[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 148 (Wednesday, September 13, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S5475-S5476]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
HEALTHCARE
Mr. WYDEN. Mr. President, I would like to turn to healthcare. For me,
healthcare has always been the most important issue. It goes back to my
days when I was director of the Oregon Gray Panthers. I have always
felt, as a general proposition, that it is extraordinarily important
for us to pursue bipartisan approaches in this space. I have focused on
that, and, frankly, I got a lot of welts on my back to show for it.
I was very proud last night to be able to work with Chairman Hatch,
and we have, in effect, announced the beginning of an agreement to deal
with the Children's Health Insurance Program, a bipartisan approach,
and do it in a responsible way. Obviously, there are other steps to go,
but I think it reflects, again, a big, important issue in
[[Page S5476]]
polarized political times--the Finance Committee trying to find common
ground.
The reality is, the principles around which healthcare reform has
traditionally been based are still pretty valid. I believe, as the
ranking Democrat on the Senate Finance Committee, that healthcare is a
basic human right. I also believe our colleagues on the other side of
the aisle have valid points as well about having a role for the private
sector in the delivery of healthcare. So I have long used those kind of
bedrock principles to guide me with respect to healthcare, and that is
why I wanted to come to the floor today to talk about what was just
announced by Republican Senators--Republican Senators only--to make one
last attempt to roll back Americans' healthcare before they lose the
opportunity to take advantage of the special rules that would allow
partisan-only approaches, and they expire at the end of the month.
As I said, my focus--as was the case last night with Chairman Hatch,
and we are far from done here--was to find common ground with respect
to a critical program for children.
Earlier today, our colleagues, Senators Graham, Cassidy, and Heller,
introduced a partisan bill that, in my view, might be the most harmful
version of TrumpCare yet, so I wanted to take a few minutes this
evening to explain why this type of legislation is still a bad deal for
American families.
This legislation that has been authored by the three Republican
Senators gives a super block grant--a blank check--to the States so
that they can do whatever they want to Americans' healthcare. Based on
everything else I have seen this year, that is going to mean an awful
lot of pain for vulnerable people and an open door to the worst abuses
of insurance companies, which had been relegated to the history books
when the Affordable Care Act was passed. My view is that this is
probably the largest healthcare devolution in history, which is pretty
much sending it to the States and saying: Have at it.
First of all, the bill ends Medicaid as Americans know it today. This
year's debate over healthcare made one matter clear--that Medicaid
matters. It pays for the healthcare of America's most vulnerable and
serves as a safety net for the people who might not think they will
need it. It covers nursing home care for older Americans who spend down
their hard-earned savings. It pays for addiction treatment services for
those who are struggling with opioids, as millions of Americans are
today. It helps Americans with disabilities live healthy, productive
lives in their communities rather than in institutions. That is just
the tip of the iceberg of the good work Medicaid does for those from
Portland, OR, to Portland, ME. Under the legislation that I am
discussing--Graham-Cassidy-Heller--that is gone.
The plan ends the expanded Medicaid coverage that 11 million
Americans count on today. It puts a cap on Medicaid and offers hundreds
of billions less in support from the Federal Government. It is
essentially telling States ``good luck'' and is asking them to make all
of the hard decisions about which Americans will get adequate
healthcare and which people will go without. History tells us that the
most vulnerable Americans who are without a voice or a powerful lobby
are inevitably going to be the ones worse off.
There is one more step that this bill takes that is different from
previous versions of TrumpCare and similar proposals. Rather than
reducing the tax credits that help Americans get help, which is similar
to earlier Republican approaches, this bill just gets rid of them. It
gets rid of them completely. That means asking States to use their
Federal health block grants to cover Medicaid, nursing home care, care
for those with disabilities, addiction treatment, tax credits for
healthcare, and more--and all from the same pot of money. To me, that
is a recipe for a healthcare disaster.
This proposal also opens up loopholes for the big insurance companies
to undermine key consumer protections--those that bar discrimination
against those who have preexisting conditions and set essential
benefits that all Americans are entitled to receive.
I thought we were done with those days--the days when, in effect,
healthcare worked for the healthy and the wealthy and when we had
discrimination against those with preexisting conditions. Basically,
unless you were healthy and did not have a preexisting condition or
unless you were wealthy and could pay for your healthcare costs, you
were really in deep trouble. As far as I can tell, this new proposal
undermines those key consumer protections that bar discrimination
against those who have preexisting conditions, and it takes us back.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to proceed for up to 10 more
minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Cassidy). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Mr. WYDEN. Mr. President and colleagues, thank you for your courtesy.
During the TrumpCare debate, it was clear that unraveling the
consumer protections that Americans count on today causes the whole
system to come apart at the expense of those who need healthcare the
most.
I have heard the authors of this bill argue that the States will be
able to keep the Affordable Care Act or do it their own way, but this
bill asks each State to do a whole lot more with a whole lot less. That
does not sound like a prescription for State innovation; it sounds like
more of the same failed, partisan approach that the public witnessed
earlier this year.
I know a bit about State innovation and have enjoyed talking with the
distinguished President of the Senate about it. I wrote the provision
that is currently in law that says that States have a chance to do
better, not worse. What the States have been most interested in up
until now is something called reinsurance, and the States that have
been making headway in terms of their getting the green light from the
Federal Government have used the existing law that I wrote. Yet the
idea of letting States do worse is a different story, and it sure looks
to me as if we will be seeing benefits cut and insurance plans being
worth little more than the paper on which they are written. On top of
that, Americans in red States should not be subjected to worse
healthcare than those in blue States simply on the basis of their ZIP
Codes.
So I come back to the bottom line in terms of bipartisanship in
healthcare. I think that the way one makes lasting change in the
American healthcare system is to find common ground across the aisle. I
talked about some of the key principles behind it. I mentioned the fact
that Chairman Hatch and I came together last night on a general
framework for the children's health insurance bill.
Now, I have been approached by colleagues about this legislation, so
I can only assume that means it is going to be pushed forward through
the deeply partisan process known as reconciliation. That did not end
well previously, and I am sure going to fight with everything I have to
block partisan reconciliation tactics in the days ahead.
I close by saying let's try to pick up on the kind of approach
Chairman Hatch and I tried to pursue last night--with a bipartisan
effort on CHIP. Let's try to find common ground. I think healthcare is
a basic human right. I also think Republicans have valid points with
respect to there being a significant role for the private sector. I am
interested in approaches that give all Americans the ability to have
affordable, good-quality healthcare, and I think that we get it best if
we pursue bipartisan approaches. I believe many of my colleagues here
in the Senate share these views, and I hope the Senate will not have
yet another knockdown, drag-out battle over a partisan reconciliation
bill that will harm the American people but will instead pick up on the
kind of bipartisan principles I have discussed tonight.
I thank the Presiding Officer and Senator Hoeven for the courtesy of
having the additional time.
I yield the floor.
(At the request of Mr. Cornyn, the following statement was ordered to
be printed in the Record.)
____________________