[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 88 (Monday, May 22, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3051-S3052]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                          Russia Investigation

  Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, since last week's all-Senators briefing 
with Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein, some of my friends on the 
other side of the aisle have alleged that his appointment of a special 
counsel impedes the congressional investigation into Russian 
interference in our elections and whether the Trump campaign was 
involved. Nothing could be further from the truth.
  The executive branch investigation under the special counsel looks at 
criminal wrongdoing. The congressional investigation takes a broader 
approach. The two can proceed on parallel tracks, as has happened many 
times in the past. If anything the congressional investigation is doing 
potentially interferes with the special counsel's activities, the two 
parties will discuss it. It is a process called deconfliction. They 
know how to do it. They have done it before. There is no reason 
whatsoever for the congressional investigation to slow down or stop.
  Mr. Mueller's appointment as special counsel in no way diminishes the 
need for Congress to play an active role in helping to get to the 
bottom of all the recent events. Let me repeat. This is our solemn 
constitutional duty, the very bedrock of the separation of powers and 
coequal branches of government designed by our Founding Fathers to 
preserve something we all cherish: American liberty and American 
democracy. Let me outline three things that should happen.
  First, Intelligence Committee Chair Burr and Ranking Member Warner 
should continue to pursue their committee's investigation into these 
matters with just as much vigor. That investigation has been proceeding 
in a bipartisan way, and it absolutely should continue as such. For 
example, my friends Senators Burr and Warner have recently requested 
financial records of key Trump campaign officials from the Treasury 
Department. They should be given that information and continue to 
pursue whatever other avenues they view as helpful to the committee's 
investigation.
  Second, Mr. Comey should testify in both the Judiciary and the 
Intelligence Committees to discuss the events surrounding his 
dismissal. The committees should be given access to memos he reportedly 
drafted following interactions with President Trump, and Congress 
should also be provided any transcripts or tapes the White House might 
have of Mr. Comey's conversations with President Trump.
  Third, the Intelligence Committee must be provided the details of 
transcripts relating to President Trump's reported disclosure of 
information to the Russian Foreign Minister and Ambassador. There is a 
great deal of dispute about what was said at that meeting. The 
committee should have access to both Mr. Comey's notes and the White 
House's notes.
  Finally, the Senate must demand the next FBI Director be nonpartisan, 
independent, fearless, and of unimpeachable integrity, just as Mr. 
Mueller is. A career politician of either party or anyone who suggests 
a lack of impartiality should not be considered a fit choice for that 
office. Every one of these, by the way, deals with congressional 
oversight--some directly, like the appointment of an FBI Director; some 
a little

[[Page S3052]]

more indirectly, such as figuring out what exactly was said in the room 
with the Russian Foreign Minister and Ambassador, but all of it is 
clearly within what the Constitution requires and the Founding Fathers 
wanted Congress to be. So the congressional committees have really an 
obligation to our democracy to continue their role.