[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 160 (Thursday, October 5, 2017)]
[House]
[Pages H7884-H7885]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                UNDERSTANDING WHAT LATE-TERM ABORTION IS

  The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of 
January 3, 2017, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Garrett) is 
recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the majority leader.
  Mr. GARRETT. Mr. Speaker, earlier this week, the Chamber took up H.R. 
36, a bill dealing with pain-capable unborn children; and a bill that, 
in its result, would cause the United States to join the vast bulk of 
nations in the world wherein the termination of lives of children who 
are not only capable of feeling pain, but under what we understand to 
be the best science may, in fact, feel more pain because of the density 
of the nerve tissue, as they are in this roughly fifth month of 
development.
  I guess four times in the brief time that I have been in this 
building, we have seen the Chamber erupt into applause, oftentimes over 
partisan-perceived victories.
  The first time the Chamber erupted into applause is when my 
colleagues across the aisle were giddy with joy when a bill that would 
have ensured that the Department of Defense didn't spend money to 
perform transgender procedures on soldiers, sailors, airmen, and 
marines failed in the form of an amendment. Another had to do with 
healthcare. Another had to do with the return of Majority Whip Steve 
Scalise. That was indeed a bipartisan eruption in applause.
  Then there was an eruption from this side of the Chamber when H.R. 36 
passed, as there was a recognition that late-term abortion is barbaric 
and counter to the ideas put forth to the world when, in the 
Declaration of Independence, it was written that we hold certain truths 
to be self-evident, and among those was life.
  Too many people have failed to grasp the nature of what late-term 
abortion is, yet to grapple with the problem will require to understand 
what exactly that problem is.
  So to look at the other six nations in the world that allow the 
termination of life after 5 months, we see nations like Vietnam, North 
Korea, China, and the United States.
  Then to listen to the doctors who have performed these procedures 
describe in what was literally excruciating detail how the procedure is 
performed, that an instrument is inserted into the uterus, and probing 
is done until something is found, and the instrument is latched on, and 
then there is pulling, and out comes an arm or a leg or a piece of a 
head or a torso. Then, in fact, that unborn child, who science tells us 
can feel pain, dies by virtue of bleeding to death inside its very 
host. That is the nature of these procedures.
  Estimates tell us that if the United States joined the fast bulk of 
the nations on the planet in outlawing late-term abortions, somewhere 
between 14,000 and 20,000 children every year wouldn't experience an 
unspeakable demise of literally being ripped from their host limb by 
limb and bleeding to death, all whilst, in the best estimates of 
scientists, feeling the pain of that death.
  To put that in terms of Virginia's Fifth District, that is the 
population of Cumberland County twice every year, roughly.
  So there was applause from the Members who saw that the United States 
would join the ranks of the civilized nations in the world who put 
appropriate value on life, Mr. Speaker, and disappointment from some on 
the other side of the aisle, other than a few brave individuals to be 
distinguished by departing from the herd and recognizing the value and 
sanctity of life thereto, and immediate news stories about how H.R. 36 
was dead on arrival in the United States Senate.
  Mr. Speaker, it is my sincere hope that the American people will not 
let that be the case.
  I often speak of the history of the Fifth District of Virginia that 
gave us great Americans like Booker T. Washington and Barbara Johns, 
Thomas Jefferson, John Marshall, James Madison, James Monroe, and 
Patrick Henry.
  As I thought about how to best address the need for action in the 
other Chamber, Mr. Speaker, I determined that there were no better 
words than those delivered by Patrick Henry from Virginia, slightly 
amended, on March 23, 1775, in St. John's Cathedral as he addressed the 
second Virginia Assembly in Richmond, Virginia.
  So with all credit to the author, whom I paraphrase, I would read: 
Mr. Speaker, no man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism and 
abilities of the very worthy people who have served and do serve in 
this Senate.

                              {time}  1215

  But different people often see the same subject in different lights; 
and, therefore, I hope it will not be a thought disrespectful to those 
Senators if entertaining, as I do, opinions of a character very 
opposite of many of theirs, I shall speak forth of my sentiments freely 
and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony.
  The question before the Senate is one of an awful consequence to this 
country. For my part, I consider it nothing less than a question of 
life or death, and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject, ought 
to be the freedom of debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to 
arrive at truth and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to 
our creator and country.
  Should I keep back my opinions at such times through a fear of giving 
offense or political loss? I should consider myself guilty of treason 
and of cowardice, an act of disloyalty towards the majesty of our 
creator, who I revere above all earthly kings.
  Mr. Speaker, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of 
hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against painful truth and listen to 
the song of the siren until she transforms us into beasts. Is this the 
role of wise people engaged in a great and arduous struggle for life? 
Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, 
and having ears, hear not the things which so nearly concern their 
temporal salvation?
  For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to 
know the whole truth, to know the worst, and to provide for it. I have 
but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of 
experience, of history. I have no way of judging the future but by the 
past.
  In judging the past, I wish to know for what has been the conduct of 
the abortion industry for the last 44 years to justify those hopes with 
which gentlemen are pleased to solace themselves.
  The Senate, is that insidious smile which our petition has been 
received lately? Trust it not, sir. It will prove a snare at your feet. 
Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with the promise

[[Page H7885]]

of later action. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our 
petition comports with these nearly 60 million lives lost in this 
country alone, which cover our waters and darken our lands. Is taking 
an unborn life a work of love and reconciliation? Is subjecting to pain 
a 5-month-old child as no other nation save six on the Earth allowed to 
happen? Let us not deceive ourselves. These are the implements of death 
and destruction.
  I ask what means this perpetual delay of voting? What is its purpose? 
What is the force of inaction? Can gentlemen assign another possible 
motive for it than to ensure that it never occurs?
  Destruction? No, sir, destruction. They are set to send and 
perpetuate this loss of life, and have so long supported this loss of 
life, and now an opportunity presents itself to vote, and what do we 
have to oppose inaction? Mr. Speaker, we have our voices. Shall we try 
again and again? Shall we bring this bill back next year? We have been 
trying that for 40 years. Have we anything new to offer upon the 
subject? Nothing.
  We have held this subject in every light of which it is capable. It 
has all been, to this date, in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and 
supplication? What terms shall we find that have not already been 
exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, Mr. Speaker, deceive ourselves.
  We have done everything that we could do to avert this death that has 
claimed nearly 60 million lives and 14 to 20 million unborn lives after 
the age of 5 months in utero every single year. We have petitioned, we 
have remonstrated, we have supplicated, we have prostrated ourselves 
and have implored its inner position to arrest the tyrannical hands of 
the abortion industry and its champions in Washington, and our 
petitions have been slighted. Our remonstrations produce additional 
death and insult. Our supplications have been disregarded, and we have 
been spurned with contempt from the floor of the Chamber of the 
opposing body. In vain these things we may indulge the fond hope of 
life and justice.
  If we support life, if we mean to preserve and violate this 
fundamental right for which we have been so long arguing, if we mean 
not basely to abandon this noble struggle which we have been so long 
engaged in, in which we have pledged ourselves to never abandon until 
the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must hope the 
American people demand the Senate hold a vote. We must hope the 
American people demand the Senate hold a vote.
  An appeal to democracy and to the Lord of hosts is all that is left 
to us. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a promise of later 
action. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition 
comports with the nearly 60 million lives ended.
  We can be heard in numbers across the fruited plain. A vote should be 
held for or against life. Let us have it. Let us have it. In this vein, 
sir, to extenuate the matter, gentlemen may cry: Later; later; next 
year. But there is no later. The killing has continued for over 40 
years. The next gale that sweeps to the North will bring to our ears 
cries of the yet born. The House has voted. Why is the Senate idle? 
What is it that they wish? What would they have? Is political victory 
so dear or a title so sweet as to be purchased at the price of human 
life? Forbid it, Almighty God.
  Mr. Speaker, I know not what course others may take, but as for me, 
my hope is that there is a vote. My hope is that we stand for life.
  Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

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