[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 89 (Tuesday, May 23, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3090-S3092]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Climate Change
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Mr. President, I am here to discuss what you might
call the Scott Pruitt philosophy of environmental regulation. In a
recent interview, the Administrator of the Environmental Protection
Agency expressed his view that the EPA should ``simply pass regulations
that provide fairness and equity and allow utilities to make decisions
based upon stability, cost, and security to the consumers that they
serve.'' Did we notice anything missing in that assertion of what EPA's
role should be? How about no mention of the environment, no mention of
climate change, no mention of public health? So my 168th ``Time to Wake
Up'' speech will look at how paid-for Administrator Pruitt is by the
very industries he is supposed to be regulating. Often, the word for
this is ``corruption.''
Scott Pruitt is a functionary of fossil fuel money. He has a long
record of dark money fundraising and long, cozy relationships with big
fossil fuel political donors.
As you can see, energy interests contributed over $136,000 to
Pruitt's 2014 campaign even though he ran unopposed. During the 2010
and 2014 election cycles, oil and gas giants Devon Energy and Koch
Industries--yes, of those infamous Koch brothers--maxed out to Pruitt's
campaigns.
Thanks to Pulitzer Prize-winning reporting by the New York Times, we
know that backing Pruitt was a good fossil fuel investment,
particularly for Devon Energy. In 2011, Attorney General Scott Pruitt
took a letter written by Devon Energy, he put it onto his Oklahoma
attorney general letterhead, he signed it for them, and he sent it off
to EPA, pleading Devon Energy's anti-regulatory case as if it were his
own.
As attorney general of Oklahoma, Pruitt directly solicited political
donations from companies now regulated by EPA, then regulated by EPA as
well.
He spoke at dozens of industry events but never at a public health or
environmental event.
He led the boards of political organizations, like the Republican
Attorneys General Association and its dark money political fundraising
arm, the so-called Rule of Law Defense Fund, this thing. Pruitt was a
member of the RAGA executive committee--RAGA being Republican Attorneys
General Association. He was a member of their executive committee
between 2014 and 2016, when RAGA raised $530,000 from Koch Industries--
yes, those same infamous Koch brothers--and $125,000 from Devon
Energy--yes, of the letter he put onto his own letterhead.
Coal giant Murray Energy donated $50,000 to Liberty 2.0, Pruitt's own
super PAC, and it donated $350,000 to RAGA between 2014 and 2016.
The Rule of Law Defense Fund doesn't have to disclose its donors.
They hide in a loophole in the law. But other public reporting has
shown that it received at least $175,000 from something called Freedom
Partners. With a name like that, you know it is up to no good. Sure
enough, it is another dark
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money group run by several Koch Industries executives. That is not
Coca-Cola; that is the Koch brothers' fossil fuel processing company.
We don't know more about this. Why do we not know more about this?
Because Republicans in the Senate protected Scott Pruitt from having to
answer these questions during his confirmation process.
While he was busily helping raise dark money, dark money groups, in
turn, came back and worked hard to help Pruitt get confirmed to the
EPA. A Republican opposition research PAC called America Rising
launched a pro-Pruitt ad campaign, and its dark money arm, America
Rising Squared, funded confirmpruitt.com. A 501(c)(4) dark money entity
ironically named Protecting America Now was created solely to help
confirm Pruitt to the EPA. Its fliers asked for contributions ranging
from $25,000 to $500,000. Just another grassroots group trying to get a
good guy confirmed. Koch Industries' own lobbying disclosure forms
reveal it spent part of $3.1 million lobbying to confirm Scott Pruitt.
In Trump's science-denial Cabinet, Administrator Pruitt seems to see
little reason to hide his anti-environment and Republican political
interests. He has spoken at the Conservative Political Action
Conference and the American Farm Bureau board meeting. He attended
rallies with coal miners against his own regulations and met with the
National Mining Association's executive committee ``to lay out his
concerns with the Paris accord'' the day before the mining association
voted to press President Trump to withdraw from that agreement.
Administrator Pruitt planned to appear as the keynote speaker at the
Oklahoma Republican Party Gala on May 5. This invitation mentioned his
official position as EPA Administrator three times. It featured this
photo of him being sworn in as the EPA Administrator. It promised
donors a ``once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to hear him discuss his plans
to slash regulations, bring back jobs to Oklahoma, and decrease the
size of the EPA.'' Well, the 1939 Act to Prevent Pernicious Political
Activities, more commonly known as the Hatch Act, forbids this, so I
filed a Hatch Act complaint and Administrator Pruitt's appearance was
canceled. The Office of Special Counsel is now conducting a full
investigation.
But it wasn't just there. He goes to other dinners. On February 28,
2017, Pruitt was a speaker at a RAGA major donors dinner. You know who
major donors are by now. Days after the RAGA major donors dinner,
Pruitt unilaterally withdrew an EPA request for information from oil
and gas producers about their methane emissions, citing a letter from
nine members of RAGA and two Republican Governors, who alleged the
methane information request ``furthers the previous administration's
climate agenda and supports . . . the imposition of burdensome climate
rules on existing sites, the cost and expense of which will be
enormous.''
There was no public comment period. There was no request for input
from other States. This basically was a little party favor for his RAGA
pals right after the RAGA dinner.
This EPA Administrator has solicited thousands, if not millions, of
dollars from corporations he now regulates. Our current ethics laws do
not require nominees in the confirmation process to disclose their
political and dark money connections, so the Senate and the public are
kept blind to the conflicts of interest of such nominees, and we have
no idea how those conflicts would manifest in their offices. Pruitt
knows who gave dark money to his political causes. The corporations
know what dark money they gave. It is just the rest of us who are in
the dark.
This is new, and this is weird. This was not a problem for President
Obama's nominees because the dark money political tsunami that has
swamped our politics in slime did not exist when President Obama was
elected. It was the Citizens United decision of 2010 that allowed
unlimited political spending by big special interests, and that
unlimited money found dark money channels.
To address the gaping loophole in our Federal ethics laws, I have
introduced the Conflicts from Political Fundraising Act with Senators
Udall, Carper, Van Hollen, and Franken. This bill would require
Presidentially appointed Federal officials like Scott Pruitt to
disclose their political fundraising, and it would require Federal
ethics officials to address these conflicts by, for example, making
sure officials are recused from decisions affecting big political
donors, making sure the public has the information to know they should
ask for a recusal because the director is conflicted by reason of his
political relationship with big dark money donors.
I wish the conflicts at EPA stopped with the Administrator, but they
don't. It is a swarm of swampy conflict over there. Pruitt has
surrounded himself with political operatives and fossil fuel lobbyists.
The Associate EPA Administrator for Policy previously worked at RAGA,
the Rule of Law Defense Fund, and something called the Freedom Partners
Chamber of Commerce--a Koch brothers-funded dark money group that has
underwritten the Rule of Law Defense Fund. EPA's Senior Adviser for
Regional and State Affairs came from Pruitt's own fossil fuel-funded
super PAC, Oklahoma Strong. The Assistant Administrator for
Congressional and Intergovernmental Relations came from the oil
company, the Hess Corporation. One Deputy Associate Administrator is
the former president of the Ohio Coal Association. Another Deputy
Associate Administrator was a registered lobbyist at the National Rural
Electric Cooperative Association, where she specifically lobbied
against EPA's Clean Power Plan and New Source Performance Standard, the
clean water rule, the ozone standard, EPA enforcement, pesticides
bills, budget resolutions, and EPA appropriations bills.
This corruption of EPA is the work of the fossil fuel industry. One
day there must come a reckoning.
Just this weekend, the New York Times reported ``How Rollbacks at
Scott Pruitt's E.P.A. Are a Boon to Oil and Gas.'' The article included
a checklist of rollbacks that specifically benefit long-time Pruitt
benefactor Devon Energy--the one that got the letter--delaying a rule
raising royalties on fossil energy production on Federal land, undoing
new fracking standards, rolling back rules on the leaking and flaring
of methane, and rolling back reporting of methane emissions.
In another matter, Devon Energy had been preparing to pay a
settlement of over $100,000 and to install emissions scrubbing
equipment to remedy illegal emissions from a Wyoming natural gas
facility. Five days after Pruitt was installed at EPA, the company told
officials it was ``re-evaluating its settlement posture,'' offering a
quarter of what it had previously proposed to settle the charges and
scrapping the emissions controls entirely. They know their
Administrator Pruitt.
Pruitt's record at EPA reveals he is unabashedly looking out for his
industry donors at the expense of public health and the environment. As
far as I can tell, every action he has taken since taking office will
lead to an enriched industry--at the expense of dirtier air and dirtier
water--and a more imperiled climate.
Myron Ebell is someone I don't quote often. He is the head of
President Trump's EPA transition team and a prominent climate denier.
He has something interesting to say about Scott Pruitt. He has said
that he thinks Scott Pruitt is using EPA as a ``stepping stone to
political office'' and that ``everything he does is going to be a
political calculation about what furthers his own political career.''
This is not a liberal environmentalist making these accusations. This
is somebody who is right in Scott Pruitt's climate denial wheelhouse.
This is someone from the Trump science denial EPA destruction team.
This is the guy who is in the club of fossil fuel-funded climate
denial, and he thinks everything Pruitt does is a political calculation
about what furthers Pruitt's own political career. If that is the case,
everything Scott Pruitt does is a conflict of interest, as he sees
regulated industry as the funders of his next political campaign. They
pay for him now, and he delivers.
Sadly, the people who own Pruitt also own Congress. So good luck
getting an honest look at this mess from our fossil fuel-funded
colleagues in the majority.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
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The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered,
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