[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 116 (Tuesday, July 11, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3905-S3906]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Venezuela
Mr. RUBIO. Mr. President, I have, since the year 2014, come to the
Senate floor on numerous occasions, perhaps more than I hoped to, to
discuss the developing situation in the nation of Venezuela.
The reason why I have taken such an interest in this issue is because
of the impact it has, first and foremost, on my home State of Florida.
We are blessed in Florida, particularly in my hometown of Miami and in
South Florida, to have a vibrant and diverse community with people from
across the world and, particularly, from the Western Hemisphere. That,
of course, includes a very substantial number of people from Venezuela,
some who live in Florida for part of the year and some who have made it
their permanent home. They have contributed greatly to our economy, to
our culture, and to our lives.
It is through their eyes that I have witnessed the tragedy that has
unfolded in that nation over the last 5 years. I use the word
``tragedy,'' but I don't use it lightly. Venezuela is one of the
richest countries in the world, blessed with natural resources that God
has blessed that nation with and the largest crude oil reserves on the
planet--certainly, more than the United States and Canada combined, as
an example. They have highly educated and capable people and a long
tradition of democracy. Venezuela has one of the oldest traditions of
democracy in the Western Hemisphere. As much as anything else, not only
is it a tragedy for the people of Venezuela--what has happened--but it
is a tragedy for the hemisphere and, ultimately, for the world. We look
at some of the great causes that the world is confronting and think
what a democratic and prosperous Venezuela could be contributing, what
its extraordinary people could be contributing. But the last 5 to 10
years--particularly the last 5--have largely been taken up by internal
strife.
At the end of the day, my interest on the issue of Venezuela has
never been the removal of anyone from power. It has been about the
restoration of the democratic order so that the people of Venezuela can
choose their path forward. We look at the history of our hemisphere,
here in the Western Hemisphere, and we see that up until about 25 years
ago, most of the nations in the Western Hemisphere were governed by
dictators and strongmen on both the left and the right, and few, if
any, people in our hemisphere had a role to play in choosing their
leaders. Today, but for the exception of a handful of places--
predominantly, Cuba and the Caribbean and some others--almost all of
the people of the region get to choose their leaders, and that has been
the story of Venezuela up until very recently. Sometimes they choose
leaders who agree with America, and sometimes they do not. But they
choose their leaders.
In the end, we know that democracies very rarely start wars because
their peoples do not tolerate it. Democracies always seek stability and
prosperity because their peoples demand it, and they get rid of leaders
who don't deliver.
So our goal from the beginning--my goal, in particular--has
consistently been the restoration of the democratic order and, through
that, the respect for basic rights and dignity of all people,
particularly in Venezuela. It is sad to see what has happened because I
think it is fair to say that the situation today in Venezuela is worse
than it has been at any point since 2014.
We saw about a week ago the horrifying images of armed thugs storming
the National Assembly--the democratically elected National Assembly--
and attacking members of that assembly. It would be the equivalent of
protestors storming the Capitol doors and attacking Senators and
Congressmen. We saw images of uniformed personnel, some of whom,
basically, are the equivalent of our Capitol Police, roughing up the
very members of that assembly whom they are supposed to be protecting.
We have seen the images of protests in the streets, of national guard
troops firing on people with tear gas and rubber bullets and, in some
instances, with guns.
We have seen these irregular groups called ``colectivos'' going after
people in the streets. By the way, in fairness, we have seen violence
on both sides of it, although the vast majority of people in the
opposition--the enormous majority--seek a peaceful resolution to this.
Anytime you put hundreds of thousands of people in the street, chaos
happens.
You think not just of the protestors, but you think of their family
members on the other side of it. We forget that these national guard
troops, holding up their shields and wearing the uniforms, have sisters
and brothers and husbands and wives and loved ones on the other side of
that barricade, deeply dividing this proud nation with an incredible
history of contributions that it has made.
The situation has now reached what I believe is the tipping point.
Later this month, the Government of Venezuela--I should say the
executive branch, under its current President--has scheduled an
unconstitutional assembly. They call it a constituent assembly. It
violates the very Constitution of the country, not to mention that the
supreme court has already kind of canceled the democratic order and
this adds to that. I just say this with deep
[[Page S3906]]
sadness. If that goes forward, I think it fundamentally changes the
situation permanently.
I had an occasion early this morning to speak to the President on
this topic for a few minutes, as I know he is headed overseas. He
expressed his continued dissatisfaction with the course of events. I
think it should be abundantly clear to everyone that this government in
the United States is prepared to take additional significant measures
if, in fact, that constituent assembly moves forward at the end of this
month--basically, all but admitting to the world what we already know;
that is, that the democratic order in Venezuela has ended.
I do believe that there is still a path forward--a path forward that
doesn't involve vengeance, that involves reconciliation; a path forward
designed to restore the democratic order. I believe deeply that all of
my colleagues here in the Senate and in the Congress and the President
of the United States are prepared to play whatever role they can to
help facilitate that. I think that, obviously, ultimately, it would
involve restoring democracy. It would involve respecting its own
Constitution. It would involve holding free and fair elections,
internationally supervised, not by the United States but by the United
Nations or by neighboring countries. I just left a meeting a few
minutes ago with the Foreign Minister of Mexico, a nation that has
shown that it is willing to step forward and be constructive and
productive in this endeavor.
That is the goal. The goal is to restore peace and order and to
restore democracy and to grant amnesty and freedom to those who have
been imprisoned because of their political views. Within that space,
there are those within the government who themselves perhaps seek the
same thing but feel trapped by the circumstances before the nation
today.
So I do believe there is a path forward, but I also think it would be
unfair if I didn't make clear that the time for that path is running
out and the door will permanently close if, at the end of this month,
the Maduro government moves forward with this assembly, which is
illegal and unconstitutional. At that point, it would be clear for all
that they have no interest and no intent of restoring democracy. I fear
the consequences of that, not simply because of what the U.S.
Government and the Trump administration might do but what it would mean
to those in the streets who are already desperate as it is.
I do think that path is there. I do believe that opportunity is still
available, but it will not be around forever. My hope is that cooler
heads will prevail. My hope is that patriots in Venezuela--no matter
what side of this debate they have been on up to this point--realize it
is time to step up and further this process of reconciliation, not with
a goal of vengeance or punishment but with a goal of freeing those who
have been imprisoned unjustly, with the goal of having free and
democratic elections, with the goal of living up to constitutional
principles, with the goal of restoring democracy to a great people and
a great nation.
I know that I, for one, despite all of my criticisms and all of the
speeches I have given and all of the measures we have taken, am
prepared to do all I can to be helpful in that endeavor, to help the
people of Venezuela take control of their destiny once again and
restore the democratic order, the constitutional order in a way that
unites the country, not one that further fragments and divides it.
I know the President has expressed a willingness to be involved in
that process in whatever capacity is appropriate, knowing that other
nations in the region are prepared to lead as well.
I thought it was important on this 11th day of July, as we get closer
to that measure--which I think will do irreparable harm to this
possibility--that I come here to the Senate floor and express this. In
the end, I think all of us in this hemisphere and, ultimately, the
world would benefit greatly from a Venezuela that fulfills its
potential--the potential of its people, the potential of its economy,
the potential of its proud history of democracy. Whatever we can do to
be helpful in that endeavor, I know that this Nation is prepared to do
in whatever capacity is appropriate in the eyes of the people of
Venezuela.
Ultimately, the future of Venezuela belongs to the people of
Venezuela, and that is what we stand for. We hope that we can be
helpful in a process that brings them together--and not further divides
them--and restores what they once had and deserve to have again: a
proud democracy, a vibrant economy, and a people with extraordinary and
unlimited potential to achieve great things on behalf of their nation,
their countrymen, and the world.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Delaware.