[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 122 (Wednesday, July 19, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S4061-S4063]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Healthcare
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, ObamaCare was imposed on our country 7
long years ago. It has been hurting the people we represent ever since.
Families were supposed to spend less on healthcare costs. They actually
paid more. Families were supposed to have more healthcare choices. They
ended up with fewer, sometimes none at all.
Worse still, for many years, we had an administration that often
waived away the concerns of middle-class families who were hurting.
Today, we thankfully have an administration that has chosen instead to
listen and agrees with us that Americans deserve a lot better.
I appreciate the efforts of the administration at every step of the
process to move beyond the failures of ObamaCare. The President, the
Vice President, Secretary Price, Administrator Verma, so many others--
we thank them for all the work they have done so far. We look forward
to continuing these collaborative efforts when we travel to the White
House later today because we have a very important task before us.
As I announced last evening, after consulting with both the White
House and our Members, we have decided to hold a vote to open debate on
ObamaCare repeal early next week. The ObamaCare repeal legislation will
ensure a stable 2-year transition period, which will allow us to wipe
the slate clean and start over with real patient-centered healthcare
reform. This is the same legislation that a majority of the Senate
voted to send to the President in 2015. Now we thankfully have a
President in office who will sign it, so we should send it to him.
Mr. President, today the Senate will vote to move forward on the
nomination of John Bush, of Kentucky, to serve as a judge on the Sixth
Circuit Court of Appeals.
As I said when I introduced Mr. Bush to the Judiciary Committee, I am
pleased to join the bipartisan chorus of voices supporting his
nomination. More than 100 lawyers and law professors from around the
country have written in support of his nomination. Nearly one-third of
those supporters are Democrats. They laud Mr. Bush's ``excellence,
professionalism, and leadership in the legal profession.'' They also
note his ``capacity to approach issues with an open mind and to
respectfully consider the viewpoints of others.''
In addition, some of his supporters from across the ideological
spectrum and from around the country who have known Mr. Bush for
decades have written separately to underscore their support for his
nomination. They are confident he understands the role of a judge,
which is to fairly consider the arguments of both sides in a case and
then to decide that case based on the law and nothing else. Indeed, it
is precisely because of his firm belief in the rule of law that they
strongly support his nomination, despite the fact that he and they may
hold different political and policy views.
As an illustration, I think we can all agree it is not common for
current or former leaders of Planned Parenthood
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to praise judicial nominees of Republican Presidents, just as it is not
common for me to quote leaders of that organization.
More than one has praised the President's nomination of John Bush
because of his fairness, thoughtfulness, and respect for the views of
others, regardless of his personal opinions. For instance, Christie
Moore is on the board of directors of Planned Parenthood of Indiana and
Kentucky. She has practiced law with Mr. Bush for nearly two decades.
She is ``confident'' that ``he will follow the rule of law regardless
of his personal or political opinions. In my experience, John naturally
approaches issues with an open mind and has always been respectful of
differing viewpoints. In fact, I am a living example of John's ability
to seek out and respect differing viewpoints and opinions. John and I
come from opposite ends of the political spectrum--I am a life-long
registered Democrat and proudly approach life and politics as a
Democrat. Yet John and I have practiced closely together and enjoy a
strong and respectful relationship.''
She concludes: ``I can personally attest John is a consummate
professional, and I believe he will be a tremendous asset to the
federal court of appeals.''
Her law firm colleague, Janet Jakubowicz, similarly explains why Mr.
Bush will do an outstanding job on the Sixth Circuit. She states that
he ``has shown himself to have both the legal ability and temperament
to be an outstanding judge.''
She writes it is precisely because she is a ``long time registered
Democrat'' that she can say ``with extreme confidence'' that John Bush
``approaches issues with an open mind and has always been respectful of
differing viewpoints'' and that he will make decisions on the bench
``in the same manner, and follow the rule of law regardless of his
personal or political opinions.''
Sheryl Snyder, also from my hometown, notes that he and Mr. Bush
``come from different political parties and have different perspectives
on many political issues.'' Mr. Snyder says that he is ``a Member of
the American Civil Liberties Union, and not the Federalist Society.''
Nevertheless, he has ``every confidence that as a Court of Appeals
Judge, John will scrupulously follow the law and apply precedent.'' He
notes that Mr. Bush is ``well known . . . as an experienced, capable,
ethical litigator'' and that ``his knowledge of the law is
unquestioned.''
Praise for Mr. Bush is not confined to those from the Commonwealth of
Kentucky, however. Ted Boutrous, Jr. practices law in Los Angeles.
Among other matters, Mr. Boutrous represented the plaintiffs in their
challenge to California's Proposition 8. He has known John Bush for a
quarter century. He writes that ``while we come from different
political parties . . . I am certain John will make an absolutely
superb Circuit Judge. He is an extraordinary lawyer and an
exceptionally fair, decent, and honest person. I have every confidence
that as a judge, John will scrupulously follow the law and Constitution
and precedent.''
Mr. Bush has received numerous professional awards. For instance, the
Best Lawyers in America named him the ``Louisville Litigation-Antitrust
Lawyer of the Year in 2017,'' this year. Last year, the same
organization recognized him as the ``Louisville Appellate Practice
Lawyer of the Year.'' He has been included on the Kentucky Super
Lawyers list every year for the last decade.
Beginning in 2012, the Sixth Circuit appointed him to serve on its
advisory committee on rules, in recognition of his in-depth knowledge
of the court's practice and procedure.
In sum, as evidenced by the impressive testimonials of those who
actually know him, John Bush is a man of integrity and considerable
ability. He will do an outstanding job on the Sixth Circuit.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Illinois.
Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I rise in open opposition to the
nomination of John Bush, nominated to serve a lifetime appointment on
the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals.
The Federal courts of appeal have a significant impact on the lives
of many Americans. Because the Supreme Court only reviews a limited
number of cases each year, decisions by the circuit courts represent
the final word on thousands of legal matters that involve a host of
important issues.
The Senate has to take very seriously its obligation to consider
candidates for these important courts. We have to make sure they have
the qualifications, the temperament, and the judgment to serve for the
rest of their lives. Based on Mr. Bush's record and his testimony
before the Judiciary Committee, I believe he falls short of this
standard.
Over the course of his legal career, Mr. Bush has made dozens of
provocative comments, casting serious doubt on his temperament, his
judgment, his impartiality, and his ability to serve as a fair and
impartial judge.
Consider the following things that this nominee has said or done:
In 2008, Mr. Bush compared abortion to slavery, writing in an
anonymous blog, I might add, that ``the two greatest tragedies in our
country--slavery and abortion--relied on similar reasoning and activist
justices at the U.S. Supreme Court, first in the Dred Scott decision
and later in Roe.''
Senator Feinstein and I decided to ask Mr. Bush to explain this
statement at his hearing. He did not disavow the comparison he made in
this anonymous blog. Here is what he said instead. He claimed that he
had referred to Roe v. Wade as a tragedy ``in the sense that it divided
our country.''
I asked Mr. Bush to explain his logic, asking whether he would
characterize Brown v. Board of Education as a case that divided our
country. He answered: ``I wasn't alive at the time of Brown, but I
don't think it did.''
That is an incredible statement made by a man who seeks to serve on a
Federal circuit court for the rest of his life. His logic and his
historical analogy have fallen apart. There is no dispute that Brown v.
Board of Education, which ended up in the official desegregation of
public schools across America, was a landmark Supreme Court decision
that deemed racial segregation unconstitutional and, as a result, led
to controversy and division across the United States.
I can't believe a man from Kentucky, a border State--a neighboring
state of my State of Illinois--could not measure the impact of Brown v.
Board of Education and whether it divided our country. That, to me, is
incredible. The reason, of course, he didn't is because he didn't want
to concede, quite obviously, that he was just opposed to a woman's
right to choose, and this was a rationalization for this position.
There were many other instances in which Mr. Bush expressed
provocative and troubling views. He wrote that public financing of
election campaigns is ``constitutionally dubious'' and ``runs afoul of
constitutional guarantees by forcing taxpayers to subsidize candidates'
political speech and contravention of those taxpayers' First Amendment
rights.''
This is a view which is hard to understand because it contradicts
decades of Supreme Court precedent. Mr. Bush, seeking this opportunity
to serve for the rest of his life on a Federal court, has now
questioned a Supreme Court precedent which has been on the books for
years.
He gave a speech where, sadly, he made an anti-gay slur about the
town of Louisville, KY. He wrote blog posts supporting the nomination
of a voter suppression advocate Hans von Spakovsky to the Federal
Election Commission. In response to a written question I sent to him,
he refused to disavow President Trump's claim that 3 to 5 million
people voted illegally in 2016. He said it was ``the subject of
political debate.'' That assertion by the President has been rejected
and discredited by every objective person who has been challenged but
not by Mr. Bush, who seeks this lifetime appointment to the court.
Mr. Bush wrote blog posts that repeatedly placed the terms global
warming and climate change in quotes, insinuating they did not exist.
He described then-House Speaker Pelosi as ``Mama Pelosi'' and wrote
that someone should ``gag the House speaker.''
He posted articles from right wing websites, speculating that former
President Barack Obama was born in Kenya.
He wrote in a blog post during the 2016 Republican National
Convention, ``Time to roll with Trump.''
[[Page S4063]]
The list of comments goes on and on. On a range of policies and legal
issues, Mr. Bush has already made crystal clear where he stands.
At his hearing, Mr. Bush asked the Judiciary Committee to trust that
he could completely set aside everything I have read into the Record
this morning; that he can walk away from his personal views if he is
confirmed to serve on the circuit court. Unfortunately, he has given us
little reason to trust that assurance. He has no judicial experience
demonstrating that he could be impartial. He spent his entire career in
private practice.
At his hearing before the Judiciary Committee, Mr. Bush was asked by
Senator Tillis, a Republican Senator: ``Do you think that impartiality
is an aspiration or an absolute expectation?''
Mr. Bush responded: ``It is an aspiration. I will do my best to be
impartial.''
In other words, Mr. Bush claims that he will try to be impartial but
that the Senate shouldn't expect that he will be completely successful.
Here is what Senator Tillis, my Republican colleague, then said in
reply: ``I actually have a concern with someone who thinks impartiality
is an aspiration. I think it is an expectation.''
I agree with Senator Tillis.
I believe Mr. Bush's failure to commit to impartiality disqualifies
him from this lifetime position.
Mr. Bush's views are far outside the judicial mainstream. He provided
no evidence that he could set aside his views if confirmed.
I understand that Mr. Bush does check many of the boxes we have seen
for recent nominees from this administration. Most important and
absolutely essential to his nomination is the fact that he is a
longtime member of the Federalist Society.
The Federalist Society describes itself as ``a group of conservatives
and libertarians dedicated to reforming the current legal order.'' The
Federalist Society is funded by big money, rightwing interests like the
Koch brothers, the Chamber of Commerce, and the Ed Uihlein Family
Foundation. This is the group President Trump personally thanked for
selecting his list of Supreme Court nominee finalists. So far this
year, every Trump judicial nominee who has had a hearing before our
Senate Judiciary Committee has been a Federalist Society member.
Coincidence? I don't think so.
I urge my Republican colleagues not to let the Federalist Society
serve as the selection committee--the secret handshake--to become a
Federal judge for life in the United States of America. We want a
Federal bench that welcomes independent and impartial thinkers. Mr.
Bush's Federalist Society membership shouldn't be his ticket to the
Federal bench.
In conclusion, this vote, when it comes to his nomination, is really
not a close call. It is clear that Mr. Bush has friends in high places,
but he has demonstrated a temperament and a judgment which we should
not put in a lifetime position on the Federal court of appeals. I urge
my colleagues to oppose his nomination.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Cotton). The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.