[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 102 (Thursday, June 15, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3533-S3536]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Healthcare Legislation
Mr. President, it is ironic that this conversation takes place at a
moment where we really have a unique process underway designed to limit
political discourse. Everything I am saying about participation assumes
you will have a chance to weigh in, whether you are elected or whether
you are a citizen.
We have a process in the Senate that is designed to prevent the
citizens of America from weighing in and to prevent debate by the
Members of the Senate. That is not acceptable. It is not acceptable
that in a ``we the people'' constitutional republic, a democratic
republic designed to facilitate conversation and dialogue to produce
decisions that reflect the will of the people, that work for all
Americans--instead, we have a secretive process, more the type of
process you would expect in a kingdom where the King and the counselors
hide themselves away, with no public input, and make decisions for the
masses. That is not the design of our government. Our government is
designed for public input.
Here is a phrase that should resonate: no public input, no vote; no
hearing, no vote.
I am speaking specifically about the dialogue on TrumpCare.
TrumpCare, which was passed by just a few votes in the House and came
to the Senate, doesn't reflect a process of the people, by the people,
and for the people. In fact, it is by the privileged, for the
privileged, and by the privileged.
The House deliberately excluded the public. They had their own
consolidated, confined process to make sure it was difficult to have a
full debate and an amendment process, for folks to weigh in and
consider alternatives and improvements.
Here we are in the Senate, and it is even worse because we have the
secret 13 crafting a plan, planning and plotting to bring it to the
floor of the Senate probably 2 weeks from today in order to hold a
vote, with only a few hours of debate and no committee process of any
kind--not a single committee hearing, not a single committee
opportunity to consider amendments--and no chance for the public to get
a copy and read through it and weigh in with their Members of the
Senate. There is no chance for healthcare stakeholders and experts to
examine it and point out the difficulties and the flaws. What I think
is most egregious
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of all is the complete exclusion of the United States of America. It is
unacceptable.
I was fascinated by the fact that the majority decided to have this
secret 13 committee. Thirteen is considered to be an unlucky number by
much of America--Friday the 13th or buildings that don't have a 13th
floor. In this case, I hope that having 13 Members meet in secret is
unlucky; that is, unlucky in terms of trying to fulfill their mission
of passing a bill with no input by the public.
Last week, the majority leader started the process to make this
happen without a committee. It is called the rule XIV process. It is a
process designed to bring up a healthcare bill that would rip
healthcare coverage from millions of Americans and, by the way, give
away billions of dollars to the richest Americans, all in the same
bill, straight to the Senate floor without a committee being involved--
not the Finance Committee, which certainly has many elements related to
the financing of healthcare in America, and not the HELP Committee,
which has Members of both parties who have worked for years to develop
expertise and consult with stakeholders to understand what works and
what doesn't work, and they benefit from each other's input.
I was part of the HELP Committee in 2009. For 5 weeks we sat in a
room with a television camera operating so the public could see what we
were doing, and we proposed amendments and debated them around this big
square set of tables. There was full public scrutiny. There was 5 weeks
of bipartisan dialogue about what should go in healthcare. That was
2009. The Finance Committee had a very similar process.
But now we have a different objective by the majority leader wanting
to bring this bill with no Finance Committee involvement, no HELP
Committee involvement, and no citizen involvement. In fact, there is no
chance for Senators who aren't in the secret circle to participate and
see the bill and hold townhalls and ask people what they think of this.
I do a lot of townhalls. I am doing a couple more this weekend. I
have had 20 townhalls this year. I have had a townhall an average of
every 10 days since I was elected in 2000 and came to the Senate in
2009. I am going to keep holding these townhalls.
I know that my citizens would like to see this bill and be able to go
through the elements and give me feedback on what makes sense and what
doesn't. That is a ``we the people'' democratic republic. This secrecy
strategy--that is not. That is not. That is a strategy for
nonconstitutional governments. That is a strategy for dictators. That
is a strategy for Kings and Queens. That is a strategy for people who
hate democracy.
Let's not have that process in the United States. Let's have
colleagues from both sides of the aisle go to the leadership and say:
This is unacceptable. I want my citizens to have a chance to see this
bill. I want to benefit from talking to the hospitals in my community
and my State and get their feedback. I want to talk to the healthcare
clinics and get their feedback. I want to talk to the doctors and find
out what they think. I want to hear from the nurses because they are so
respected in their understanding of the direct delivery of healthcare.
That is what every Member of the Senate should be saying to our
majority leader. This process of secrecy, no debate, and the public
being excluded is totally unacceptable.
Why is this process going on? In fact, earlier today, the secret 13
went into a room off a hallway where the press is not allowed so they
couldn't be seen coming and going from the room. When they were coming
and going from the room, they couldn't be talked to by the press. Why
all this secrecy? It boils down to this: They know the American people
don't like what is in this bill. They are terrified of getting that
feedback. If they get that feedback, they might lose a majority in
passing this bill.
How much public support is there for the TrumpCare bill? Just 21
percent, according to a recent Quinnipiac poll. That is not very much
support for it.
Even President Trump said TrumpCare is terrible. He said it this way:
That bill from the House is ``mean.'' That was his exact quote, that it
is ``mean.'' Then he used another phrase, which I won't repeat on the
floor of the Senate, to say just how absolutely awful that bill is.
Today in committee, I asked the Secretary of Health, Tom Price: Do
you share, as Secretary of Health, the President's opinion that his own
bill, his own TrumpCare bill passed out of the House, is an absolutely
terrible bill, a mean bill?
He didn't want to answer the question. Certainly, I found that
curious, that the Secretary of Health will not tell us whether he
shares the President's opinion.
Then I asked him: Why did the President call it a mean bill? Is it
because it throws 20 million people out of healthcare?
The Secretary didn't want to answer.
Did the President say it was a mean bill because it eliminates the
guarantee of essential health benefits so that an insurance policy is,
in fact, insuring you when you get sick rather than perhaps not even
being worth the paper it is printed on?
There were a lot of healthcare insurance policies before we had an
essential care package, essential benefits package. You paid the
insurance company, but when you got sick, they didn't cover anything.
Those policies weren't worth the paper they were printed on.
So I asked the Secretary of Health: Is that the reason the President
said this is a mean process or a mean bill? Is that the reason he
described this bill in terms that I won't repeat on the floor?
The Secretary of Health wasn't interested in relaying or giving
insights into why the President said it was a mean bill.
I asked: Is it because the bill destroys the guarantee that if you
have preexisting conditions, you can still get a policy at the same
price as everyone else?
Again, there was no answer.
I said: Or is it a mean bill because if you are an older American,
you have to pay perhaps up to eight times more for the same policy as
you pay under current law?
You know, an individual who is 64 years old, a man who is earning
$26,500 a year, currently that individual would pay about $140 a month
for a policy under current law. The same policy under TrumpCare would
cost $1,200 a month. Is there anyone in this Senate Chamber who thinks
an individual earning $26,500 a year can afford a healthcare policy
that costs $1,200 a month?
Let me translate this. If you are earning $26,000 a year, you are
earning a little over $2,000 a month. Is there anyone in this Chamber
who believes--please come to the floor and tell us if you do--that
individual can buy a healthcare policy costing $1,200 a month? Is there
anyone who thinks it is an egregious mistake to use high pricing to
force older Americans out of our healthcare system? I believe in
treating our citizens of all ages graciously, not forcing them out of
healthcare through an eightfold increase in their premiums. Is that the
reason the President said that this healthcare bill, this TrumpCare
bill from the House, is a mean bill and spoke of it in derogatory
terms?
The TrumpCare bill isn't even popular in the President's own party.
Just 48 percent of Republicans surveyed in the same poll supported
President Trump and Speaker Ryan's healthcare plan. But when asked if
they like the current healthcare plan, 55 percent said they do.
Right now, regular order, the regular legislative, deliberative
process that makes sure there is a full debate before a significant
bill comes to a vote, that makes sure there is significant and
substantial time for the citizens of America to weigh in, that regular
order or regular process is being run over by a steamroller. It is
being crushed. It is being demolished. Why would my colleagues support
destroying the fundamental principles of legislative debate? I would
love to hear the answer. Perhaps it is because, like President Trump
said, the bill is mean. Perhaps it is because it is extremely unpopular
with the American people, who believe there should be affordable,
quality healthcare available to every single American.
We have heard that the secret 13 have a plan to sweeten the bill, a
little spoonful of sugar to make the medicine go down. What is that
plan? Well, we are hearing that maybe they will put
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in extra funds to help take on the opioid addiction epidemic. That is a
good thing. Why have they fought so hard against supporting such
programs to help Americans on this crucial question?
We have heard they want to slow down the process of throwing people
off healthcare so it will not hurt them in the 2018 elections and maybe
not even hurt them so much in the 2020 elections. But if you are
destroying something piece by piece, you are still destroying it. If
you are cooking a lobster and you turn up the heat fast or you turn up
the heat slowly, you still kill the lobster. And this bill is still
going to kill healthcare for millions of Americans. Doing it more
slowly doesn't make it a good thing. Putting in a spoonful of sugar
doesn't make a diabolical act better.
Franklin Roosevelt once said:
Let us never forget that government is ourselves.
And he continued:
The ultimate rulers of our democracy are not a President
and Senators and Congressmen and Government officials but the
voters of this country.
And isn't that what ``we the people'' means--government of, by, and
for the people? But nowhere in the Republican secret 13 process can the
voices of the people of the United States be heard. How about if one of
the 13 comes to the floor now and distributes the bill? I mean we
should have weeks to consider this. We should have maybe a month to
consider it. We had a whole year of process in 2009.
Wouldn't that be the right thing to do, to clue in folks about what
is in this bill so we can get the stakeholders engaged and the citizens
engaged and hold those townhalls and get that feedback? Wouldn't that
be the right thing to do?
Well, unfortunately, we are still waiting. We are still paused,
saying: Please, bring the bill to the floor. Distribute it. Maybe it is
not your final draft, but that is OK.
We had draft after draft after draft of the healthcare bill in 2009.
We had, in the Senate Finance Committee, 53 hearings on healthcare
reform. They spent 8 days marking up their version of the ACA--the
committee's longest markup in 22 years. During those 8 days, 135
amendments were considered--amendments from both Republicans and
Democrats. Then, there was the HELP Committee, which I served on, and
it held 47 bipartisan hearings, roundtables, and walkthroughs. There
were 300 amendments during a month-long markup--one of the longest in
the history of Congress. More than 100 Republican amendments, minority
amendments, were accepted into the committee's version of healthcare
reform.
Right here in this Chamber, we spent 25 days considering the bill
before we voted--25 days considering a lot of floor amendments, a lot
of floor time. Is there a single member of the majority party who will
commit to having at least 25 days of debate on the floor of the Senate
so we can get a full vetting of the issues, so we can get full input by
the citizens of the United States of America?
Well, I am concerned that we are not on the path that values the
construction of our government, our constitutional ``we the people''
government. I am concerned and afraid we are on a path where powerful
special interests meeting secretly with 13 Members of the Senate are
crafting a bill that is great for the powerful and the privileged but
in fact is terrible for Americans, and that is why they are so afraid
to show us the bill.
So this is unacceptable, and we need the citizens of America to pay
attention because why is this happening right now? Well, because the
fact that this secret process is going on, it can be camouflaged by all
the conversation about Russiagate--how much did the Russians interfere
in our elections, and what about all those secret meetings by members
of the campaign team, were they coordinating or collaborating? We don't
know the answer, but that question is central to whether there was
treasonous conduct undermining the integrity of our elections.
So let's do this now, the secret healthcare plan, with no debate
while America is trying to fight for the fairness and integrity of our
elections. Let's do it now when schools are out of session and we are
in summer and people are on vacation. Let's sneak it through now, this
act that strips healthcare for millions of Americans.
Here is the principle we should come back to: No hearing; no vote. No
hearing; no vote. No vote on a piece of legislation that affects the
lives of millions of American families if we haven't had due
deliberation by the key committees. No vote on a bill that destroys
healthcare for millions of families if we haven't had the chance to
consult with the experts in healthcare--the nurses, doctors, hospitals,
and clinics.
No hearing; no vote. No vote if we haven't had a full chance for the
citizens of America to weigh in, to see the full details, and say what
they like and what they don't like and share that with their respective
Senators. On an issue of this magnitude, one that will affect the peace
of mind and the health of millions of Americans, we need a full,
thorough legislative process.
The choices that are made in this Chamber over the next few weeks
will have a big impact on the quality of life of millions of American
citizens. A provision that eliminates Medicaid expansion, the Oregon
health plan expansion in my State, whether it is implemented slowly or
implemented fast is going to rip healthcare from 400,000 Oregonians.
That is enough Oregonians that if they were holding hands, they would
stretch from the Pacific Ocean to Idaho, 400 miles across the State.
That is a profound impact.
In addition, those folks who are going to the clinics and hospitals
who don't have healthcare, they will not be able to pay for it. So the
finances of the clinics and the hospitals will be dramatically hurt. I
asked Secretary Price today: Is that the reason the President said the
TrumpCare bill out of the House is a mean bill? Is that the reason he
used a derogatory phrase to attack the TrumpCare bill out of the House?
Is it because of the fact it will undermine the finances of the clinics
and the hospitals.
He said: You know, I don't accept the premise that will happen.
Well, covering your eyes and covering your ears and pretending, on
such an important issue, is not a responsible act by a Secretary of
Health. The clinics have been coming to us and saying this is how our
finances improved when our citizens were able to pay for the services
because our rate of uncompensated care dropped dramatically and, with
that income, we hired a lot more people.
I have a clinic in the northeast corner of our State where the number
of people employed, they told me, doubled from 20-something to 50-
something. They are able to provide a lot more healthcare in that
local, rural community, and that is true in clinic after clinic after
clinic.
If one would take their hands off their ears or off from in front of
their eyes and listen to the presidents or the executive directors of
rural hospitals, they would hear them say: This will really hurt us.
This will hurt, not just our ability to provide care to those who will
not have insurance, it will hurt our finances. It will diminish our
care for everyone in this rural community. Everyone will be hurt by
TrumpCare.
Is that what the President meant when he said this bill is mean?
Well, if that is what he meant, if what he meant is it is mean because
it rips healthcare from 20 million Americans, then I agree with the
President. If when the President criticizes the TrumpCare bill as being
mean, if he meant that because it was going to destroy the guarantee of
access by folks with preexisting conditions, then I agree with him. If
he said it because it will destroy essential benefits and allow there
to be insurance policies that aren't worth the paper they are written
on, then I agree with the President.
If it does, it is going to greatly increase the cost of insurance for
older Americans, up to eightfold times. If that is why the President
said it is mean, I agree with the President.
The President should weigh in and say: No secret process on a bill so
important to the healthcare of millions of Americans. President Trump
should weigh in and say: I don't want a bill that looks anything like
that House bill because it is defective in this area, in this area, and
in this area, hurting everybody in the communities, undermining the
clinics, undermining the
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hospitals, destroying insurance, destroying the opportunity of access
for preexisting conditions, and ripping away the guarantee that
essential benefits will be covered. That is what the President should
do.
He thinks the bill is terrible because he finally looked at it. Well,
he is going to think the bill crafted by the secret 13 is terrible too.
He has a chance to stand up and fight for the American people and say:
I will never sign a bill that goes through a secret process that
excluded the insights from our rural hospitals, insights from our rural
clinics, insights from our nurses, and insights from our doctors. I
will never sign a bill in the Oval Office that excluded the American
people from being allowed to weigh in on the conversation. I will never
sign a major bill that hurts so many people in my Oval Office if it
never had a committee hearing and never had amendments, never had a
chance to go through the legislative process the way envisioned in our
``we the people'' Constitution. That would be the right thing for
President Trump to do.
He has recognized the bill is profoundly flawed. He has a chance to--
not only a flawed bill but a profoundly, unacceptable process in our
constitutional democratic Republic.
Former Chief Justice Hughes said: We are here not as masters but as
servants, not to glory in power, but to attest our loyalty to the
commands and restrictions laid down by the people of the United States
in whose name and by whose will we exercise our brief authority.
Each one of us is here for a short period of time, but we take our
constitutional roles as Senators from the foundation of the power of
the American people, the ``we the people'' Constitution. To exclude
them from the process is to violate the very premise on which our
Nation is founded.
So we have to stop this process. We have to stop it in its tracks.
Whether you are a Democrat or Republican, whether you come from a rural
State or a highly populated State, it is a responsibility to stop this
process, return to regular legislative deliberation so that we can, in
fact, have a ``we the people'' conversation, fully honoring the experts
and the feedback from ordinary citizens across our Nation.
No hearing, no legislative deliberation, no vote. No hearing; no
vote.
Thank you, Mr. President.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Perdue). The Senator from South Dakota.
Mr. THUNE. Mr. President, once again, we have more bad news about
ObamaCare. Last week, Anthem announced it will pull out of Ohio's
health insurance exchange for 2018. That means that a minimum of 18
Ohio counties will be without an exchange insurer next year. Twenty-
five Missouri counties are in the same boat, and more Americans are
likely to find themselves in the same situation.
On June 2, the Omaha World-Herald announced that 100,000 Nebraskans
could end up with zero options for individual coverage in 2018.
Insurers have been pulling out of the exchanges right and left.
In February, Humana announced its decision to completely pull out of
the exchanges for 2018. Three months later, Aetna, which had already
sharply reduced its exchange participation in 2017, also confirmed it
would pull out completely in 2018.
In 2016, 7 percent of U.S. counties had just one choice of insurer on
their healthcare exchange. In 2017, this year, roughly one-third of
U.S. counties have just one choice of insurer. Based upon the
information available so far, the New York Times is currently
estimating that about 45 percent of U.S. counties will have one or no
insurer next year.
One thing is for sure, Mr. President, Americans are facing fewer and
fewer health insurance choices, and the prices of those choices are
going up.
Proposed rates, proposed rate increases for 2018 are emerging, and
once again they are not looking good. Some of the average rate hikes
facing Americans around the country include 17.2 percent, 33.8 percent,
30 percent, 45 percent, 38 percent, 58.8 percent.
Three weeks ago, the Department of Health and Human Services released
a report comparing the average individual market insurance premium in
2013, which is the year that most of ObamaCare's regulations and
mandates were implemented, with the average individual market exchange
premium in 2017 in the 39 States that use healthcare.gov. What they
found is that between 2013 and 2017, the average individual market
monthly premium in the healthcare.gov States increased by 105 percent--
105 percent.
In other words, on average, individual market premiums more than
doubled in just 5 years. That is from HHS in their report that just
came out in the last couple of weeks. Three States saw their premiums
triple over the same period--triple in just 5 years.
I don't know too many families who can afford to have their premiums
triple over 5 years. What we know is that the ObamaCare status quo is
unacceptable, and it is unsustainable.
More than one insurance CEO has suggested that ObamaCare is in a
death spiral, and it is pretty hard to disagree. Combine soaring
premiums with a steady insurer exodus, and sooner or later we get a
partial or complete exchange collapse, which is what we are facing
today, not to mention all the other ObamaCare problems, such as the
deductibles that are so high that sometimes people can't actually
afford to use their healthcare plans or narrow plan networks with few
provider choices. We have higher premiums, higher deductibles, higher
costs, fewer options, fewer choices.
Republicans are currently working on legislation to help Americans
struggling under ObamaCare. My colleagues in the House made a good
start, and in the Senate we are working to build on the bill they
passed.
We are committed to helping Americans trapped on the ObamaCare
exchanges. We are committed to addressing ObamaCare's skyrocketing
premium increases. We are committed to preserving access to care for
Americans with preexisting conditions, and we are committed to making
Medicaid more sustainable by giving States greater flexibility while
ensuring those who rely on this program don't have the rug pulled out
from under them. We need to make healthcare more affordable, more
personal, more flexible, and less bureaucratic.
My colleague from Oregon was just talking about the complaints they
have about the healthcare process, the discussions that are going on,
and how much pain, if this passes, it is going to cause the American
people. I can tell you one thing: Today, it is pretty darn painful for
families I have talked to in my State of South Dakota, hard-working
farm and ranch families who are having to pay $2,000 a month, $24,000 a
year for insurance coverage--in some cases with $5,000 deductibles,
assuming they can even afford to use that expensive policy by being
able to cover the deductible. There are people across this country who
are hurting because of this failed healthcare insurance program. It is
high time for us to fix it.
I believe the American people want to see Congress act in a way that
will make healthcare insurance more affordable to them, more personal,
so that they will have more choices, greater options, and more
competition that will help bring those premiums down to a more
reasonable level. They need to have more than one choice. When 45
percent of the counties in America have one choice or no options on the
exchanges, that is an unacceptable situation and one that we have to
fix.