[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 102 (Thursday, June 15, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3532-S3533]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Healthcare Legislation
Mr. President, I rise today to talk about the healthcare debate and
in particular not just the issue of healthcare but the effort underway
by Senate Republicans in their attempts to repeal the Patient
Protection and Affordable Care Act.
I have grave concerns about the substance of the legislation--what we
know about it. It has been kind of a secret process. We don't know a
lot, but we have some general sense of where they are headed. I also
have grave concern about the lack of transparency employed by the
Republican majority around the development of this healthcare plan.
Like millions of Americans, I oppose this secretive process--and I
have to say it is a partisan process as well--that could result in
major legislation that would harm children who will lose their
healthcare, especially by way of the cuts to Medicaid. It could harm
individuals with disabilities--and by one recent estimate in
Pennsylvania, that means over 720,000 Pennsylvanians with a disability
who rely upon Medicaid; and, of course, seniors--a lot of seniors
across the country cannot get into a nursing home absent the full
support of the Medicaid Program, and we are concerned about them as
well; and finally, middle-class families who may not be able to afford
healthcare if the House bill were to become law or a substantially
similar bill passed by the Senate.
In 2009, the legislation passed the Senate after a yearlong, open
process that included a total of 44 bipartisan hearings, roundtables,
and summits. That was in the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and
Pensions, of which I was a member at the time and remember well those
hours and hours and days and days of hearings. The Committee on Finance
at that time also had many hearings over many months. This whole
process by two committees led to the consideration of some 435
amendments offered by both parties, majority and minority, and a full
debate on the Senate floor that lasted over 25 consecutive days. In
fact, a number of Republican Senators were able to offer and get a vote
on their amendments, some of which passed and became part of the
Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act.
Yet, in the last 5 months, there have been no Senate hearings on this
proposed legislation, no hearings on the House proposal, and certainly
no hearings on what is being developed here in the Senate. If that is
the case--if that remains the case over the next couple of days and
weeks--then I believe we should institute a very basic rule: If you
have no hearings, you have no vote. In other words, you can't have a
vote on the Senate floor on a bill that will affect so many tens of
millions of Americans and will change dramatically and, I would argue,
adversely, to the detriment of a lot of people, our healthcare system.
I hope the majority will agree with that--that if you don't have a
hearing, you shouldn't have a vote on the Senate floor.
There have been no relevant bills considered in executive session by
any of the committees of jurisdiction. Every indication is that the
Republican majority will jam this legislation through with minimal
opportunity for debate. This is unacceptable to me, but I also believe
it is unacceptable to people across the country in both parties.
We know, for example, the reason--or one of the many reasons--folks
would want a hearing before a vote, and that is because we are getting
a sense of what the substance is. Just to give one example, I won't
enter this whole report into the Record, but I am holding a full copy
of the Congressional Budget Office cost estimate. This estimate is
dated, May 24, 2017, analyzing H.R. 1628, the American Health Care Act
of 2017. This is the bill which passed the House. Page 17 of the CBO
report says:
Medicaid enrollment would be lower throughout the coming
decade, culminating in 14 million fewer Medicaid enrollees by
2026, a reduction of about 17 percent relative to the number
under current law.
That is quoted directly from page 17 of the CBO report, that over the
decade, 14 million people will lose their Medicaid coverage.
I know some here and across the city who were commenting on this
legislation--either members of the administration, Members of Congress,
or otherwise--are refuting this, but I think when you have a
Congressional Budget Office report which is an independent entity that
both parties have relied upon--and it is not only the CBO. This is a
report authored by not just the Congressional Budget Office but also
the Joint Committee on Taxation.
So 14 million fewer people on Medicaid--why is that relevant to the
Senate debate if the CBO report was analyzing the House bill? Here is
what one think tank, which has analyzed healthcare policy for years,
the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities--they put forth a report
this Monday, June 12. In that report of just a couple of pages, they
had a chart--I am holding it. I do not expect people to see it, but
here is what it says. It has four columns. The first column has the
major provisions of the House bill; and then what are likely, based
upon reporting and information we can ascertain so far, major
provisions of the House bill; what happens if the House bill passes;
and then major provisions of the Senate bill.
There is a section entitled ``Medicaid Expansion.'' When the Center
on Budget and Policy Priorities analyzed and compared the House bill to
what we know so far about the Senate bill being proposed or at least
the development of it, basically the Center on Budget says there is no
long-term impact on any reported changes from one bill to the other.
The Medicaid per capita cap--another very disturbing development that
is being considered--when they compare the Senate bill to the House
bill, they say no major changes.
So we are very concerned about what happens to Medicaid. I am very
concerned because of the 1.1 million children in Pennsylvania, the
disability number I mentioned before of over 722,000 people with
disabilities who get Medicaid, and of course the seniors who depend
upon Medicaid. So we are concerned about the elimination, even over
time, of the Medicaid expansion. We are also concerned about the
Medicaid Program itself.
In addition to those numbers, I want to highlight a few individual
stories of people to get a sense of what is at stake when it comes to
this bill and when it comes to Medicaid.
This past Friday, I met with German Parodi from Philadelphia. Here is
his story:
In 2001, he was a victim of a carjacking and was shot in the neck,
leaving him paralyzed and unable to use his legs and having limited use
of his arms. He was nursed back to health by his grandmother and has
worked for the past 16 years to be a full citizen, going to school,
working, owning his home, now caring for his grandmother who once cared
for him. German, who now uses a wheelchair to get around, has worked to
achieve what every American wants--to be a successful student, to own a
home, and to care for his family. He can do this because of his
knowledge, skills, and perseverance, and he has been able to achieve
these goals because he gets direct care services paid for by Medicaid.
His direct care professional helps him get out of bed in the morning,
get showered, dressed, breakfast, and get to work. Medicaid and the
services it provides makes it possible for him to use his skills to be
successful.
German told me that without Medicaid, ``I would end up having to live
in an institution. This would dramatically affect my life and my
grandmother's life.''
While talking with me, he said: ``Please do everything in your power
to protect my life and the lives of millions like me.''
I am short on time but here is another example. Latoya Maddox, whom I
met at the same meeting, is from the Germantown section of
Philadelphia. She was born with arthrogryposis multiplex congenital, a
disability that limits the use of her limbs. Latoya also uses a
wheelchair to get around, including getting to school and getting to
work. She is smart, energetic, and the mother of a soon-to-be 6-year-
old. She is now a junior at West Chester University working on her
bachelor's
[[Page S3533]]
degree in social work and works part time at Liberty Resources,
Incorporated, one of Pennsylvania's independent living centers.
Like German, Latoya is a successful young professional because she
works hard and takes advantage of the opportunities presented to her.
She has support from Medicaid in the form of direct support
professionals who help her with her daily tasks. Without Medicaid, the
wheelchair and other medical equipment she needs and her direct care
workers, Latoya would not be able to work, attend school, and care for
her son.
While I was talking with Latoya, she told me: ``Medicaid makes it
possible for me to live a regular, full, productive life, to be a
parent, to go to school, and to be a reliable employee.''
While talking with her, it was clear that Latoya was proud of her son
and proud to be his mother. She was clear that the support she receives
from Medicaid makes it possible for her to be that proud parent.
She closed her remarks by saying that Medicaid ``makes it possible
for me to be me.''
My last example is Karen Stauffer. Karen Stauffer is from Bucks
County, PA. She is a small business owner. She operates the River of
Life Natural Foods store. Karen purchased her healthcare policy from
the Pennsylvania Affordable Care Act exchange. She said to me that
prior to the passage of the ACA, she saw her healthcare premiums
increase from $300 a month in the late 1990s to $1,300 in the mid-
2000s. She said to me that because of preexisting conditions such as
high blood pressure and a long bout of Lyme disease, she was worried
she would lose her healthcare. She said passage of the ACA was both an
emotional and financial relief for her. Her premiums were reduced to
$500 a month after being as high as $1,300, and she knew she had the
protection of the law when it came to nondiscrimination because of her
preexisting conditions.
As she spoke, she shared her fears from what she has been hearing
about the House bill and what might come out of the Senate; that, at 61
years of age, her premiums could be five times that of younger
policyholders and that the meager subsidies proposed by the Republican
majority would make healthcare unaffordable for her. She said to me: I
am frankly terrified about what could happen to me in the next 4 years.
My income has gone down, I have preexisting conditions, and instead of
making adjustments and improvements to the ACA, legislators are causing
insurers to become concerned about the future.
Karen was distraught when talking about the future and reminded me
that ``we all could be one accident or illness away from disaster.''
That is what Karen said.
So German, Karen, and Latoya, I think, give us a lot to think about.
I hope the majority, when they are making the final edits to their
bill, will make sure that any American with Medicaid, for example, who
has it now--a child who comes from a low-income family, an adult or
child with a disability or a senior trying to get into a nursing home--
if they have Medicaid today and need it in the future, that there would
be a guarantee that they don't lose their Medicaid, that they don't
lose it this year or 5 years from now or 10 years from now, or longer.
Stretching it out over many years and eliminating that coverage year
after year, a little bit each year, is going to be just as bad in the
long run.
I hope the majority would think of those families and the families in
their own States when they are considering healthcare legislation in
the Senate. We should have a vote only if there is a hearing on this
legislation or, frankly, more than one hearing to consider something
this complicated.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oregon.
prayers for the Victims of the Congressional Baseball Practice Shooting
Mr. MERKLEY. Mr. President, yesterday we had a horrific tragedy here
in the capital area. I know I speak for all of my colleagues who are
holding the victims of that attack in their hearts and in their
prayers: Congressman Steve Scalise, still in critical condition; Zack
Barth, legislative correspondent who works for Congressman Williams of
Texas, who was injured; Matt Mika of Tyson's Foods, who represents them
here on the Hill; and two of our police officers, David Bailey and
Crystal Griner of the U.S. Capitol Police. Without those two police
officers present, this could have been a much more tragic event.
We have to reinforce the understanding that we are blessed to have
the opportunity to raise our voices in our democratic Republic. We are
able to raise them by speaking to our members who are elected in local
and State and Federal Government, by writing to them, by meeting with
them in townhalls. In my State, you can call them up, and they will sit
down with you in a cafe. We have an opportunity to weigh in through
writing letters to the editor, by protesting in the streets, by
overflowing the email lines and flooding the phone lines. We have all
kinds of ways to weigh in, in America, but violence is absolutely
unacceptable. We have to try to diminish and eliminate the hate speech,
which so often becomes the foundation for hate violence.
We have had a very divisive 18 months here in America, where various
folks have sought to increase the divisions between groups of
Americans, to attack women, to attack African Americans, to attack
Hispanics, to attack Muslims, to attack LGBT citizens. We need to
eliminate that strategy of division.
Here, in America, we are a tapestry of talents from all over the
world, of different cultural backgrounds who come together to make this
Nation incredibly strong. Unless you are 100 percent Native American,
you are either an immigrant yourself or the son or daughter of
immigrants. We bring that diversity to bear and we make this Nation
powerful in ways few other nations could even come close to having.
Let's take this as a moment in which we seek to encourage public
participation in all the legitimate forms of free speech but put hate
speech out of bounds and hate violence out of bounds.