[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 156 (Thursday, September 28, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S6205-S6207]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]


          Puerto Rico and U.S. Virgin Islands Recovery Effort

  Mr. BLUMENTHAL. Mr. President, I am here for the third time in as 
many days to talk about this Nation's response to a humanitarian crisis 
affecting millions of Americans--the people

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of Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands. It is similar to the situation 
in Florida, in the gulf coast, and, some years ago, in Connecticut and 
in other parts of this country when they faced a natural disaster that 
was almost as devastating as an attack would be by a foreign power. 
Analogous but different, this category 4 Hurricane Maria caused 
consequences as devastating and destructive as any that man could do. 
It is a natural disaster, not manmade, but it is turning into a manmade 
disaster.
  So far, the response from our government has been underwhelming. In 
fact, it has been inadequate and anemic. It has been shamefully slow 
and undersized and should be vastly upgraded and increased.
  Just moments ago, I learned that Lieutenant General Buchanan has been 
appointed to head the military efforts in Puerto Rico. That appointment 
followed a call just an hour or so ago with all of the representatives, 
including FEMA, the Department of Defense, other Federal agencies, and 
the Red Cross, during which I urged our U.S. military to be mobilized, 
much as we would be in responding to a natural disaster in Connecticut 
or Texas or Florida or other places in this country on the mainland 
where we have seen the same kind of storm.
  The 3.4 million people in Puerto Rico are almost exactly the same 
number as the population of Connecticut. I hope, and I believe, the 
response would be better in Connecticut if we were to face the same 
kind of natural disaster. Yet the manmade disaster is the failure to 
move food, fuel, medicine, water, other necessities, and communications 
equipment from the ports and the airports into the interior of the 
country, even into the major cities, where currently apparently a lack 
of drivers and passable roads make it all the more difficult. Whether 
the supplies of food and fuel and medicine and water are adequate on 
the island or need to be increased on an emergency basis and whether 
there are sufficient shipments and airlifts going into the island, the 
simple fact is that Puerto Rico faces a disaster--manmade after 
natural.
  I commend the loyal and dedicated people of FEMA and all of the 
National Guard, including the National Guard of Connecticut, who have 
performed with such heroism and dedication in the face of the most 
difficult circumstances imaginable, but their efforts need to be 
matched by many others. There are 4,500 American military personnel now 
in Puerto Rico. Rather than 5,000, there should be 50,000 of our 
National Guard, not to occupy the island, not to enforce martial law 
but to make sure the logistics--the transportation, the means of 
delivery of the lifeblood of that island in food and fuel and medicine 
and water and other basic necessities--are sufficient to move those 
basic supplies to the places they are needed. The troops who are there 
now are performing heroic, Herculean work, and so are many volunteers, 
along with FEMA officials, the Coast Guard, and others, but they need 
more help.
  Nearly a week after this storm, Maria, more than 90 percent of the 
island's residents are without power, 42 percent have no water, the 
vast majority of the country's 69 hospitals cannot function, and only 
10 percent of the cell towers are working. If those conditions existed 
in Connecticut, I would be on the floor 24 hours a day. Puerto Rico and 
the Virgin Islands have no one here, and they have no elected 
Representatives in the House of Representatives. They are voiceless or 
at least voteless in this body. We need to stand for them, speak out, 
and fight for them. That is why I am here for the third day in a row.
  We need a plan and a strategy, which has been lacking from this 
administration. In that phone call earlier today with FEMA officials 
and the Department of Defense, I asked about a plan. They are working 
on it. The military, U.S. Northern Command, is working on a plan. They 
could not tell me when it will be ready or what it will say or what the 
total number of troops or other logistical supplies will be nor could 
they commit that there would be a waiver under FEMA regulations of the 
C through G conditions, which apply to permanent recovery.
  The only decision that has been made is A to B, which provides for 
debris and other emergency responses over the next 180 days, and that 
is part of what the island needs--a longer term plan as well as an 
immediate one to make sure there is a road to recovery, that there is a 
path that will provide hope. Not only is the well-being and health of 
this island threatened but so is hope, which is so important for 
progress to be made.
  The people of Puerto Rico have been met with, at best, ambivalence 
and ambiguity by the President of the United States. Earlier this week, 
he seemed more inclined to blame the island itself and the size of the 
ocean than in advocating for help. I hope we can come together on a 
bipartisan basis. With the kind of situation that is there now--the 
danger of epidemic as well as immediate health threats before disease 
takes hold--we must act before people die. We must come to the aid of 
Puerto Rico. They need medical care. They need access to food and safe 
drinking water, and, yes, they need greater security.
  The 78 mayors of Puerto Rico, along with the Governor, are doing also 
heroic and Herculean work, but a whole of government response is 
necessary from this body and from the Federal Government at a much 
higher magnitude. In the long term, we must have a martial plan--a 
strategy for rebuilding the island's roads, bridges, rail, airports, 
ports, and VA facility, much as we do in this country, except that, 
there, the need is so much more dire and immediate. Hospitals, 
transportation, electricity, power, communications, safety, housing all 
have been destroyed, and the consequences will be deadly.
  My hope is that Lieutenant General Buchanan will expedite that plan. 
So far, it has been lacking. It should be done today. It should be 
integrated with the FEMA approach, and I hope they will permit visits 
by Members of the Congress who, so far, have been prevented from going 
there.
  The American people deserve to have elected Representatives there 
because Puerto Rico has none here. The extraordinary work done by the 
cable TV and reporters for the print media and others who are there 
have given us a picture--and often a picture is worth a thousand 
words--of the devastation that now continues from a manmade disaster 
that must be avoided before it takes lives and destroys hope.
  Thank you.
  I yield the floor.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from South Dakota.
  Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to be able to 
complete my remarks.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, I rise to voice my strong support for the 
nomination of Ajit Pai to a second 5-year term as Commissioner of the 
Federal Communications Commission.
  Mr. Pai has served as a Commissioner of the FCC since 2012, when he 
was first confirmed by a voice vote in the Senate. Mr. Pai was 
designated by President Trump to be the 34th Chairman of the FCC in 
January of this year and was renominated to a second term to the FCC in 
March.
  In July, the Senate Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committee, 
which I am privileged to chair, held a hearing on the nomination of Mr. 
Pai, and the committee reported out his nomination favorably on August 
2.
  Prior to becoming a Commissioner, Chairman Pai worked on 
telecommunications policy in both the public and private sectors, 
notably serving in the Senate as a staffer on the Judiciary Committee 
as well as in the general counsel's office at the FCC.
  It is my belief that Mr. Pai's stellar career and communications 
policy, his integrity, and his tireless work ethic all serve him well 
as he continues to serve the FCC and guide the agency back to being a 
more collaborative and productive institution.
  In just 9 months since becoming Chairman, Mr. Pai has made much 
needed reforms to improve transparency at the FCC and to improve the 
agency's processes. I am particularly heartened by Chairman Pai's 
efforts to treat his fellow Commissioners fairly by instituting the 
process of sharing documents with other Commissioners before discussing 
them publicly.
  Additionally, under Chairman Pai's leadership, the public is now able 
to view the text of all agenda items in advance of Commission meetings. 
Also,

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to better reflect the realities of today's competitive landscape, 
Chairman Pai has announced the creation of an Office of Economics and 
Data to provide cost-benefit analyses to better inform the FCC's work.
  These measures are a significant step forward from the last 
Chairman's leadership style, which I frequently criticized as being 
hyperpartisan and warned would lead to counterproductive outcomes over 
the long term. That is why, a little over a year ago, I felt compelled 
to stand in this same spot and to strongly criticize the previous 
Chairman of the FCC for leading the Commission with unprecedented 
partisan zeal. At that time, I noted that the voting record for open 
meetings at the Commission showed a long history of consensus-building 
with the previous five permanent FCC Chairmen combining for only 14 
party-line votes at open meetings during their tenures. However, this 
all changed under Chairman Wheeler as he pursued a highly partisan 
agenda, driven by ideological beliefs more than by a sober reading of 
the law. Chairman Wheeler forced 3-to-2 votes on a party-line basis a 
total of 31 times. To put it another way, in 3 years under Chairman 
Wheeler, the FCC saw over twice as many partisan votes than in the 
previous 20 years combined.
  While partisan differences are sometimes inevitable, what were once 
very rare events have become standard operating procedure at the 
Commission. This extreme partisanship was used to do the following 
things: a complete upending of how the internet is regulated, creating 
years of uncertainty for everyone; stripping important consumer 
protection responsibilities from the Federal Trade Commission; a failed 
attempt to override States' rights on municipal broadband and a power 
grab that was overturned by the courts; increasing the size of the 
Universal Service Fund by billions of dollars by simultaneously 
undermining bipartisan efforts to improve the program's accountability; 
the unnecessary and possibly unlawful disclosure of trade secrets and a 
plan to have the FCC and its Media Bureau design and dictate the future 
of television ads.
  I was not alone in noticing Chairman Wheeler's overreach. On several 
occasions other Federal agencies refused to support his actions. The 
Copyright Office strongly criticized a proposal for set-top boxes. The 
staff at the Federal Trade Commission called the FCC's privacy rules 
``not optimal,'' which is bureaucrat speak for really bad. The Obama 
administration's Department of Justice refused to defend the FCC's 
unlawful action on municipal broadband.
  With respect to internet regulations, I am pleased that Chairman Pai 
has sought to hit the reset button on the 2015 title II order because, 
as I have previously said, the FCC should do what is necessary to 
rebalance the agency's regulatory posture under current law. I continue 
to believe, however, that the best way to provide long-term protections 
for the internet is for Congress to pass bipartisan legislation.
  Two and a half years ago, I put forward legislative principles and a 
draft bill to begin the conversation, and I continue to stand ready and 
willing today to work toward finding a lasting legislative solution 
that will resolve the dispute over net neutrality once and for all.
  Thankfully, the net neutrality debate has not distracted the FCC from 
important work in other areas. For instance, the FCC's proposed 
rulemaking on robocalls is a positive step in the right direction. The 
government must do everything we can to protect consumers from those 
who are truly bad actors, but we also must be sure that the 
government's rules are not unfairly punishing legitimate callers who 
are not acting maliciously. The FCC's notice of inquiry will give that 
conversation a much needed jump-start.
  Furthermore, Chairman Pai's focus on the expansion of rural broadband 
and acceleration of next-generation infrastructure deployment will help 
close the digital divide--a goal that we all share. He has also worked 
tirelessly to help ensure communications services are restored to the 
communities affected by Hurricanes Harvey, Irma, and Maria.
  Given the FCC's importance to the future of our economy and our 
society, it is important for the Commission to seek opportunities for 
common ground. In the past, people used to say that communications 
policy was not particularly partisan and that both sides of the aisle 
could often find common ground to work together. Well, times have 
changed, and the debate on this nomination is another example of that.
  I know that agreement is not always possible. Nevertheless, as a 
corrective to the Commission's recent history, I urged Chairman Pai at 
his confirmation hearing to treat all Commissioners fairly, to respect 
the law, to be willing to ask Congress for guidance, and to seek 
consensus whenever and wherever possible. I believe doing so will 
improve the agency's credibility and will result in actions that are 
more likely to endure, and I believe that Chairman Pai will do these 
things.
  As I noted at the outset, Chairman Pai has already made much needed 
reforms to improve the processes at the FCC and to empower his fellow 
Commissioners. He has already shown a commitment to ensuring 
transparency and openness at the Commission, which gives me great 
confidence in the direction that he will lead the agency. Chairman 
Pai's new approach, I believe, will lead to more long-lasting and 
positive results at the FCC. That is why I believe the elevation of 
Ajit Pai to be the Chairman of the Commission is a much needed breath 
of fresh air, and why I believe he should be confirmed promptly and 
without further delay.
  So I urge my colleagues to support this nomination.
  I yield the floor.