[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 116 (Tuesday, July 11, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Page S3893]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                              North Korea

  Mr. President, I would like to take a few minutes today to discuss 
the serious threat posed by a nuclear-capable North Korea.
  Last week, on the Fourth of July, North Korea leader Kim Jong Un took 
the latest and possibly most alarming step in his unwavering quest for 
a nuclear weapon by successfully testing an intercontinental ballistic 
missile. Estimates suggest that the missile tested had a range of more 
than 4,000 miles, which means it could reach Alaska. North Korea has 
not yet demonstrated the ability to arm these missiles with nuclear 
warheads, but that day may not be far off.
  North Korea's nuclear program has achieved a disturbing number of 
milestones in this year alone. The United States must do everything we 
can to prevent a nuclear-capable North Korea, but we must also be 
prepared should Kim Jong Un put the final pieces together, and that 
starts with maintaining a credible military deterrence.
  This weekend's B-1 bomber flights were but a sliver of the response 
the United States could bring to bear in direct military engagement.
  Gen. Terrence O'Shaughnessy, commander of the Pacific Air Forces, 
said of the exercises:

       Let me be clear, if called upon, we are trained, equipped, 
     and ready to unleash the full, lethal capability of our 
     allied air forces.

  We need to make sure we maintain that lethal capability. Congress has 
a key role to play here by making sure we adequately fund our military 
and pass defense appropriations in a timely manner.
  While Kim Jong Un has not shown much of an inclination toward 
rationality, we need to keep emphatically reminding him that his regime 
would not survive a war on the Korean Peninsula.
  A robust and redundant defense is also an important component of the 
U.S. and allied response to North Korea. A key part of building our 
defenses should be a rigorous test schedule to inform research and 
development of anti-ballistic missile technology.
  It is true that some U.S. missile intercept tests have failed, but 
those setbacks have led to improvements. Some of our best men and women 
are working to keep us ahead of threats. We must repeatedly and 
aggressively test intercept systems to ensure that they are effective.
  Gen. John Hyten, the head of U.S. Strategic Command, has pointed out 
that our testing schedule for intercept systems lags behind the pace of 
North Korea's aggressive missile testing.
  Tuesday's successful THAAD missile defense system test against a 
simulated intermediate-range ballistic missile attack was a timely 
demonstration of this critical defense capability, and I hope we see 
further deployment of this promising system. Placing THAAD or the Aegis 
Shore missile defense system in Japan would bolster frontline defenses 
against future North Korean missile launches.
  We should also increase information sharing and military cooperation 
in the area around the Korean Peninsula to ensure that sanctions are 
enforced. The joint maritime operations conducted by the U.S. Navy and 
Coast Guard and the Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force are good 
examples of this cooperation.
  We must also examine how we have gotten to this state. For a so-
called hermit kingdom, North Korea has made significant advancements, 
while evading international sanctions. Those advancements, which build 
off a legacy of Soviet support, have been facilitated by North Korea's 
ties with Iran and a passive China providing North Korea with an 
economic lifeline. Not all the blame rests with China, but we know 
President Xi has proved largely unwilling to curtail North Korea's 
agenda.
  Late last month, Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin announced sanctions 
on Chinese entities with financial ties to North Korea. This is a 
positive first step, but more can be done to target banking and front 
companies that serve as financial conduits for North Korea. Increased 
transparency in Chinese customs and export reporting, for example, 
would restrict oil and steel exports to North Korea and ensure that 
China is adhering to its ban on coal imports from North Korea.
  The United States should also weigh whether new sanctions, both 
punitive and preventive, could exert additional pressure on China to 
rein in North Korea. I hope the administration will seriously consider 
such sanctions alongside measures to address other problematic Chinese 
actions, such as its continued military buildup on disputed reefs in 
the South China Sea.
  Kim Jong Un is clearly ready and willing to threaten the United 
States and its allies, and we should have no illusions that he is 
planning to reverse course. We need to make sure that we are prepared 
for any threat he or his regime poses.

  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. NELSON. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Hoeven). Without objection, it is so 
ordered.