[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 86 (Thursday, May 18, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S3034-S3037]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
Russia Investigation
Mr. MERKLEY. Mr. President, the most important words in our
Constitution are the first three words ``We the People,'' written in
beautiful script and written many times larger than the rest of the
document so that even if you are across the room, you know what this
Constitution stands for--not a government by and for the powerful, not
a government by and for the privileged, but as President Lincoln so
eloquently said in his Gettysburg Address, a ``government of the
people, by the people, and for the people.''
As a ``we the people'' nation, we adhere to a core set of principles
that have guided us through good times as well as in dark moments. One
of those key principles is the rule of law, that we are a nation in
which not only is there the rule of law but in which no one is above
the law.
If we walked out of this Chamber right now, proceeded through the
double doorways, and down the steps of the Capitol, we would be staring
at the beautiful building of the Supreme Court. The entire building
symbolizes the role of justice in our society. As you look at that
magnificent Supreme Court--the broad, marble steps leading up to the
door--you see these simple words inscribed above: ``Equal justice under
the law.'' It is right there. You can almost see it from where I am
standing now: ``Equal justice under the law.'' That is the principle
that is part of the ethic of every courthouse in America--from the
smallest, most rural courthouse to the big city courthouse square. We
see those same principles personified as Lady Justice. There she is,
holding the scales, blindfolded so as to make sure everyone is treated
equally.
Yet, over the past few months, we have been in a period in which we
have been staring into the abyss of a constitutional crisis because
this very core principle of ``no one is above the law'' and ``equal
justice under the law'' has been under assault.
We have a President whose campaign team is under investigation
because of substantial information that suggests the possibility of
coordination and collaboration with Russia to change the outcome of the
Presidential election--an assault on one of the most fundamental
premises of a free society; that of free and equal elections.
We have a President who gave code-word classified information to an
adversary--Russia--just a few days ago. We have confidential
information, we have secret information, we have top secret
information, and we have code-word information at the very top. These
are the most sensitive secrets of the American Government, and our
President gave that information to Russia. If anyone else did that, he
would be facing criminal charges.
We have a President who sought to shut down an investigation into one
of his former team members--retired LTG Michael Flynn. We know
Lieutenant General Flynn was in contact with Russian officials, and he
was fired for lying about it. President Trump fired the head of the FBI
because he would not drop the investigation into General Flynn's
Russian connections and conduct.
We have a President, President Trump, who asked his Attorney General
and Deputy Attorney General to develop a cover story to tell the
American people the reason he fired the Director of the FBI, which is
that he was upset about the Director of the FBI's treatment of his
former Presidential opponent, Hillary Clinton.
If anyone believes the President woke up in the middle of the night
and
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decided to fire the Director of the FBI because he was concerned about
the way Hillary Clinton was treated, then you have not been paying
attention this last year and a half.
Now, if in the course of an investigation it is found that members of
the Trump campaign coordinated or collaborated with the Russians to
undermine the integrity of our elections, then that is treasonous
conduct. If the President asked for, encouraged, or knew about such
activity, then he would be party to such treasonous conduct. If the
President used his office to attempt to shut down either the
investigation of Michael Flynn or the investigation into the
collaboration between the Trump campaign and the Russians, then that
obstruction is potentially a serious crime of obstruction of justice,
and it has to be fully pursued. If the President fired his former FBI
Director in order to slow down or shut down these investigations, then
that compiles the evidence of obstruction of justice.
These sets of facts point to serious misconduct. We have to fully
investigate whether there was, in fact, such misconduct. That is why,
for more than 3 months--going back to February 15 and Michael Flynn's
resignation--I have been calling for a special prosecutor to conduct a
thorough, impartial investigation into these matters. Over these 3
months, the case for why we need an independent special prosecutor has
only grown stronger with each new event, each new story, each new piece
of evidence.
If there were any lingering doubt about the need for a special
prosecutor, that doubt was washed away last week when President Trump
fired Director Comey for pursuing the investigation into the ties
between the Trump campaign and Russia. That is why many of my
colleagues and countless Americans all across the country stood up and
demanded that no nominee fill Director Comey's shoes unless a special
prosecutor had been appointed. So I was very pleased when last night
Deputy Attorney General Rosenstein appointed such a special prosecutor.
Now, he will be coming to this Chamber to speak with us in a short
period of time, later this afternoon. But whatever else transpired,
stepping up and appointing that special prosecutor was the right thing
to do. He announced the appointment of former FBI Director Robert
Mueller as special counsel--the words ``special counsel'' and ``special
prosecutor'' are largely interchangeable--with wide-ranging authority
to conduct a thorough and independent investigation into ``any links
and/or coordination between the Russian government and individuals
associated with the campaign of President Donald Trump; and, any
matters that arose or may arise from the investigation; and, any other
matters within the scope of the investigation.''
Last night's announcement was a tremendous victory for justice--the
principle of justice. It was a tremendous victory for a country with
the rule of law. It was a tremendous victory for the principle that no
individual is above the law in the United States of America.
We need to have confidence that there will be a robust investigation
to get to the truth, no matter where that leads us. Certainly, our
confidence has been improved by the appointment of the special
prosecutor last night--and not just any individual, but an individual
qualified and respected to lead such an investigation.
For 12 years, from just before the September 11, 2001, attacks and
right through 2013, this man, Robert Mueller, led the FBI. He led it
for the second longest period in U.S. history. He led it for 2 years
more than the standard term for the head of the FBI. He is known as a
thorough, by-the-book prosecutor who can't be influenced or
intimidated, and I have every faith that he will conduct a
professional, robust, and thorough investigation and give the American
people the answers to all of these issues.
But as we applaud this strong movement toward justice, to truth, and
to accountability, this strong stride in support of our ``we the
people'' democratic Republic, we cannot rest. We need to make sure that
Mr. Mueller, as a special prosecutor, gets every resource he needs to
aggressively pursue justice and the complete independence he needs to
undertake this incredibly important task.
At the same time, we have to keep pressing here in the Senate,
encouraging our Intelligence Committee, as well as the House
Intelligence Committee, to aggressively pursue information. We cannot
cede our obligation to represent and fight for the best interests of
the American people or for our ``we the people'' Nation, and that
includes speaking truth to power and holding our leaders accountable
for their actions.
Mr. Mueller will have, as I noted, wide-ranging authority to conduct
his investigation. His investigation and the investigation here in the
Senate by the Senate Intelligence Committee will be looking at a number
of connections that have occurred over the course of this last year and
a half.
Now, we know a lot about what the Russians did to hack the American
Presidential election. The intelligence community told us in a report
this past January that, with ``high confidence'' Russian President
Vladimir Putin ``ordered and influenced the campaign in 2016 aimed at
the U.S. presidential election'' and that he did so in order to
``undermine public faith in the U.S. democratic process, denigrate
[Hillary] Clinton, and harm her electability and potential
presidency.''
The report goes on to say that the Russian Government ``aspired to
help President-elect Trump's election chances when possible by
discrediting Secretary Clinton and publicly contrasting her unfavorably
to him.''
We know many of the elements of this aggressive Russian campaign.
They used the resource ``Russia Today'' to spread fake news stories, to
develop those stories, and to publicize those stories. They hired
thousands of internet trolls to comment in social media on the affairs
in America, as if they were Americans weighing in. They proceeded to
hack the DNC, or the Democratic National Committee, files and the
Clinton campaign files, and they released damaging documents from those
hacks. They used bots; that is, remote computers instructed by code
that was placed onto those computers to weigh in on social media as if
they were people weighing in. So we had thousands of machines weighing
in with comments as if they were individuals weighing in. Why did they
do that? To take the fake news story and proceed to amplify it with
comments from thousands of trolls and, probably, tens of thousands of
bots, in order to get those issues trending so they would appear in the
everyday news that Americans see. We are talking about a massive
campaign of interference in the Presidential election.
What we need to know is whether anyone on the Trump campaign was
connected, in any possible way, to these activities. To find that out,
we have to investigate the growing web of connections between members
of the Trump campaign and Russia.
Just consider some of the connections that have been explored already
in the press. One individual is Carter Page, who served as President
Trump's foreign policy adviser on the campaign trail. Mr. Page lived in
Russia for 3 years while working for Merrill Lynch. He participated in
several deals during his time there with Gazprom, the Kremlin-owned
energy giant whose chairman was Vladimir Putin's deputy while Prime
Minister.
He became friendly and emailed back and forth for months with Victor
Podobnyy, a Russian spy who was recorded on tape saying he was trying
to recruit Page.
Last year, while employed as a member of the Trump campaign, Mr. Page
traveled to Moscow to deliver a speech bashing U.S. policy toward
Russia, saying: ``Washington and other Western powers have impeded
potential progress through their often hypocritical focus on ideas such
as democratization, inequality, corruption and regime change.''
Then there is Paul Manafort, the former chairman of the President's
campaign. He was hired to manage the Republican Convention and to
wrangle delegates, but he was promoted to campaign chairman and chief
strategist, until he resigned because of his questionable foreign
dealings.
From 2004 until 2014, Manafort worked as an adviser to the Ukrainian
President, Viktor Yanukovych, a pro-Russian strongman who, over the
years, adopted policies that moved his country away from the European
[[Page S3036]]
Union and closer to Russia. Manafort is regularly credited with helping
Yanukovych win the Presidency in 2010.
In 2014, a revolution rose up against Yanukovych, and he was ousted
from power. He now lives in exile in Russia. But Mr. Manafort continued
working in Ukraine, helping rebrand the former President's Party of
Regions as an opposition party, mostly from eastern Ukraine, which
advocates for stronger relations with Russia.
Then, we have Roger Stone, President Trump's longtime ally, friend,
and adviser since they first met back in 1979. That is three-plus
decades. Ironically, it was Mr. Stone who introduced Donald Trump to
former President Richard Nixon back in the 1980s, and there are stories
in the media that Mr. Stone pressured the President to fire Director
Comey.
Over the years, Mr. Stone has appeared many times in Russia Today,
the Kremlin's English language news network that developed and
publicized fake news stories during last year's Presidential election.
In his appearances, Mr. Stone regularly criticized the U.S.
intelligence community, he attacked our media, he attacked our free
press, he praised Russia and its policies, and he even praised
WikiLeaks--the organization responsible for releasing massive amounts
of confidential and damaging documents about our Nation's intelligence
services and capabilities.
More than that, Mr. Stone has bragged about his communications with
hackers--hackers like Guccifer 2.0. And who is Guccifer 2.0? The
individual responsible for hacking the DNC and releasing emails during
the campaign.
Another person whose connections to both the Trump campaign and
Russia will be looked at is our former colleague and now our Attorney
General. During the course of his confirmation hearings, Mr. Sessions
misled fellow Senators about his interactions with Russian officials.
When asked what he would do as Attorney General if he learned that
anyone connected with the Trump campaign had communicated with the
Russian Government, he said:
I'm not aware of any of those activities . . . I have been
called a surrogate at a time or two in that campaign and I
did not have communications with the Russians.
But he did have communications, meeting with Russian Ambassador
Kislyak on two separate occasions last year.
Then, we have Michael Flynn, a very major part of the connections
between the Trump campaign and Russia--a retired lieutenant general and
appointed to be National Security Advisor by President Trump. He was
intimately involved in the series of events that led us to yesterday,
with the appointment of a special prosecutor.
Beginning in February 2016, General Flynn served as an adviser to the
Trump campaign, and he was even considered as a potential running mate
for President Trump. As we know, he followed President Trump into the
White House as National Security Advisor. But as I noted before, that
role was short-lived, as his Russian connections came to light.
Back in 2015, he was paid to attend a 10th anniversary gala for
Russian TV and sat at a table with Mr. Putin. He didn't disclose this
on his security forms.
During the Trump administration's transition, he talked with
Ambassador Kislyak by phone, including one call on the very day that
President Obama ordered sanctions against Russia as punishment.
Punishment for what? Punishment for interfering with the American
election.
When that information was discovered, the White House contended that
General Flynn's conversations with the Russian Ambassador were nothing
more than ironing out logistics for an eventual call between the
President and Vladimir Putin.
Even Vice President Pence went on the record defending Flynn, telling
CBS News that the two ``did not discuss anything having to do with the
United States' decision to expel diplomats or impose censure against
Russia.''
But General Flynn's conversation with the Ambassador was picked up
during routine surveillance of the Russian Ambassador. And what were
they discussing? They were discussing the sanctions President Obama was
placing on Russia. Why did he place those sanctions? Because of Russian
interference in the election.
Acting Attorney General Sally Yates made it known that she warned the
White House that Flynn was lying to the Vice President and that he was
compromised. She met twice with Dan McGahn, the White House Counsel, to
warn him about Flynn. But in exchange for making sure the White House
knew about the fact that the National Security Advisor was compromised
and then lied to the Vice President, she was fired--fired by the
President.
Eighteen days after Sally Yates' warning, Michael Flynn resigned,
after the Washington Post revealed that he had, in fact, discussed
sanctions with Ambassador Kislyak.
Now, according to his lawyer, ``General Flynn certainly has a story
to tell, and he very much wants to tell it.''
Well, I hope, as the Senate Intelligence Committee and as the special
prosecutor pursue the investigations, that he will have every chance to
tell it and will tell it with a fullness and an accuracy that will be
complete.
That is the web of visible connections we already know about, and
they suggest the possibility of coordination, consultation, and
collaboration with the Russians to influence the American elections. We
have to get to the bottom of whether, in fact, that is the case. Did it
go beyond a series of conversations to actual coordination,
consultation, and collaboration? This is what we need to know.
Now, the President says that there is no ``there,'' there. That is
why we need an investigation, in order to find out. The President has
called this a witch hunt. An investigation, I would convey to President
Trump, is not a witch hunt. An investigation is pursuit of the truth.
An investigation is in the highest tradition of equal justice for all.
A very large development, as we all now know, occurred last week with
the firing of FBI Director James Comey, who was leading the Bureau's
investigation into these matters. Director Comey confirmed while
testifying in the House on March 20 that the FBI was, in fact,
conducting an investigation into Trump's campaign--something we now
know really bothered the President. But at the outset, the President's
White House claimed that Comey's firing was about the Director's
handling of the Clinton email investigations, not because of the Russia
investigation. That story on its face caused eyebrows to raise across
the country. Did people really believe the President woke up and was
determined to right a wrong because the FBI Director had unfairly
treated Hillary Clinton? Yet he asked his team to develop this story to
share it with the American people. He asked his team--his Attorney
General and his Deputy Attorney General--to essentially put out a story
to mislead the American people. That in itself deeply damages the
integrity of the White House.
This cover story also claimed that Comey was fired because he lost
the trust of the rank-and-file FBI agents. Acting FBI Director Andrew
McCabe came to the Hill to testify before the Intelligence Committee
last week, and he conveyed that this is simply not true.
The cover story also involved Deputy Attorney General Rosenstein
being the instigator of the firing by preparing this memo on his own
and recommending it to the President. That also turned out to be a part
of the deception, and the President himself made that clear, taking
responsibility that it was his decision to fire, not a decision based
on a recommendation that came from Rosenstein.
In an NBC News interview with Lester Holt, President Trump admitted
that he ``was going to fire regardless of recommendation'' and that he
was thinking of ``this Russia thing,'' as he called it--``this Russia
thing''--when he finally decided to fire the Director. He also told
Lester Holt that he had asked Director Comey three times whether he
himself was under investigation. The President admitted on camera to
the American people that he fired the man in charge of the
investigation against his campaign because he was frustrated that the
investigation was still going on.
The American people received reports subsequently that the President
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had asked Director Comey to pledge his loyalty to the President. This
is news report of the memo that Director Comey wrote after meeting with
the President. We find that the FBI Director is not going to be loyal
to anyone but Lady Justice.
The President had the audacity to publicly threaten Director Comey
after firing him. ``James Comey,'' said the President, ``better hope
there are no `tapes' of our conversations before he starts leaking to
the press!''
Attempting to intimidate future statements and possible statements in
an investigation after a person has been fired is another factor that
is totally inappropriate. Everyone with any shred of common sense knows
such intimidation is inappropriate, but in the context of a criminal
investigation, it may be more than inappropriate.
We don't know if there actually were tapes. Our Intelligence
Committee has requested the memos Director Comey wrote on his various
conversations with the President. Remember, this is an experienced,
seasoned FBI agent-turned-Director who has spent his life documenting
conversations. It is considered to be a high level of integrity when
such information is recorded in this fashion. Those memos carry a lot
of weight. Some are classified, some are unclassified. They need to be
provided immediately to the Senate Intelligence Committee, and if they
aren't provided, then the Intelligence Committee needs to subpoena them
and needs to subpoena the tapes. If they exist, they need to be
delivered. If they are not tapes but they are transcripts, they need to
be delivered. If they are not tapes but a thumb drive or they exist on
a piece of hardware, they need to be delivered, and our special
prosecutor, Mr. Mueller, needs to have them as well.
I think that as one steps back from this incredible amount of
information--the information about how Russia hacked the campaign, not
just hacking into the DNC and Hillary Clinton's campaign but then
releasing that information in strategic moments; hiring a thousand
individuals to comment in social media as if they were American
citizens; establishing a botnet of computers to weigh in as if they
were people to amplify this false social media, to get it trending and
to get it into the mainstream news--when we consider all of this, we
know how terribly wrong it was, and we have to learn every piece about
what went on in order to make sure we are in the best prepared way to
stop it from ever happening again.
We need to make sure we are in the best possible place to ensure that
we can assist other democratic republics in making sure they are not
victims of the Russians. We need to make sure that if any American, no
matter who he or she is, collaborated or coordinated with the Russians
in this effort to hack our campaigns, that they are prosecuted to the
full extent of the law.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Ohio.