[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 123 (Thursday, July 20, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4102-S4103]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Healthcare
Mr. MURPHY. Mr. President, I thank the Senator from Georgia for the
recognition.
Colleagues, the new CBO score is out on, I guess, version 4.5 or
5.5--it is hard to keep track of the bill to repeal the Affordable Care
Act--and nothing has changed. This proposal, which is a moral and
intellectual dumpster fire, is still a disaster.
Here is what the CBO says about the bill that is currently being
reworked behind closed doors by my Republican colleagues. The CBO says
that, immediately, 15 million people would lose coverage by next year.
That is a humanitarian catastrophe. It is something this country has
never witnessed before--that number of people losing coverage in that
short a period of time. Our emergency rooms would be overwhelmed as
they would be unable to deal with the scope of that kind of
humanitarian need. Ultimately, the number would rise to 22 million at
the end of the 10-year window. We know it will be far bigger than that
in the second 10 years because that is when the worst of the Medicaid
cuts will happen, but 22 million is a lot of folks. It is no different
than in the previous version, which was 23 million, or in the House's
bill, which somehow got a majority vote in that place despite 24
million people losing health insurance, according to the CBO.
Today, 90 percent of Americans are covered by health insurance. The
CBO says that number will go all the way down to 82 percent. I have
heard my friend Senator Cornyn complain on this floor year after year
that the ACA still leaves millions of Americans uncovered. This would
make it even worse.
When you get down to look at what happens to individual Americans, it
gets even more frightening. Let me give an example of how this bill
would dramatically increase premiums on individuals who are currently
insured through the private market.
A lot of the coverage losses happen because of this assault on
Medicaid, but lots of folks who have private coverage would not be able
to afford it any longer. If you are a 64-year-old who is making, let's
say, $55,000, that is over three times the Federal poverty level. In a
lot of places, you can live on $56,000. Today, that individual is
paying about a $6,700 premium. Under the Republican healthcare bill,
that individual would be paying $18,000 in premiums. That is an
increase of 170 percent. That is just one individual.
The bottom line is that, if you are older and you are less wealthy,
you are going to be paying a whole lot more under this proposal.
Despite all of the guarantees made by Republicans and this President
that under their plan, costs would go down, that deductibles would go
down and premiums would go down, the CBO says the exact opposite. It
says that, especially if you are sort of middle-income and are 50 or
older, your premiums will go up dramatically.
This is a terrible bill. It does not solve a single problem that the
Republicans said they were trying to fix. More people lose insurance,
costs go up, and quality does not get better. This is a terrible piece
of legislation.
We are at this very frightening time in the negotiations when changes
are being made to this bill not to improve policy but to try to win
individual votes. That is what is happening as we speak. Behind closed
doors, small changes are being made to this bill to try to win the
votes of individual Senators, giving them specific amounts of money for
their State, and their State alone, in order to win their vote. That is
shameful, and it is no way to reorder one-fifth of the American
economy. We are talking about 20 percent of the U.S. economy. And
changes are being made to this bill right now that have nothing to do
with good healthcare, that have only to do with winning individual
votes to try to get to 50, because Republicans refuse to work with
Democrats--refuse to work with us. So instead of building a product
that could get big bipartisan support, Republicans are now down to a
handful of their Members and are trying to find ways to deliver amounts
of money to those Members' States in order to win their vote.
There is a special fund in the latest version of the bill for
insurance companies in Alaska that was not in the previous version of
the bill. Now, all of these provisions get written in a way that if you
are an average, ordinary American who decides to take a couple of hours
of your time to read the bill, you would never know that it was a
specific fund for Alaska because it doesn't say ``Alaska.'' It sets up
a whole bunch of requirements that a State has to meet to get this
special fund for insurance companies, and only one State fits that
description, and it is Alaska.
There is a change in this bill from previous law that addresses
States that were late Medicaid expanders, States that expanded into the
new Medicaid population allowed for under the Affordable Care Act but
did it late in the process. The previous version didn't give those
States credit when establishing the baseline for the new Medicaid
reductions, but miraculously this new bill has a specific provision to
allow for two States that were late Medicaid expanders to be able to
get billions of additional dollars sent to their State. Those States
are Alaska and Louisiana--two States.
There is a new provision in the latest version of the bill that makes
a very curious change to the way in which DISH payments are sent to
States--that is the Disproportionate Share Hospital Program that helps
hospitals pay for the costs for people without insurance. Not
coincidentally, it is a change that was advocated by one Senator from
one State: Florida. The change will disproportionately benefit the
State of Florida, and it is now in the new version.
These are not changes that help the American healthcare system. They
are not changes that benefit my State or
[[Page S4103]]
the State of the majority of Members here. Some of these changes don't
benefit 98 of us; they only benefit 2 of us. And they are in this
version of the bill in order to win votes, not to make good policy.
We heard word this morning of a new fund that was invented in the
middle of the night last evening that would supposedly help States that
are Medicaid expansion States transition their citizens who are
currently on Medicaid to the private market. Now there are reports that
it is a $200 billion fund, and that is a lot of money. It sounds like a
lot of money, and it is a lot of money, but it would represent 17
percent of the funds that are being cut to States, and it would only be
a temporary bandaid on a much bigger problem. Why? Because CBO says
definitively that the subsidies in this bill for people who want to buy
private insurance are so meager that virtually no one who is kicked off
of Medicaid will be able to afford those new premiums. That is why the
numbers are so sweeping in their scale--22 million people losing
healthcare insurance.
So even if you get a little bit of money to help a group of
individuals in a handful of States transition, when that money runs
out--and it will--they are back in the same place. All they are doing
is temporarily postponing the enormity of the pain that gets delivered.
And once again, this provision being delivered to only States with
Medicaid expansion populations is being targeted in order to win votes,
not in order to improve the entirety of the healthcare system.
Senator Corker called out his colleagues today. He said that he was
willing to vote for the motion to proceed, but he was growing
increasingly uncomfortable with a bill that was increasingly--I think
his word was ``incoherent.'' That is what happens when you get to the
point where you have a deeply unpopular bill that everybody in the
country hates and you need to put amounts of money in it to get a
handful of additional votes. It becomes incoherent. And this was an
incoherent bill to begin with. It is hard to make this bill more
incoherent, but that is what is happening when these individual funds
are being set up for Alaska, Louisiana, and Florida.
We could solve all of this if Republicans decided to work with
Democrats. If we set aside the big tax cuts for the wealthy and the
pillorying of the Medicaid Program, if we try to fix the real problems
Americans face today, we could do it on a bipartisan way. And wouldn't
that be great.
I get it that there is enormous political advantage for Democrats to
sit on the sidelines and watch Republicans vote for a bill that has a
15-percent approval rating, just like there was political advantage for
Republicans to sit on the sidelines and not do anything to help
Democrats provide insurance to 20 million more Americans. Healthcare is
a very thorny political issue, but it doesn't have to be that way. We
could sit down together and own this problem and the solution together,
and we could end healthcare being a permanent political cudgel that
just gets used every 5 to 10 years by one side to beat the other side
over the head.
We are Senators too. We got elected just like our Republican friends
did. Why won't Republicans let Democrats into the room, especially
after this bill has failed over and over again to get 50 votes from
Republicans? We don't have a communicable disease. We aren't going to
physically hurt you if you let us into that room. We are not lying when
we say we have a desire to compromise.
Democrats aren't going to walk into a negotiating room and demand a
single-payer healthcare system. We understand that we are going to have
to give Republicans some of what they want; maybe that is flexibility
in the benefit design that is offered on these exchanges. But
Republicans are going to have to give Democrats some of what we want,
which is the end to this madness--an administration that is trying to
sabotage our healthcare system and destroy the healthcare our citizens
get. But that could be a compromise. It is not illegal to meet with us.
There are 48 of us; there are not 12 of us. My constituents in
Connecticut deserve to have a voice in how one-fifth of the American
economy is going to be transformed.
I know a lot of my Republican friends want to do this. I have talked
with Republican Senators who say: Well, when this process falls apart,
we want to work with you. It is falling apart, because the only way
Republicans are going to get the 50 votes is by making these shameful
changes--specific funding streams for specific States in order to get a
handful of votes--and that is not how this place should work. Maybe
that is how things happened here 100 years ago, but it is not how
things should happen today.
So once again I will beg my Republican colleagues to stop this
partisan closed-door exercise and come and work with Democrats. We can
do this together. We can own it together. We will have plenty of other
stuff left to fight about if we find a way to agree on a path forward
for America's healthcare system.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Cassidy). The Senator from Oregon.
Mr. WYDEN. Mr. President, before he leaves the floor, I want to
commend my colleague from Connecticut for a very thoughtful speech. I
think he has made the case that the challenge ahead is really a two-
part drill--first, to stop something that is especially ill advised,
and second, to then move to a better way that really focuses on
sunlight and bipartisanship. So I thank my colleague for his very
thoughtful comments.