[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 117 (Wednesday, July 12, 2017)]
[House]
[Pages H5444-H5454]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 2810, NATIONAL DEFENSE
AUTHORIZATION ACT FOR FISCAL YEAR 2018, AND PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION
OF H.R. 23, GAINING RESPONSIBILITY ON WATER ACT OF 2017
Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I
call up House Resolution 431 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 431
Resolved, That at any time after adoption of this
resolution the Speaker may, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule
XVIII, declare the House resolved into the Committee of the
Whole House on the state of the Union for consideration of
the bill (H.R. 2810) to authorize appropriations for fiscal
year 2018 for military activities of the Department of
Defense and for military construction, to prescribe military
personnel strengths for such fiscal year, and for other
purposes. The first reading of the bill shall be dispensed
with. All points of order against consideration of the bill
are waived. General debate shall be confined to the bill and
shall not exceed one hour equally divided and controlled by
the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on
Armed Services. After general debate the bill shall be
considered for amendment under the five-minute rule. In lieu
of the amendment in the nature of a substitute recommended by
the Committee on Armed Services now printed in the bill, an
amendment in the nature of a substitute consisting of the
text of Rules Committee Print 115-23, modified by the
amendment printed in part A of the report of the Committee on
Rules accompanying this resolution, shall be considered as
adopted in the House and in the Committee of the Whole. The
bill, as amended, shall be considered as the original bill
for the purpose of further amendment under the five-minute
rule and shall be considered as read. All points of order
against provisions in the bill, as amended, are waived.
Sec. 2. (a) No further amendment to the bill, as amended,
shall be in order except those printed in part B of the
report of the Committee on Rules accompanying this resolution
and amendments en bloc described in section 3 of this
resolution.
(b) Each further amendment printed in part B of the report
of the Committee on Rules shall be considered only in the
order printed in the report, may be offered only by a Member
designated in the report, shall be considered as read, shall
be debatable for the time specified in the report equally
divided and controlled by the proponent and an opponent,
shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject
to a demand for division of the question in the House or in
the Committee of the Whole.
(c) All points of order against the further amendments
printed in part B of the report of the Committee on Rules or
amendments en bloc described in section 3 of this resolution
are waived.
Sec. 3. It shall be in order at any time for the chair of
the Committee on Armed Services or his designee to offer
amendments en bloc consisting of amendments printed in part B
of the report of the Committee on Rules accompanying this
resolution not earlier disposed of. Amendments en bloc
offered pursuant to this section shall be considered as read,
shall be debatable for 20 minutes equally divided and
controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the
Committee on Armed Services or their designees,
[[Page H5445]]
shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject
to a demand for division of the question in the House or in
the Committee of the Whole.
Sec. 4. At the conclusion of consideration of the bill for
amendment pursuant to this resolution, the Committee of the
Whole shall rise without motion. No further consideration of
the bill shall be in order except pursuant to a subsequent
order of the House.
Sec. 5. At any time after adoption of this resolution the
Speaker may, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XVIII, declare
the House resolved into the Committee of the Whole House on
the state of the Union for consideration of the bill (H.R.
23) to provide drought relief in the State of California, and
for other purposes. The first reading of the bill shall be
dispensed with. All points of order against consideration of
the bill are waived. General debate shall be confined to the
bill and shall not exceed one hour equally divided and
controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the
Committee on Natural Resources. After general debate the bill
shall be considered for amendment under the five-minute rule.
It shall be in order to consider as an original bill for the
purpose of amendment under the five-minute rule an amendment
in the nature of a substitute consisting of the text of Rules
Committee Print 115-24. That amendment in the nature of a
substitute shall be considered as read. All points of order
against that amendment in the nature of a substitute are
waived. No amendment to that amendment in the nature of a
substitute shall be in order except those printed in part C
of the report of the Committee on Rules accompanying this
resolution. Each such amendment may be offered only in the
order printed in the report, may be offered only by a Member
designated in the report, shall be considered as read, shall
be debatable for the time specified in the report equally
divided and controlled by the proponent and an opponent,
shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject
to a demand for division of the question in the House or in
the Committee of the Whole. All points of order against such
amendments are waived. At the conclusion of consideration of
the bill for amendment the Committee shall rise and report
the bill to the House with such amendments as may have been
adopted. Any Member may demand a separate vote in the House
on any amendment adopted in the Committee of the Whole to the
bill or to the amendment in the nature of a substitute made
in order as original text. The previous question shall be
considered as ordered on the bill and amendments thereto to
final passage without intervening motion except one motion to
recommit with or without instructions.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. MacArthur). The gentleman from Alabama
is recognized for 1 hour.
{time} 1230
Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the
customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Polis),
pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During
consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose
of debate only.
General Leave
Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have
5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Alabama?
There was no objection.
Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 431 provides for full
consideration, including making six amendments in order to H.R. 23, the
Gaining Responsibility on Water Act, and allows us to begin
consideration of H.R. 2810, the National Defense Authorization Act for
Fiscal Year 2018.
H.R. 23 is legislation necessary to deal with the severe water supply
crisis facing California and other Western States. The region has
experienced the worst drought in over 1,000 years, and many Western
communities have been very negatively impacted.
This commonsense legislation fixes the broken regulatory system that
is only exacerbating the impact of the drought conditions. The current
regulatory system is overly complex and inconsistent. Making matters
worse, various court decisions have only further complicated efforts to
resolve these issues.
For example, this bill will help bring California's water
infrastructure into the 21st century. The current water storage and
delivery system is designed to serve approximately 22 million people,
but the State currently has 37 million residents.
The bill is not only important to people in California. In fact,
around half of our Nation's fruits and vegetables come from California.
Every American could be hit in the pocketbook at the grocery store or
checkout line if the California drought is allowed to continue.
Through this legislation, we can help expand water infrastructure and
allow for greater water conveyance while ensuring environmental and
water rights protections. Passing H.R. 23 will directly help address
the drought crisis and benefit families, farms, the environment, and
the American economy.
The rule also allows us to begin consideration of the National
Defense Authorization Act. The bill provides for general debate and
makes in order 88 amendments, including 41 minority amendments and 20
bipartisan amendments. Another rule is expected tomorrow to provide for
consideration of additional amendments.
This open process actually started in the Armed Services Committee on
which I serve. At the committee level, 275 amendments were offered, and
231 amendments were adopted during our committee markup last month.
I have said this many times on this floor, but it is worth saying
again: there is no greater responsibility of the Federal Government
than to provide for the safety and security of the American people.
This year's NDAA does just that by reforming, repairing, and rebuilding
the United States military.
The bill addresses the realities of the dangerous threat environment
facing our Nation and ensures our troops and their families have the
necessary resources and benefits.
Over the last decade, we have cut our military at an alarming rate.
As the threats rack up, we have planes that can't fly, ships that can't
sail, and soldiers who can't deploy. We must reverse this readiness
crisis.
Thankfully, there is bipartisan support for boosting our Nation's
military. In fact, this bill passed out of the Armed Services Committee
by a vote of 60-1, continuing a strong bipartisan tradition of passing
NDAAs.
I want to briefly highlight just a few of the positive provisions of
this legislation.
The bill increases total military spending by 10 percent to rebuild
the military from the current readiness crisis. This includes
increasing the size of the Army, Navy, Air Force, Army Guard and
Reserve, Naval and Air Reserve, and Air Guard.
Given the serious threat posed by North Korea, the bill boosts
missile defense programs, including adding an additional $2.5 billion
above the President's budget request.
The bill also authorizes the construction of 13 new Navy ships,
including three more littoral combat ships, as we work to grow toward a
355-ship fleet. It funds a 2.4 percent pay raise for our troops and
extends special pay and bonuses for servicemembers.
Importantly, the bill continues to advance Chairman Thornberry's
priority of reforming and strengthening the military's acquisition
process to make it more effective and efficient.
Given the evolving threats related to cyber, the bill improves the
oversight of cyber operations.
The bill also helps set policy for the U.S. military relating to
Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, Ukraine, Russia, Africa, and the Asian
Pacific region.
All told, this bill achieves important priorities of reforming,
repairing, and rebuilding our military.
Each and every day, more than 2 million men and women put on the
uniform of the United States and serve our country. As we have seen by
two recent tragedies, the Marine plane crash in Mississippi and the USS
Fitzgerald collision off the coast of Japan, these individuals put
their lives on the line in order to protect the freedoms we all hold
dear. They deserve the resources necessary to fulfill their mission and
the benefits worthy of those who sacrifice so much.
So I am hopeful we can continue to move forward in a bipartisan
manner to pass this NDAA, to support our troops, and to fulfill our
constitutional obligation to provide for the common defense.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support House Resolution 431 and
the underlying bills, and I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the
customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the rule for providing debate on
the National Defense Authorization Act, often called the NDAA, and also
the
[[Page H5446]]
Gaining Responsibility on Water Act. First let me address that act.
They tried to create an acronym called the GROW Act, Gaining
Responsibility on Water, trying to make it seem like it actually might
help things grow, when it actually picks winners and losers in water--
and the losers are the environment, the State of California, and many
others.
There are also a lot of problems around the process for the GROW Act.
It bypassed hearings and markups. In fact, up until this bill was
published on the Rules Committee website, only lobbyists and a few
Republicans even knew what many of the provisions in this bill were.
This kind of backroom dealmaking is one of the reasons the general
public holds Congress in such low esteem.
There is an immense amount of opposition to this legislation,
including from conservation groups, fishing groups, Native American
Tribes, and the State of California.
Mr. Speaker, I have several letters that I include in the Record in
regard to opposition to H.R. 23. One of the letters is signed by groups
ranging from the American Bird Conservancy to the Animal Welfare
Institute, to the Humane Society and a number of others, discussing how
this bill would dramatically weaken protections for salmon, birds, and
other fish and wildlife.
Another letter that I include in the Record is from a former
colleague of ours, now the attorney general of the State of California,
Xavier Becerra, and, finally, a letter from the Governor of California
as well.
Please Oppose H.R. 23
July 11, 2017.
Dear Representative: On behalf of the undersigned
organizations, we write to urge you to oppose H.R. 23
(Valadao, R-CA). This bill would dramatically weaken
protections for salmon, migratory birds, and other fish and
wildlife in California's Bay-Delta watershed and would
threaten thousands of fishing jobs in California and Oregon
that depend on the health of these species. In addition to
gutting critical federal environmental protections in
California, H.R. 23 also preempts a wide range of state
environmental laws and would prevent the State of California
from protecting and managing its own water and wildlife
resources. In addition to these provisions focused on
California, the bill also includes titles that would reduce
public and environmental reviews of new dams and water
infrastructure across the Western states. Both the Obama
Administration and the State of California opposed similar
legislation in recent years, including opposition to H.R.
3964 (Valadao, R-CA) and H.R. 5781 (Valadao, R-CA) in 2014,
and H.R. 2898 (Valadao, R-CA) in 2015.
California has just emerged from a devastating drought, and
the state is taking proactive steps to protect cities, farms,
and the environment from future dry spells. However, several
provisions in H.R. 23 would undermine California's efforts by
permanently preempting critical state laws that protect
salmon and other native fisheries and the jobs they support.
In addition, this legislation would effectively repeal and
preempt state and federal laws and a binding settlement
agreement that require restoration of the San Joaquin River
and its native salmon runs, instead permanently drying up 60
miles of California's second longest river. H.R. 23 not only
preempts state law as applied to federal water projects in
California, but it also preempts the application of state
laws to the State Water Project and virtually all water
rights holders in California's Bay-Delta watershed. This
extensive preemption of state law in H.R. 23 is contrary to
over a hundred years of Reclamation law and would set a
dangerous precedent for other Western states.
H.R. 23 would also override the Endangered Species Act,
increasing the risk that winter-run Chinook salmon and other
native fish species are driven extinct. Further, H.R. 23
could devastate wildlife refuges that provide habitat for
millions of birds that migrate along the Pacific Flyway by
undermining the refuges' water rights and threatening
critically important funding sources. H.R. 23 would also
eviscerate the 1992 Central Valley Project Improvement Act,
eliminating instream flows to benefit salmon and funding for
habitat restoration projects, which help to mitigate the
adverse effects of the Central Valley Project. The impacts
from these provisions would reverberate along the entire West
Coast, affecting fishing jobs and related industries in
Oregon and Washington that depend on salmon from California's
Central Valley and threatening populations of waterfowl and
shorebirds that migrate to and from Alaska and Canada each
year.
In addition to these provisions focused on gutting
environmental protections in California, H.R. 23 also
includes several titles that would weaken the public's right
to know and environmental protection across the western
United States. For instance, the bill's dam permitting
provisions would give the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation
unprecedented control over the environmental review process
and could undermine the ability of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife
Service and N.O.A.A. Fisheries to share expertise and inform
the development of major infrastructure investments. These
provisions would make it difficult, if not impossible, for
responsible agencies to meaningfully analyze proposed
projects and could limit the public's ability to weigh in on
infrastructure that could affect communities for decades.
H.R. 23 has not been the subject of a single committee
hearing to receive public input from the State of California,
hunting organizations, sport and commercial fishermen,
tribes, or conservation groups, even though the bill could
greatly interfere with state water rights and cripple the
ability of state and federal agencies to manage limited water
resources for all beneficial uses. Last year Congress passed
legislation addressing California's water operations in the
Water Infrastructure Improvements for the Nation Act of 2016
(P.L. 114-322). H.R. 23 would undermine that legislation,
which supporters claim requires that state and federal water
projects are operated in compliance with state law and the
Endangered Species Act.
H.R. 23 also threatens thousands of fishing jobs in
California, Oregon, and beyond that depend on healthy salmon
runs from the Bay-Delta. The closure of the salmon fishery in
2008 and 2009 resulted in thousands of lost jobs in these
states. The livelihoods and recreational interests of salmon
fishermen, Delta farmers, fishing guides, tackle shops, bird
watchers, waterfowl hunters, and communities across
California and along the West Coast depend on the
environmental protections that H.R. 23 would eliminate.
For these reasons, we respectfully urge you to oppose H.R.
23. Thank you for your attention.
Sincerely,
American Bird Conservancy,
American Rivers,
Animal Welfare Institute,
Audubon California,
Center for Biological Diversity,
Center for Food Safety,
Defenders of Wildlife,
Earthjustice,
Endangered Species Coalition,
Environmental Protection Information Center,
Friends of the River,
Humane Society Legislative Fund,
International Marine Mammal Project of Earth Island
Institute,
Klamath Forest Alliance,
League of Conservation Voters,
Natural Resources Defense Council,
San Juan Citizens Alliance,
Sierra Club,
The Bay Institute,
Turtle Island Restoration Network,
Western Nebraska Resources Council,
Western Watersheds Project,
WildEarth Guardians.
____
State of California,
Office of the Attorney General,
Sacramento, CA, July 11, 2017.
Re H.R. 23 (Valadao).
Hon. Paul Ryan,
Speaker of the House of Representatives,
Washington, DC.
Hon. Nancy Pelosi,
House Minority Leader,
House of Representatives, Washington, DC.
Dear House Speaker Ryan and House Minority Leader Pelosi: I
am writing to express my opposition to H.R. 23, the Gaining
Responsibility on Water Act of 2017. This legislation would
exempt California from the long-standing principle that
Congress should defer to the individual states in the
management of their water resources. While H.R. 23 purports
to affirm state authority to regulate the waters within their
borders as to other western states, the legislation singles
out California by abrogating California water resource law
and effectively federalizing the State's water resource
management to the injury of the State's fish and wildlife
resources.
Like its predecessors H.R. 1873 and H.R. 3964, H.R. 23
would transgress state sovereignty in at least three
important respects. First, the legislation would mandate that
the federal Central Valley Project (CVP) and the California
State Water Project (SWP), the largest water projects in the
State, operate to outdated water quality standards for the
Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta developed over twenty-two years
ago, and would preclude state authorities from altering such
standards notwithstanding the cumulative scientific evidence
that these standards are insufficient to protect the State's
fisheries. Second, the legislation would prohibit the
California State Water Resources Control Board (SWRCB) and
the California Department of Fish and Wildlife (DFW) from
exercising their state law duties to protect fishery
resources and public trust values, not only as to CVP and SWP
operations, but as to all water right holders in California.
Third, the legislation would overturn settled principles of
cooperative federalism by materially altering the San Joaquin
River Restoration Settlement Act, an act that implements a
settlement reached by the United States, several
environmental organizations, and local water users resolving
a dispute over application of state fishery law to federal
facilities on the San Joaquin River. California supported the
compromise settlement and the implementing legislation and is
a partner in the San Joaquin River Restoration Program.
These proposed constraints on California's ability to
manage its natural resources conflict with historic
principles of western
[[Page H5447]]
water law. In California v. United States (1978) 438 U.S.
645, 654, the U.S. Supreme Court affirmed California's
ability to impose state law terms and conditions on federal
reclamation projects, and declared that, ``[t]he history of
the relationship between the Federal government and the
States in the reclamation of the arid lands of the Western
States is both long and involved, but through it runs the
consistent thread of purposeful and continued deference to
state water law by Congress.''
California law grants the SWRCB the continuing authority to
review and reconsider all water rights for the purpose of
determining whether their exercise would violate the
reasonable use requirement of the Article X, Section 2 of the
California constitution and California's common law doctrine
of the public trust. According to the California Supreme
Court, ``[t]he state has an affirmative duty to take the
public trust into account in the planning and allocation of
water resources, and to protect public trust uses whenever
feasible.'' (National Audubon Society v. Superior Court
(1983) 33 Ca1.3d 319, 446.) The California Legislature has
adopted these principles as ``the foundation of state water
management policy.'' (Cal. Wat. Code, 85023.) H.R. 23 would
abrogate California's ability to apply its water resource
laws while purporting to maintain and protect the ability of
other western states to manage their water resources. H.R. 23
provides no explanation as to why California should be
subject to such disparate treatment as to its sovereign
authority to manage its natural resources.
In addition, H.R. 23 takes these steps in violation of
settled constitutional principles of state sovereignty.
Relying upon separation of powers principles set forth in the
Tenth Amendment and elsewhere in the U.S. Constitution, the
U.S. Supreme Court in New York v. United States has held that
``even where Congress has the authority under the
Constitution to pass laws requiring or prohibiting certain
acts, it lacks the power directly to compel the States to
require or prohibit those acts.'' (New York v. United States
(1992) 505 U.S. 144, 166-167.) In Printz v. United States,
the U.S. Supreme Court expanded its ruling in New York and
held that ``[t]oday we hold that Congress cannot circumvent
that prohibition by conscripting the States' officers
directly.'' (Printz v. United States (1997) 521 U.S. 898,
935.)
By compelling the SWP, a state-funded and managed water
project, to operate based upon congressionally-mandated Delta
water quality standards, rather than allowing California to
develop standards that reflect the most recent scientific
information regarding the Delta, H.R. 23 is ``requiring'' a
state agency to comply with a federal policy. By preventing
the SWRCB, the DFW, and other state agencies from taking
actions to protect fishery and other public trust values,
H.R. 23 is ``prohibiting'' the State from enforcing state
law. These provisions of H.R. 23 violate settled state
sovereignty principles. Congressional passage of H.R. 23
would have, in effect, unconstitutionally ``dragooned'' state
agencies and state officials ``into administering federal
law.'' (Printz, supra, 521 U.S. at p. 928.)
I urge you to oppose H.R. 23. Congress cannot justify the
legislation's disparate treatment of California's sovereign
authority to manage its natural resources and cannot compel
California to act as its regional agent to enforce
congressional policy. I ask that you affirm the long-standing
congressional tradition of cooperative federalism and dual
sovereignty in water and reject H.R. 23's attempt to
federalize water resource management in the California.
Sincerely,
Xavier Becerra,
Attorney General.
____
Office of the Governor,
July 10, 2017.
Hon. Paul Ryan,
Speaker, House of Representatives,
Washington, DC.
Dear Speaker Ryan: I write to oppose H.R. 23, the ``Gaining
Responsibility on Water Act of 2017.''
Water defines the west and for over a century Congress and
the courts have consistently recognized that state law
determines how water is developed and used. Western states
have successfully resisted any attempted intrusion into this
essential attribute of their sovereignty, including in the
operation or construction of water projects involving the
federal government. This bill overrides California water law,
ignoring our state's prerogative to oversee our waters.
Commandeering our laws for purposes defined in Washington is
not right.
It is also not smart. California is the sixth-largest
economy in the world, and its future depends on the wise and
equitable use of its water. Making decisions requires
listening to and balancing among the needs of California's
nearly 40 million residents and taking into consideration
economics, biodiversity and wildlife resources. All of this
is best done at the state and local level--not in a polarized
political climate 3,000 miles away.
Undermining state law is especially unwise today as
California, with input from all stakeholders, is poised to
make its boldest water infrastructure investments in decades:
funding surface storage, updating an antiquated delta water
conveyance, and adopting water-use efficiency targets.
I ask you to respect California's rights and shelve this
bill.
Sincerely,
Edmund G. Brown, Jr.
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, the only winners under this bill are actually
a few large agricultural producers who will take all the water, leaving
none for many others. This bill is a water grab, plain and simple. The
so-called GROW Act provides no new water, but it takes the existing
water and gives it to those with the best lobbyists here in Washington.
Instead of this highly partisan bill, we should be taking steps to
actually grow the water supply for everybody, with water recycling,
with water conservation, water efficiency, many other nonideological,
nonpartisan fixes, water infrastructure that can actually help deliver
water to small farmers, protect our environment, and, yes, our
legitimate agricultural producers as well.
Unfortunately, instead, we are stuck with this so-called GROW Act,
which jeopardizes fishing jobs, preempts State conservation laws,
overrides the Endangered Species Act for salmon and wildlife, weakens
critical safeguards under the NEPA process, and undermines water
rights. In doing so, this bill would permanently destroy California's
rivers, Bay-Delta Estuary, needed fisheries, and the thousands of jobs
that depend on those natural resources.
This bill is not a balanced protection. It picks winners and losers
and hands over water rights to those who are present for the backroom
deals in Washington.
Let's go back to the drawing board. I come from the State of
Colorado, and we know how important water is. Let's find a way to find
a bipartisan path to grow the water supply across the Western United
States.
{time} 1245
Let me address the other bill that is contained in this rule, the
NDAA, National Defense Authorization Act. For 56 straight years, the
United States Congress has come together to craft policies and
recommendations for the United States Armed Forces and to put those
policies into law under the authorizing statute for our military.
Without question, this bill is one of the most consequential and
important items that Congress undertakes each year.
Personally, I have found objections to policies, and I have been a
fan of other policies contained in these bills while I have been in
Congress. And I want to commend the work of my colleagues, Democratic
and Republican, who serve on the Armed Services Committee for their
important work on this legislation so important for our national
security.
Many of my colleagues on the Armed Services Committee have served or
do serve in our military. Members of the committee are dedicated public
servants, they are experts in their field, they travel and learn and
hear from experts, and they set aside many of their political
differences to do what it takes to keep America safe and secure,
something that Republicans, Democrats, Independents are all committed
to. We need to make sure that we give our military the tools they need
to safely carry out the tasks that the Commander in Chief and elected
officials ask them to undertake.
I commend the committee for putting forth a bill that takes
constructive steps in filling military readiness gaps, requiring
strategies from the administration and the Department of Defense with
regard to contingencies in several countries, and acknowledging and
planning for the real climate change threat that is posed to our
national security.
Yet the work of the NDAA is not limited to members of the Armed
Services Committee. The Members of this body as a whole, Democrats and
Republicans who don't serve on that committee, have submitted over 400
amendments to do what each one of us believes would, in some way,
improve this bill and strengthen our national security.
But the work of NDAA continues, and before this week is over, I
expect to see the Rules Committee make in order an even greater number
of these amendments. We took the first step in this rule by making a
few dozen amendments in order, and we will continue that work in Rules
Committee this afternoon as we thoughtfully go
[[Page H5448]]
through the 400 amendments so a representative number of those from my
Democratic and Republican colleagues who don't have the opportunity to
serve on the Armed Services Committee can present those ideas for
consideration by the full House.
But for all the hard work that the Armed Services Committee has done,
what we have before us this week is essentially an argument that needs
to be solved by the Budget Committee and can't, frankly, be solved by
the authorizing committee.
What we are doing is we are having a very strange debate in this
body. We are having effectively a budget debate within the defense
bill. We are discussing authorization levels, when we know that the
real discussion and battle over tradeoffs will be around the funding
levels, not so much the authorization levels.
One of the tricks that we worry about is by blatantly disregarding
the proper use of the overseas contingency fund and by deliberately
flouting limitations set by the Budget Control Act, this Armed Services
authorization bill has been completely overtaken by the debate on the
Federal budget.
So this week we see a debate about the inability to pass a budget,
adhere to a budget, and balance our budget, and, rather, we are
operating kind of in this lala world of, if we had all the money in the
world, here is what we would do, but as my Democratic and Republican
friends know, we live in a world of tradeoffs, and we as Democrats and
Republicans will need to decide what those tradeoffs are. That is not
being done in this bill, and, in fact, it is one week less that we have
to have those important discussions about how to actually secure
America and protect our country.
If the debate over armed services wasn't such a serious topic, I
would, frankly, give the Republicans kudos for building such an
elaborate and complex budget scheme. It is very clever, more so than
the traditional overseas contingency gimmicks that have been presented
within recent years. It took me a little while to even understand what
this budget gimmick was, and I am going to now seek to explain it.
The Defense spending budget is capped at $549 billion by the Budget
Control Act of 2011. $549 billion is the maximum that would be spent on
defense. This bill authorizes $621 billion as its discretionary base
budget authority. That means that the bill we are debating today goes
$70 billion in spending above the spending caps that Congress agreed
on. That is all deficit spending. That means Congress will increase the
deficit by $70 billion under this bill, but it gets worse.
The United States has been embroiled in conflict abroad since 2001,
and many administrations, Democratic and Republican, have requested
another pot of money that we call the overseas contingency fund. These
funds, as the name indicates, are supposed to be used for paying costs
that are incurred due to U.S. engagement in contingency operations, not
baseline operations. And they are exempt, rightfully so, from the
budget caps, because we never wanted to constrain our ability to
provide funding for an unforeseen contingency situation that becomes a
necessity for our national security.
This year, however, the bill provides for $74 billion for this
overseas contingency fund, a full $10 billion above what was even
requested by the President.
Now, a reminder, the Republicans haven't actually produced a budget
this year, so we can't exactly make a comparison between the
President's budget and the Republican majority's budget. I think one of
the reasons they might be afraid to is they will show substantially
increased deficits with these tax-and-spend Republican policies that
have come to typify the Republican approach to grow our government with
every new spending bill.
What the NDAA does is it takes this overseas contingency account,
which is often called the slush fund for the Pentagon, it adds $10
billion to that fund, but instead of paying for future contingencies,
that will pay for baseline operations. Some of that $10 billion goes to
the unfunded priorities of the Pentagon, things it couldn't quite fit
in the $621 billion, which already increases Federal spending by $70
billion.
So it is just throwing money, Federal money, your taxpayer money, Mr.
Speaker, hand-over-fist, without a plan, indebting future generations
for spending money today. The Pentagon gets more big ticket items they
want.
And, likewise, it is hard to argue with funds being allocated to
operations and maintenance. We are all for maintenance, we are all for
readiness, but we are all for understanding the tradeoffs that we have.
We cannot simply continue to spend irresponsibly, indebting future
generations.
At some level, Mr. Speaker, and I think this kind of throwing
additional money well above and beyond the budget caps reaches that
level, we make our Nation less secure rather than more secure by making
us economically beholden to foreign nations and indebting future
generations of Americans.
Congress has set limits on how much we can spend on defense versus
nondefense. So when we run out of money under this NDAA plan, either we
are going to be forced to spend more, which is what you and I can
predict what will happen, of course that is what is going to happen, or
they are somehow going to find the money elsewhere, which I can pretty
much assure you, Mr. Speaker, is not going to happen. That is a
prediction that I am giving you.
And not having seen a budget, by the way, this is, we think, why
Republicans haven't come up with a budget, because they know they can't
make enough devastating cuts to possibly pay for this military
increase, and they certainly don't want to put their name to paper on
those cuts. And we all know what is going to happen. They won't make
those cuts, spending will go up, debt will go up. I mean, that is what
we know will happen. We have been here before, seen that movie.
Now, again, theoretically, Draconian cuts can be made to schools and
Head Start and NASA and medical research, money fighting the opioid
epidemic, homeland security, police. Yeah, theoretically they can
devastate everything inside of our country, leaving a hollowed-out
core, a well protected hollowed-out core, but I know Republicans aren't
cruel enough to do that. Instead, they are going to kick the can down
the road and indebt future generations and make our country less secure
by borrowing money from China and Saudi Arabia to fund today's
military, making us economically beholden to the very foreign powers
that represent a real geopolitical threat to American interests.
That is why budgets matter, that is why these budget gimmicks that
are being used through the overseas contingency fund matter, and that
is why we need to have a budget debate, not a fake budget debate in the
context of a national defense debate, which is what is being done here
today.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, the gentleman referred to what this would do to the
budget. I would point out to the gentleman, and I think I did this in
committee yesterday, that if this is passed, it will only be 16.8
percent of total Federal outlays, which means the single most important
thing that we do here in government only gets less than 20 percent of
the money that we are going to spend. So I don't think it is asking too
much of ourselves, as the people responsible for providing for the
defense of America, that we spend 16.8 percent of all the Federal money
we are going to spend next year on making the American people safe and
secure.
He spoke about tradeoffs. Let me tell you one tradeoff I don't think
any of us should be willing to make, and that is trading off the safety
and security of the American people for trying to keep some other
overspending in some other part of the budget going.
We need to focus today, and in this bill, on what it takes to
authorize the defense and the safety and security of the American
people, and I believe this bill does that, as did all but one of my
colleagues on the House Armed Services Committee.
So I believe that we have struck the appropriate balance here that
does all that. Yes, we have got some budget things we need to take care
of. That is for later. For today, we are going to focus on defending
the American people.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr.
Austin
[[Page H5449]]
Scott), my colleague on the Armed Services Committee.
Mr. AUSTIN SCOTT of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank the
gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Byrne) for his work on the National Defense
Authorization Act.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to ask my fellow Members to support the
fiscal year 2018 National Defense Authorization Act.
After nearly 13 hours of debate, my colleagues and I on the Armed
Services Committee, we came together, we passed the legislation to
provide critical resources and reforms for our Nation's military to
undertake the 21st century threats that our country and the world
faces.
Part of facing these challenges is ensuring that our military
personnel are able to combat the dangerous and illegal actions of
transnational criminal organizations, particularly those close to home
in the SOUTHCOM region.
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman who spoke earlier about the
opioid epidemic. I would just remind my fellow Americans that over
5,000 Americans die every month from drug overdoses.
Just a few months ago, I, along with the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Veasey), had the opportunity to visit with the Joint Interagency Task
Force South and SOUTHCOM's headquarters in Florida to hear and see
firsthand the challenges that migrant and drug interdiction within the
Caribbean region pose on homeland and national security.
Included in the fiscal year 2018 National Defense Authorization Act
is a provision that I authored aimed at addressing the threat these
transnational criminal organizations pose on our country and seeking to
find new ways to support SOUTHCOM in their continuing efforts to tackle
those threats head-on.
To all of the members of the SOUTHCOM team, I want to thank you for
the important work that you do in securing our coastlines, supporting
our national security, and protecting your fellow Americans.
To my colleagues, I urge your support in passage of the fiscal year
2018 NDAA to keep the U.S. military the best and most prepared fighting
force in the world.
Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
Arizona (Mr. Gallego), a distinguished member of the Armed Services
Committee.
Mr. GALLEGO. Mr. Speaker, this rule is a travesty. If we vote to
approve it, an amendment unanimously supported by the Armed Services
Committee--unanimously, all Democrats and all Republicans would
compromise language--to prevent President Trump from using our
military's money to build his border wall will suddenly vanish. It is a
legislative magic trick, a sneaky gimmick designed to disguise their
actions.
Once again, Speaker Ryan and the House Republicans are doing
President Trump's dirty work. They want to make sure that Trump can
build his wall, but they are also desperate to avoid a clean up-or-down
vote on this issue. They are hiding from the American voters.
They didn't have the courage to oppose my amendment in committee or
even on the House floor. They passed this rule late at night with
hardly anyone watching, in typical Republican fashion.
Republicans are resorting to deceptive legislative tactics to do
Trump's bidding just for his small, fragile ego.
Mr. Speaker, this self-executing rule, if it comes to fruition, is
going to attempt to slip one past Congress and the American people.
Just 6 months into this administration, it is already abundantly
clear that Mexico won't pay for Trump's stupid, dumb border wall. We
must not allow precious resources to be robbed from our troops simply
to score political points for Trump's ego.
Mr. Speaker, with Mexico refusing to entertain this absurd policy and
without a direct appropriation from Congress, President Trump is going
to get desperate. His administration will inevitably seek to pull money
from other sources to make good on his promise to build this wall,
including from the Defense budget.
That is why my amendment was so crucial. It would simply ensure that
DOD resources aren't siphoned off for a pointless wall that we don't
need and cannot afford. It was supported by Democrats and Republicans
alike, the ranking member and the chairman.
As a Member of Congress, we have a sacred responsibility to ensure
that money meant to address real national security challenges isn't
diverted to combat imaginary ones that the President has created.
{time} 1300
As a Marine Corps veteran, I believe it would be an insult to our
members of the military if their resources were reallocated to build a
wall that we don't need, that won't bring us more security, when we
have tens of thousands of military members that are currently still on
food stamps while serving this country.
Mr. Speaker, make no mistake: a vote for this rule is a vote to build
the wall and take precious resources from the Department of Defense
budget. Please vote ``no.''
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to refrain from
engaging in personalities toward the President.
Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the comments of my colleague from Arizona.
This was not done in the middle of the night in secrecy. This was
done in full committee with cameras watching us, and done early in the
evening with full debate, so I disagree with him about that.
Let's talk about the wall for a second.
I support President Trump and what he is trying to do with the wall.
I hope we get to a point where we can deal with that.
This is a defense authorization bill. This is not a wall
authorization bill. The wall is already authorized. We don't need an
authorization bill for the wall. It is already there. The next step for
us to take for the wall is an appropriations bill, and this is not an
appropriations bill.
So what the Rules Committee has done is made it clear that we are not
going to deal with the wall one way or the other in the National
Defense Authorization Act. That is not the proper place for it. That is
not the proper place to be spending money for it. There is another part
of our budget, another law for us to deal with there.
So I hope that we all will understand that what we have done is made
it clear there is nothing in this bill--nothing--about a wall, nor
should there be anything in this bill about a wall, because that is for
another committee, another bill, another time, and another place.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from Wyoming (Ms.
Cheney), our newest member of the Armed Services Committee and the
Rules Committee.
Ms. CHENEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank very much my colleague from both the
Rules Committee and the Armed Services Committee, Mr. Byrne, for his
work on this bill.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to urge my colleagues to support both of
these underlying bills, and I want to speak particularly about the
National Defense Authorization Act.
We are, today, living in a world where we face a more complex array
of threats than at any time in the last 70 years. The obligation that
we have to our men and women in uniform, to make sure that we provide
them with the resources that they need to defend this Nation, is a more
solemn obligation than any other we have.
There are many things that we were elected to do when we came to
Washington, and we have done many of those things in this Congress. We
have been a historically productive Congress in the months that we have
been here. We have passed repeal and replace of healthcare reform, we
have passed the repeal bill for Dodd-Frank, we have begun our important
work on immigration reform, and we have done tremendous work on
regulatory reform to lift the burden of the massive overreach of the
Obama years. But there is nothing that we do that is more important
than providing the resources for our men and women in uniform. This
bill is a very important first step in that direction.
[[Page H5450]]
I want to mention a couple of things that this bill does in
particular.
In the aftermath of the ICBM test, the first successful North Korean
ICBM test, one of the most important challenges we face as a nation is
ensuring that we have provided for the defense of this Nation with
respect to missile defense. This bill adds $2.5 billion above the
administration's request for missile defense. It focuses on including
additional interceptors for existing systems, as well as research for
new technologies.
Total missile defense is still below the funding levels during the
Bush administration. This bill is a very important first step, but, Mr.
Speaker, we have got to do much more.
We also, in this bill, begin the process of providing the necessary
additional resources and top line to begin to rebuild. We have not had
a defense budget, Mr. Speaker, since 2011 that was based upon the
Pentagon being able to assess the threats and telling us what we need
to do to be able to defend against those threats.
We have now, because we are living under the Budget Control Act, had
a Defense Department, instead, that has been obligated to fund at
levels that are arbitrary and to cut at levels that are arbitrary. No
nation can responsibly live under that system.
The next thing we have got to do is repeal the Budget Control Act. We
have got to recognize that we have a huge and growing debt crisis, a
huge fiscal crisis, but that crisis is not being driven by our defense
budget. The Budget Control Act has been ineffective at getting at what
we need to do in terms of reducing the debt. Instead, it has gutted our
defense.
We are in a world today where the North Koreans, the Iranians, the
Russians, the Chinese, ISIS, and al-Qaida are all continuing to make
strides against us, Mr. Speaker.
One of the things that I am often asked as a new Member of this body
is what has surprised me most in my time in Congress. I came to this
body, Mr. Speaker, as somebody who has spent a lot of time focused on
national security and defense issues, as someone who spent a large part
of her career really invested in and studying and learning these
issues, and I thought, Mr. Speaker, that I was relatively well informed
about these issues.
I have been stunned, Mr. Speaker, as a member of the House Armed
Services Committee, briefing after briefing after briefing, at the
extent to which we have fallen so far behind. And I think it is
critically important for my colleagues, Mr. Speaker, and for the
American people to understand the extent to which our adversaries are,
today, fielding and developing capabilities and systems against which
we cannot, may not be able to defend.
Mr. Speaker, in closing, I want to read something that Ronald Reagan
said back in 1982 on an issue when they were having similar issues and
debates and discussions about defense spending. He said: ``Now, I
realize that many well-meaning people deplore the expenditure of huge
sums of money for military purposes at a time of economic hardship.
Similar voices were heard in the 1930s, when economic conditions were
far worse than anything we're experiencing today. But the result of
heeding those voices then was a disastrous military imbalance that
tempted the forces of tyranny and evil and plunged the world into a
ruinous war. . . . We must never repeat that experience.''
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to remember that weakness is
provocative, that it is when we are strong that we are most able to
protect ourselves and to defend ourselves, and we must learn the
lessons of the past. Passing this rule and passing the underlying
legislation, this National Defense Authorization Act, is the first step
in that direction.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote in the affirmative and to
ensure that we do everything we can to defend our Nation and to make
sure that we defend freedom for the next generation.
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. McNerney).
Mr. McNERNEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, we are here with H.R. 23 again discussing attempts to
override State and Federal environmental law. The House and Senate
negotiated additional pumping flexibility in last year's WIIN Act. This
group has stated for years that they just want a little additional
flexibility in environmental law, which actually means weakening or
eliminating environmental law. They ignore the damage this would cause
to California's delta region, its families, and its farmers.
We heard last year that governments are set up for the benefit of the
people, but this means all of the people, not just a few people at the
expense of others.
The person nominated to Deputy Secretary at the Department of the
Interior worked for Westlands Water District just last December. He
would make decisions to pump more water to Westlands, the Nation's
largest water district--a clear conflict of interest, and a clear
threat to farmers and residents in the delta.
This is also a clear example of what is wrong with H.R. 23. It will
negate environmental protections; it will hurt one region to benefit
another; and it allows corruption to seep into the Federal Government.
Mr. Speaker, I urge Members to oppose H.R. 23 for these reasons.
Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, in April, President Trump and congressional Republicans
rolled back the FCC's rule to protect Americans' personal information
and their internet browsing history. By doing so, they effectively sold
personal privacy to the highest corporate bidder.
Today is Net Neutrality Day of Action, protesting the FCC's proposal
to end equal access to online content, which would destroy the internet
as we know it. What better day to also protect the future of our
privacy by undoing the Republicans' reckless rollback that placed cable
profits above our privacy and consumer protections.
Mr. Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, I will offer an
amendment to the rule to bring up Representative Rosen's Restoring
American Privacy Act, H.R. 1868. This bill will restore Americans'
privacy protections and tell internet service providers they can't sell
their customers' personal information without the knowledge and consent
of the customers.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of the
amendment in the Record, along with extraneous material, immediately
prior to the vote on the previous question.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Schweikert). Is there objection to the
request of the gentleman from Colorado?
There was no objection.
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, to discuss our proposal, I yield 5 minutes to
the gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Rosen).
Ms. ROSEN. Mr. Speaker, if today's vote on the previous question
fails, instead of voting on a partisan bill that rolls back key
environmental laws, overturns State law, and ignores real solutions to
our water supply shortages in the West, we will have the opportunity to
vote on my bill, H.R. 1868, the Restoring American Privacy Act of 2017.
This bipartisan legislation will reverse the President's decision to
assign a disastrous resolution allowing internet providers to sell
their customers' personal information without their acknowledge or
without their consent.
As a former computer programmer and someone who has firsthand
experience writing code, I can tell you that the first step towards
protecting vulnerable and sensitive data is to make sure it remains
private.
S.J. Res. 34, which now, unfortunately, is the law, prevents vital
online protections for millions of Americans nationwide from taking
effect later this year. The resolution, signed by the President,
negating FCC broadband consumer privacy rules is not only wrong and a
blatant violation of privacy, but it jeopardizes Americans' personal
data and puts them at risk of hacking.
The October 2016 rule was the only rule that required internet
service providers to obtain consumers' permission before selling their
private internet browsing history and other sensitive information,
including geolocation and amp usage.
I am simply shocked that most of my colleagues across the aisle voted
for a
[[Page H5451]]
measure that violates Americans' privacy by selling our most intimate
and personal information, all without our consent.
Repealing the FCC rule with S.J. Res. 34 now allows broadband
providers to turn private personal information over to the highest
bidder--or anybody they want, including the government--without a
warrant and without ever telling you.
That is right. Without this rule that President Trump and most
Republicans in Congress blocked, internet service providers don't need
to ask for permission to collect and share sensitive personal
information. Even worse, the passage of this resolution also told
providers they no longer have to use reasonable measures to protect
consumers' personal data.
This is absolutely unacceptable. We are living in a time where
identity theft and internet hacking have become the new norm. Shortly
after President Trump and Republicans repealed these consumer
protections, we experienced a massive ransomware attack that caused
major damage to businesses and companies around the world. No American
wants their most personal information to be up for grabs.
By using the Congressional Review Act to eliminate this rule, the FCC
is now prevented from publishing rules that are substantially the same
absent additional legislation, establishing a dangerous precedent for
private citizens.
Americans should have the right to decide how their internet
providers use their personal information, especially since many people
can't choose their own broadband provider.
What my bill does, Mr. Speaker, is simple. H.R. 1868 makes it clear
that the American people's browsing histories are not for sale; the
American people's personal information is not for sale; the American
people's financial information is not for sale; and the American
people's location data is not for sale.
It is a very simple concept, one that I hope my colleagues across the
aisle will recognize and support. The American people don't want the
legislation that was signed into law this last spring. In overwhelming
numbers, they are calling Congress and letting it be known they want to
keep their private information private.
I am proud to stand up for the American people, and I hope you take
up the Restoring American Privacy Act of 2017 for consideration. This
is commonsense, bipartisan legislation that will reverse a misguided
resolution by saying, once and for all, that ISPs cannot sell
customers' personal information without their knowledge and without
their permission. This bill says that your privacy is not for sale,
period.
{time} 1315
Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I appreciate the gentlewoman's comments and concerns about protecting
all of our privacy on the internet. I think we all should be about
that. But instead of having a misguided and unauthorized regulatory
action that left vast gaps in this system, we should have a
comprehensive bill to deal with it. That bill is not before the House
today.
What is before the House today in this rule are two bills: one that
deals with the drought in the West, which is very important; and the
second is provide for the safety and security of the American people.
So that is what we are here today about.
I appreciate her concerns about that. I join with her, and I hope
that we have a bill on this floor that comprehensively deals with the
issues that she brought up, but now is not the time, these are not the
bills, and this is not the rule to deal with it.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from
Vermont (Mr. Welch).
Mr. WELCH. Mr. Speaker, first of all, I want to acknowledge the good
work of Chairman Thornberry and Ranking Member Smith in the Armed
Services Committee. As my colleague from Alabama said, there is nothing
more important than having a secure national defense to protect the
American people.
But this bill does have problems. Many of them are not created by the
Armed Services Committee. They are created by us in Congress.
It has been catastrophic for us to have the millstone of the Budget
Control Act that is limiting the ability of Congress to make decisions
about where to spend more or where to spend less, and two things are
happening as a result of that.
Number one, we abdicate our responsibility. In some places we should
be spending more, but in many other places we should be spending less.
The second thing, Mr. Speaker, is that we put in straitjackets our
managers at the Pentagon and in other programs because we micromanage
where they must spend money. If we are going to give them a challenge--
the budget cap right now is $549 billion; this bill suggests that we
spend close to $700 billion--we have got to give them managerial
flexibility and stability.
The Budget Control Act is the ``Budget Paralysis Act.'' That is on
all of us here in Congress.
Now, a second thing, this bill, in that context, where we are going
to blow through that cap but do nothing about our ability to make
decisions on the taxes and spending, means that this gets cut totally
out of domestic spending. In my view, General Mattis' view is that is
bad for national defense.
We plus-up the Defense budget, but we take a hatchet to the State
Department budget, not something that you can address in the Armed
Services bill, I understand. But the effect of it, as General Mattis
said: We have to buy more bullets.
So this is a symptom of the problem that we have got to face
squarely.
The other issue in this bill is that it hasn't given us a policy of
what is our exit strategy in Afghanistan.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the
gentleman from Vermont.
Mr. WELCH. What is our policy?
We are sleepwalking into an escalation. That has failed us before. We
have to have that debate now.
Where is the money coming from?
$150 billion is just going to magically appear. No discussion about
that.
And this bill does not acknowledge the absolute vital importance of
domestic and diplomatic programs to our national security.
I applaud the committee and the chairman and the ranking member for
some very good work they did. I criticize us in Congress for putting
the straitjacket on them so they can't do the job right.
Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I strongly agree with my colleague from Vermont's remarks regarding
the Budget Control Act. It was passed for a good intention, but it has
worked out quite differently from what people thought it was going to
accomplish.
It is time for us to take responsibility, as the gentleman from
Vermont said, and to do what we are supposed to do to make the priority
decisions about what is important for America and what is not.
Providing for the safety and security of the people of America, that is
important. And if we have to make cuts in other parts of our budget to
make sure we are doing that, first and foremost, I am happy to do it.
The gentleman is absolutely right about micromanagement. We have been
micromanaging the people that we charge with defending America with how
they are going to carry out combat responsibilities, particularly in
the Middle East. President Trump, I think, quite rightly, has delegated
many of those decisions down to Secretary Mattis so that our combatant
commanders can make the decisions they have got to make as and when
they need to make them.
I understand what he is saying about the State Department budget,
something that we all should be concerned about. The appropriate time
to talk about that is when the appropriations bill for the State
Department is here, not when we are talking about the National Defense
Authorization Act.
Finally, with regard to Afghanistan, which if I may make a little bit
broader and talk about the Middle East in general, it is time for a new
AUMF. The AUMFs that were passed in this Congress over 15 years ago
were for a different time, with different circumstances altogether. And
I do sense
[[Page H5452]]
a bipartisan urging for us to do that, but this is not the right time
for us to do it on this particular piece of legislation.
I hope that at a future time the Foreign Affairs Committee, that has
appropriate jurisdiction over that issue, will come forward with an
AUMF that we can all discuss because we are now not just in Afghanistan
and Iraq, we are in Syria, we are in Yemen, we are in Libya, we are in
Somalia, where we have had some past history that is not so good.
We all--everybody, not just from the Armed Services Committee--need
to understand these threats to our country and what we are going to do
about them, have a strategy with a clear endgame, which we need and we
haven't had for the last several years.
Then we should authorize it because only Congress has the power to
declare war. We should authorize it. And by authorizing it, we not only
take responsibility, but we communicate to our friends and our foes
alike, and to those servicemen and -women who put themselves at risk
out there that we are behind it. We, as the Representatives of the
American people, are behind it. So I hope that we can do that, but it
won't be in this particular bill.
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's remarks, and I reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
This bill has several other policies I want to address. For one, it
ties our participation in the critical New START with Russia to a
separate Europe-focused treaty that Russia is not in compliance with.
The New START is a nuclear arms reduction treaty between our Nation
and Russia, and we should not remove ourselves from that, from an
agreement that allows us to inspect and gather information about
Russia's nuclear facilities.
In addition, this rule, if adopted, would fail to extend the Special
Survivor Indemnity Allowance, causing it to expire in May of 2018. The
Special Survivor Indemnity Allowance is a program that was originally
created in the NDAA, and goes a long way to helping to mitigate the
problems that recipients of the Defense Department's Survivor Benefit
Plan face.
There are other provisions of this bill which I object to in their
current form but are going to be debated through amendments very likely
over the course of the next week. For instance, the bill currently
prevents the transfer of any detainees at the Guantanamo Bay detention
facility. This detention facility that is extralegal should be closed,
not repopulated, and we certainly will have that debate this week.
This bill, unfortunately, also authorizes far too many funds and
continues to overfund our nuclear weapons activities, costing taxpayers
hundreds of billions of dollars, in fact, as much as $1 trillion over
the next 30 years, for a stockpile of weapons that, even if
substantially cut, would be enough to end life on the planet.
I testified before the Appropriations Subcommittee with regard to
this matter and argued how can we possibly go before the taxpayers back
home and say we need to overfund our nuclear arsenal to destroy the
world seven times instead of five, or five times instead of three.
One would think that ending life on the planet once would be more
than enough, and it is hard to argue from taxpayers that they should,
in fact, pay for this planet's destruction multiple times.
We also continue to use force in our ongoing operations in Iraq,
Syria, and elsewhere. I join my colleagues from the other side of the
aisle in calling for an updated Authorization for Use of Military
Force. To date, Congress has taken zero meaningful actions toward
achieving that, yet we hear on this floor regularly from my friend from
Alabama and others that Republicans and Democrats need to do that,
especially before we put another soldier in harm's way.
That is the role of this body, and it is time to stop avoiding the
task of writing an Authorization for Use of Military Force. Have that
debate and make it happen.
These are the types of questions we should be debating, but instead
we are continuing to avoid those and plunging our Nation deeper into
debt without a real budget plan.
Instead of focusing on real questions about how to improve our
defense, the general debate on this bill will largely focus on budget
tricks. This debate on this budget should happen on the floor, in the
Budget Committee, in a budget passed by this body.
One of the amendments I offered with my colleague, Ms. Lee, that we
will be debating, would cut 1 percent of the money authorized in that
bill. That would help. It would be a starting point. It would still be
a spending level above the budget caps, but at least 1 percent in the
record, reckless deficits from this Republican spending bill.
At some point we have to make decisions about tradeoffs, about the
directions of our budgets, our entitlements, our discretionary, our
revenues, our defense, and our nondefense. We can't resign ourselves to
plunging future generations into further debt.
My amendment with Ms. Lee is a small, first step taking a stand
against unsustainable budget levels that make our Nation less secure
rather than more secure. It is the wrong way to do things. It is the
wrong time to have this debate. I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on
this rule so we can go back to the starting board and discuss the items
that my Republican colleagues agree are important in terms of the use
of the Authorization for Use of Military Force, ending the budget
gimmicks, and figuring out how to balance the budget, rather than
plunge our Nation deeper into debt.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no,'' and I yield back
the balance of my time.
Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
If I may make sure that we are all clear about where we are on the
START; the START runs through 2021. That is 4 years from now. What the
bill says is that if we find that Russia is in violation of the INF
Treaty--and there is some indication that that is true--that we
wouldn't extend it beyond 2021. But that is 4 years from now.
So what does that mean?
This is a shot across the bow to Russia. We are telling Russia: If
you continue to violate the INF Treaty, we are not going to extend with
you on START.
This is telling them: We are not going to let you get away with this.
And I would think, at this point, after all that we have heard, we
would want to stand up to Russia, and this is a very vital way to do
that.
Secondly, about the GTMO issue that he brought up, there are two
amendments made in order by this rule for us to discuss GTMO, and I
believe we are going to have that debate tonight. Now, I don't agree
with the amendments, but we made them in order so we can have that
debate on this floor.
So we are going to debate GTMO. My prediction is that we are going to
defeat both of those amendments, but the people on the other side of
the aisle have been given a great opportunity to make their argument
that we shouldn't do that.
Nukes. Why are we trying to modernize our nuclear force?
Because our adversaries are modernizing theirs, and if we don't, we
are not doing the proper thing to protect the people of the United
States.
And then the gentleman talks about the budget bills. Now, there is a
budget bill coming. Now, the budget bill is for the next fiscal year,
October 1, 2017. That is several weeks from now. We have got time to
pass a budget for next fiscal year.
But the way we have everything set up here, we try to move these
defense bills about this time of year so that we can do what we have
got to do to make sure we have communicated to the military what they
are going to have to do their jobs.
If I may walk briefly around the world to remind us about where we
are. Kim Jong-un has continued to test missiles throughout last year
and this year, and he is getting better. And what he seeks is not just
to strike South Korea or Japan, he wants to strike America. That is why
you have an ICBM if you are in North Korea.
We need to step up to the plate and do more in missile defense and
more in other things to make sure we are doing everything we can to
protect America from an attack from North Korea.
China wants to take control of the South China Sea and the East China
Sea. What does that mean to us for America?
[[Page H5453]]
Forty percent of the trade in the world moves through those two
oceans. The greatest population center in the world is right there. It
is where we want to do more business, where people there want to do
more business with us; and not having a robust military presence there
means we cede that part of the world to China.
I guess we could pull back to where we were on December 6, 1941, when
we didn't have a presence in Guam and Japan and South Korea and
Singapore. Or we could take the understanding from what happened that
terrible day on December 7, 1941, that we have to be thinking now for
the challenge to us then and, by making those preparations and making
sure we have the defense in place, we keep December 7, 1941, from
happening again.
Then we have our good friends in Russia, as they push not only into
Eastern Europe, but now into the Middle East. It used to be we thought
that Russia was kind of off the table; you know, the Soviet Union
collapsed; didn't have to worry about Russia anymore.
Russia is back. They are back in many different military ways, in
their navy, in their missiles, and what they are doing with their armed
forces, including the little green men in Ukraine. We need to take that
threat seriously, as we haven't had to take it for years.
And then there is the Middle East. We know what is happening today in
Mosul and in Raqqa. Perhaps ISIS is being pushed out of those places,
but it is not disappearing. It is not going away as a threat, any more
than al-Qaida has gone away as a threat. We still have terrorist groups
like them and others who seek to do harm to the American people,
whether it is over there or over here, and we have to provide for the
defense against that.
Then there is Iran; Iran that, because of an ill-considered agreement
reached with them by the Obama administration, now is on a path to get
an ICBM of its own, which it doesn't need to strike Israel. It needs an
ICBM to strike us.
{time} 1330
Then they get as close as they want to under that agreement that we
reached with them. Right up to the edge of violation, where they
perfect their nuclear technology, they decide in a short period of time
to violate it, put a nuclear weapon on one of those ICBMs and threaten
us directly.
That and a host of other threats are what we are talking about in
this bill. We have never faced such a complex set of threats since the
end of World War II. It is not my word. It is the word of countless
experts who have come before our committee.
We have to do this. The American people expect us to do this. Like
many other people in this body, I do tele-townhalls. At my last two
tele-townhalls, I have asked this open-ended question: What is the most
important issue to you?
We give them a broad range of issues to pick from: healthcare, tax
reform, you name it. The number one issue in those two tele-townhalls,
by far, for the people in my district was national security. They see
what is happening in North Korea. They see what is happening in the
Middle East. They know what Russia is up to. They are worried about
China, and they want to know what we are doing.
This bill that this rule provides for does what we need to do to
protect the American people. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate everything that
I have heard today from my colleagues on both sides of the aisle
because I know people on both sides of the aisle care a great deal
about these issues.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support House Resolution 431 and
the underlying bill.
The material previously referred to by Mr. Polis is as follows:
An Amendment to H. Res. 431 Offered by Mr. Polis
At the end of the resolution, add the following new
sections:
Sec. 6. Immediately upon adoption of this resolution the
Speaker shall, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XVIII, declare
the House resolved into the Committee of the Whole House on
the state of the Union for consideration of the bill (H.R.
1868) to provide that providers of broadband Internet access
service shall be subject to the privacy rules adopted by the
Federal Communications Commission on October 27, 2016. The
first reading of the bill shall be dispensed with. All points
of order against consideration of the bill are waived.
General debate shall be confined to the bill and shall not
exceed one hour equally divided and controlled by the chair
and ranking minority member of the Committee on Energy and
Commerce. After general debate the bill shall be considered
for amendment under the five-minute rule. All points of order
against provisions in the bill are waived. At the conclusion
of consideration of the bill for amendment the Committee
shall rise and report the bill to the House with such
amendments as may have been adopted. The previous question
shall be considered as ordered on the bill and amendments
thereto to final passage without intervening motion except
one motion to recommit with or without instructions. If the
Committee of the Whole rises and reports that it has come to
no resolution on the bill, then on the next legislative day
the House shall, immediately after the third daily order of
business under clause 1 of rule XIV, resolve into the
Committee of the Whole for further consideration of the bill.
Sec. 7. Clause 1(c) of rule XIX shall not apply to the
consideration of H.R. 1868.
____
The Vote on the Previous Question: What It Really Means
This vote, the vote on whether to order the previous
question on a special rule, is not merely a procedural vote.
A vote against ordering the previous question is a vote
against the Republican majority agenda and a vote to allow
the Democratic minority to offer an alternative plan. It is a
vote about what the House should be debating.
Mr. Clarence Cannon's Precedents of the House of
Representatives (VI, 308-311), describes the vote on the
previous question on the rule as ``a motion to direct or
control the consideration of the subject before the House
being made by the Member in charge.'' To defeat the previous
question is to give the opposition a chance to decide the
subject before the House. Cannon cites the Speaker's ruling
of January 13, 1920, to the effect that ``the refusal of the
House to sustain the demand for the previous question passes
the control of the resolution to the opposition'' in order to
offer an amendment. On March 15, 1909, a member of the
majority party offered a rule resolution. The House defeated
the previous question and a member of the opposition rose to
a parliamentary inquiry, asking who was entitled to
recognition. Speaker Joseph G. Cannon (R-Illinois) said:
``The previous question having been refused, the gentleman
from New York, Mr. Fitzgerald, who had asked the gentleman to
yield to him for an amendment, is entitled to the first
recognition.''
The Republican majority may say ``the vote on the previous
question is simply a vote on whether to proceed to an
immediate vote on adopting the resolution . . . [and] has no
substantive legislative or policy implications whatsoever.''
But that is not what they have always said. Listen to the
Republican Leadership Manual on the Legislative Process in
the United States House of Representatives, (6th edition,
page 135). Here's how the Republicans describe the previous
question vote in their own manual: ``Although it is generally
not possible to amend the rule because the majority Member
controlling the time will not yield for the purpose of
offering an amendment, the same result may be achieved by
voting down the previous question on the rule. . . . When the
motion for the previous question is defeated, control of the
time passes to the Member who led the opposition to ordering
the previous question. That Member, because he then controls
the time, may offer an amendment to the rule, or yield for
the purpose of amendment.''
In Deschler's Procedure in the U.S. House of
Representatives, the subchapter titled ``Amending Special
Rules'' states: ``a refusal to order the previous question on
such a rule [a special rule reported from the Committee on
Rules] opens the resolution to amendment and further
debate.'' (Chapter 21, section 21.2) Section 21.3 continues:
``Upon rejection of the motion for the previous question on a
resolution reported from the Committee on Rules, control
shifts to the Member leading the opposition to the previous
question, who may offer a proper amendment or motion and who
controls the time for debate thereon.''
Clearly, the vote on the previous question on a rule does
have substantive policy implications. It is one of the only
available tools for those who oppose the Republican
majority's agenda and allows those with alternative views the
opportunity to offer an alternative plan.
Mr. BYRNE. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I
move the previous question on the resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Jody B. Hice of Georgia). The question
is on ordering the previous question.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further
proceedings on this question will be postponed.
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