian
refugees are in Lebanon, which is over one-sixth of that nation's
population. Over 3.2 million refugees have found their way to Turkey,
and 600,000 in Jordan. Almost 1 million have sought refuge in Europe.
There are similar crises in the Central African Republic, Iraq, South
Sudan, and Yemen. Millions of people have fled conflicts and
instabilities in these regions, usually finding refuge in
[[Page H7914]]
neighboring countries vulnerable to instability.
The United States, our own country, has already been affected by
instability. In recent years, gang-related violence in Central America
has driven hundreds of thousands of people both to the north and to the
south. We remember the tens of thousands of primarily women and
children who made their way to the United States and were able to find
refuge here. Tens of thousands more, though, remained in Mexico, where
the resources to care for these children are scarce.
These crises have global consequences, and failure to address them
early will eventually affect the United States. The United States
cannot afford to treat these crises as events ``over there'' or just
far away. This affects us in a very real way.
These events highlight how important the concept of democracy and
inclusive governance are. Democratic countries with inclusive
governments respect the rights of citizens and address the concerns of
even the most vulnerable and least empowered.
This is why U.S. foreign assistance matters so much. We invest in the
rest of the world and build the capacity of states and societies to
govern in a more democratic and inclusive manner. We also empower
regional diplomacy through our engagement, allowing regions to address
any such instability in a single country collectively.
Like many others in the global community, I welcomed Aung San Suu
Kyi's rise to power in Burma a few years ago in 2015. Her election
ended decades of military rule when the Burmese military government
held elections and promised civilian rule.
This kind of democratization, enabled by the persistent diplomacy of
President Obama and Secretary Clinton, is a precious and rare event in
the world and occurs only now and then.
Last year, after the Burmese military drove tens of thousands of
Rohingya out of the country, Aung San Suu Kyi moved to establish the
Rakhine Advisory Commission under former U.N. Secretary General Kofi
Annan.
This was an important step towards addressing the concerns of the
Rohingya, which includes disenfranchisement, statelessness, and
widespread discrimination.
The situation today looks far different and far less flattering to
Counselor Suu Kyi. This year, the crisis is much more devastating, with
hundreds of thousands displaced.
I wanted to be able to show you some of these images of the
catastrophe the Rohingya face. These are, of course, just a few, but as
I said, they sear the conscience and call us to action.
This year, the crisis, as I mentioned, is much more devastating, with
hundreds of thousands displaced. Like many others in Congress, I have
been disappointed in the lack of moral leadership Aung San Suu Kyi has
demonstrated.
When hundreds of thousands of people are driven out of the country,
their villages burned, people slaughtered, women and children raped, I
would expect a Nobel Peace Prize-winning leader of a country to take
action. Counselor Suu Kyi rose to power because her moral leadership
and her persistence in the face of adversity inspired millions. It is
deeply saddening and disappointing to witness her lack of action today.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield to the gentlewoman from New York
(Ms. Tenney), my colleague.
Ms. TENNEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas for
yielding and for bringing up this very important issue.
I just want to make a few comments, and I just want to say, what
makes the United States exceptional among all nations is the moral
courage and leadership we have displayed throughout our history.
So many times, in the face of great terror and significant moral
crisis, the United States has acted as a force for good. We have
supported our allies to restore order where there was once chaos. Where
people have been suffering famine and drought, we have stepped up to
provide food and water. Time and again, the world has faced crises, and
the United States has stepped up to defend the moral good.
The crisis in Myanmar presents yet another challenge for the global
community, but in this moral crisis is yet another opportunity for our
Nation to once again lead.
As we speak, the Rohingya people are suffering undue hardship and
violence under a government that has failed to uphold the values
inherent to a vibrant democracy.
It has been reported that an average of 2,000 Rohingya are fleeing
the country each day. Denied basic rights for decades, the Rohingya
people have been subject to systematic discrimination as a religious
minority in a predominantly Buddhist country. The state has gone so far
as to completely deny citizenship to the Rohingya people since 1982.
Serious accusations of ethnic cleansing and genocide have been
leveled against the government, which has failed to respond
appropriately to the calls for calm and peace.
While the government has the right to defend itself against any form
of insurgency, common, agreed-upon rules of warfare dictate that all
civilians be protected. This rule is sacred and must not be broken.
Despite this, reports of abuse against civilians are running rampant in
Myanmar.
More than 200 villages have been destroyed, many burned to the ground
by government forces. Communities are being wiped away as hundreds,
possibly even thousands, of civilians are slaughtered. The crisis
demands our immediate attention.
Just recently, the House Foreign Affairs Committee held a hearing,
and Chairman Royce stated plainly: ``This is ethnic cleansing.''
Mr. Speaker, I must agree.
Every conflict is complex, and this one is no different, but it must
be made clear that under no conditions should the rights of innocent
civilians be abridged. To the Government of Myanmar, we must make it
equally as clear that their behavior will not be tolerated.
I recently met with constituents from Myanmar in my district office.
Utica, the largest city in New York's 22nd Congressional District, is
home to a vibrant refugee community. We are home to the largest Bosnian
refugee population in the Nation, a population that was also fleeing
ethnic cleansing in their own home country of the former Yugoslavia.
My constituents shared with me their personal stories and deep
despair over the violence in their home country. They asked that I do
all I can to make their voices heard, and tonight I am proud to speak
on their behalf.
They shared with me horrific pictures of violence and death, of
torture of children, of young people, of women, of men, of families. It
was simply just appalling.
Mr. Speaker, when our Nation faces moral challenges, it is in our
nature not to back down. I must insist that this time be no different.
I call on my colleagues to stand up and speak out and to act on this
important issue.
Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from Texas and my colleague for
highlighting this very important issue. I urge all of my colleagues to
understand this is a tragedy of major proportions that is happening in
our world today.
Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from Texas again for bringing this
issue to the floor.
Mr. CASTRO of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank Representative Tenney for
joining me at this late hour to speak on this issue.
Ms. TENNEY. Mr. Speaker, this is so important. I really am grateful
to my friend from Texas for doing this.
Mr. CASTRO of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from New
York for her comments.
This humanitarian crisis in Burma, or Myanmar, requires international
attention and action, as Representative Tenney said. The actions of the
Burmese State in ethnically cleansing hundreds of thousands of Rohingya
demonstrate this need for international action.
The most immediate need is to facilitate access by NGOs and
international organizations in the Rakhine State. There are tens of
thousands of Rohingya internally displaced within the Rakhine State.
Violence against Rohingya, including the burning of villages,
continues despite international condemnation. Just yesterday, a full
month and a half after the beginning of this crisis, 11,000 Rohingya
reportedly crossed over into Bangladesh.
[[Page H7915]]
Access by international groups would allow the rest of the world to
deliver assistance to the Rohingya still within Rakhine and to help
prevent further violence.
The United States, in partnership with our allies around the world,
must also assist Bangladesh in providing for the hundreds of thousands
of Rohingya they lost. This includes food, water, shelter, and
medicine. We cannot allow this humanitarian catastrophe to escalate
further.
We know a political settlement to repatriation is possible.
Bangladesh and Burma have arrived at such agreements in the past. The
United States and our allies must support the U.N. High Commissioner
for Refugees and the Bangladeshi Government's effort to identify all
Rohingya who have arrived.
Given the Burmese Government's reluctance to acknowledge Rohingya as
Burmese citizens, leaving them stateless, identification by the United
States would assist in repatriation by defining who originates from
Rakhine State.
The Rohingya have suffered violence and forced displacement for
decades. Hundreds of Rohingya villages have been burned to the ground,
and they can no longer return to their homes, because in many cases,
those homes no longer exist.
The full extent of the catastrophe is not yet known, as thousands of
Rohingya remain unaccounted for. More Rohingya have fled Myanmar in the
past 2 months than remain in Rakhine State. Would the Rohingya want to
return if given a chance? What would need to be done to create the
conditions required for such a return?
Tackling the underlying issues that led to the violent displacement
of the Rohingya will take decades to resolve, the most important of
which will be a military that lacks transparency or oversight; that is,
the Burmese military.
Burma's Government and military currently face a dozen separate
insurgencies against forces claiming to represent minority communities.
While the Burmese Government has taken steps to reach a cease-fire and
political agreements with a number of these groups, continued fighting
in various parts of the country undoubtedly contributes to the
military's independence and free rein.
Allowing the Rohingya to be comfortable in Burma will require
assurances by the Burmese Government to respect the rights of Rohingya
to live on the land they have lived on for hundreds of years. This can
only come with citizenship for the Rohingya, and greater democracy,
where the government is responsive to the needs of the population and
respects the human rights and civil liberties of ethnic and religious
minorities.
Developing a political settlement towards greater accountability in
the Burmese Government and citizenship for the Rohingya will be
difficult and may take years.
Important actions the United States can take include limiting our
support for the Burmese military, given their complicity in these
crimes. For example, Congress considered expanding support for the
Burmese military this year. That will not occur, given the actions of
the Burmese military.
I also believe sanctions on individuals found to be complicit in
ethnic cleansing, including local military commanders, are warranted.
Designating military commanders in Rakhine State as Specially
Designated Nationals, SDNs, would send a powerful message that these
crimes will not be tolerated anywhere in the world, including in Burma.
On the other hand, I would like to recognize the immense generosity
the people and Government of Bangladesh have shown during this crisis.
Over 500,000 people, most of whom are women, children, and the elderly,
have fled to Bangladesh since August 25. The Government of Bangladesh
has accepted these people and worked to provide for them within the
limits of their abilities, while supporting international efforts to
address the root causes of the crisis.
{time} 2100
Bangladesh, a country not much larger than Iowa, with a population of
more than 150 million, faces significant challenges in taking care of
this refugee population. The 500,000 Rohingya join hundreds of
thousands who have arrived in Bangladesh during previous such forced
migrations.
Bangladesh has done an admirable job, but the limits on the
Bangladeshi Government to provide for these refugee populations are
real, and the nation requires international assistance. This includes
assistance from the United States, the United Nations, Europe, and
Japan. Countries in the region must also step up and provide support
for the refugee populations in Bangladesh, especially China and India,
which maintain close relationships with both Bangladesh and Burma.
As I mentioned previously, we are in an age of accelerated news, and
with social media, we are in an age of knowing. Things that were once
far away that were hardly seen or known directly or firsthand can now
be seen over the internet, on Facebook, on Twitter, on other social
media. The pace at which news comes at us now can give us a case of
whiplash, and governing in this body and trying to deal with even the
things that just affect the United States of America, such as the
hurricanes that have hit Texas and Florida and Puerto Rico, can
sometimes feel overwhelming. There can be a temptation to hunker down,
to look no further than our own borders, to try to solve the problems
that confront us not only as Americans but as fellow human beings.
These days, with everything going on in our own Nation, sometimes it
doesn't seem like there is a time to take our focus off of our
challenges and speak about other things, some of them far away. But it
is important that we think about, that we remember, that we reflect,
and that we try to solve the problems and challenges of other peoples.
It is often said that the United States can't be the policeman of the
world, and I believe that is true. But there are things that call our
conscience that do move us to action where I believe that we do have a
responsibility to act as the leader among nations in the world.
The crisis in Burma, the ethnic cleansing that has victimized the
Rohingya people, is one of those instances, and I wanted to speak about
it today.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I join my colleagues tonight in calling
the attention of Congress to the horrific ethnic cleansing against the
Rohingya people that is underway in Burma.
On August 25th of this year, an illegal armed militant group known as
the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army attacked police outposts in Rakhine
state, Burma, killing twelve people. I condemn this attack in the
strongest possible terms.
Forty-five years ago, Pope Paul VI said ``If you want peace, work for
justice.'' Especially in today's world, I do not believe that armed
insurgency is the best path to justice, nor to peace.
But let me be clear: the Burmese government's response to the August
25th attack over the last several weeks has been so disproportionate
that one is at a loss to describe it.
The military has carried out a massive scorched earth campaign in
which hundreds of Rohingya villages and tens of thousands of homes have
been burned and destroyed. There are many highly credible reports of
people, including children, being shot in the back as they ran, and of
rapes, torture and ill-treatment.
As many as half a million Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh and at
least another 27,000 are displaced within Burma.
That is on top of the tens of thousands of Rohingya who fled after a
previous armed militant attack a year ago. Most of the Rohingya
population of Rakhine has now been forced out of the state. 120,000 of
those who remain live in IDP camps.
Stunningly disproportionate? Unimaginably, brutally, barbarically
disproportionate? Flagrantly, in-your-face, try-to-stop-me
disproportionate? I am left without words.
Do I regret the killing of 12 policemen on August 25th? Absolutely.
Do more than half a million people deserve to be punished for it?
Absolutely not.
And please do not talk to me about a ``growing terrorist threat'' in
Burma.
The Rohingya in Burma are stateless and subject to the most profound
discrimination. They are poverty-stricken, denied access to education
and work, and their movements within the country are restricted--and
all of this was true before the militant attacks.
The Burmese government has allowed the conditions for radicalization
and extremism to
[[Page H7916]]
fester within their country. The current military campaign is only
making things worse.
What should we be doing?
First, all available leverage should be brought to bear on the
Burmese military to end its violent campaign against the Rohingya
people. Its actions to date are entirely removed from any concept of
rule of law and make a mockery of the government's obligation to
protect its people.
Second, the government must ensure full and unfettered humanitarian
access to Rakhine state. Given the dimensions of the crisis, this means
letting in experienced aid organizations in addition to the Red Cross.
It also means ending the threats, allegations and misinformation
against humanitarian staff that have sparked fear among humanitarian
workers, especially national staff, and contributed to an environment
in which targeted attacks against humanitarian staff have taken place.
Enough already.
Third, the Burmese government must grant access to the fact-finding
mission authorized by the UN Human Rights Council last March, after
last ``clearance operation'' the military conducted from October 2016
to February of this year. Now more than ever, we need an objective
international presence on the ground.
Fourth, a roadmap to ending this crisis already exists. It's found in
the Final Report of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State led by
former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan.
International actors, including this Congress, must do all we can to
make sure that the Burmese government implements the recommendations
included in that report--especially the ones that have to do with
ending statelessness and poverty. Otherwise, we should not be surprised
if the situation in Burma just gets worse and worse.
Finally, we need to be clear-eyed about the nature of the Burmese
government.
I have been among those in Congress who have welcomed the political
transition in Burma that began with the 2015 elections. But the events
of the last few weeks raise very serious questions about the extent to
which that transition is real.
As events have unfolded in Burma in recent weeks, a lot of criticism
has been focused on Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Laureate and de facto
leader of the civilian government. Her defenders have responded that
the military still has a lot of power, and that she has to walk a very
fine line.
But if that is true, what kind of ``democratic'' government are we
talking about?
If the military is still in charge--if the civilian government is
powerless to stop ethnic cleansing--then we need to recognize that.
If not, then let's be clear about the requirements of moral
leadership. Standing by in silence--even worse, downplaying the
seriousness of what is happening to the Rohingya people because of
political convenience--is not the leadership we expect from Aung San
Suu Kyi.
Those who want to claim the mantle of human rights leader must defend
the human rights of all people.
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