[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 85 (Wednesday, May 17, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2974-S2975]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                          Russia Investigation

  Mr. President, on a different subject, the events of the last 2 weeks 
have shaken my confidence in this administration's competence and 
credibility. There has been revelation after revelation, allegation 
after allegation of misconduct on the part of the President and his 
team. In the past 2 days, it has reached new heights.
  The President, according to reports in the Washington Post and the 
New York Times, may have divulged classified information to a known 
adversary and actively tried to quash an investigation of a close 
political ally.
  From the President's own words, we already know that the Russia 
investigation was on his mind when he fired Mr. Comey. We now know it 
may not have been the first time the President has taken an action to 
impede an active investigation of his campaign or associates, if the 
reports in the New York Times are true.
  Concerns about our national security, the rule of law, the 
independence of our Nation's highest law enforcement agencies are 
mounting in this land. The stated explanations for these events from 
the White House have been porous, shifting, and all too often 
contradictory.
  The country is being tested in unprecedented ways. What is now 
required are the facts and impartial investigations into these very 
serious matters. The White House should make available to the 
Intelligence Committees the transcripts and any related summaries of 
the Oval Office meeting between President Trump and the Russian Foreign 
Minister and Ambassador. We can then assess exactly what was said and 
understand the consequences of any intelligence that was shared with 
the Russians.
  On the topic of Mr. Comey, if the President has tapes of his 
conversation with Mr. Comey, we ought to be able to review those tapes 
as well to see if the President pressured the FBI Director to shut down 
an active investigation. The Times reported that Mr. Comey kept 
contemporaneous memos of his conversation with the President, and Mr. 
Comey has a reputation for accuracy in those memos. Those memos should 
also be provided to the congressional Intelligence and Judiciary 
Committees, and Mr. Comey should testify before those committees in 
public. Indeed, providing the Congress the tapes and memos may be the 
only way for this administration to credibly make a case to a 
justifiably skeptical American public about its version of the story 
reported by the New York Times. The President says what Comey said was 
wrong. Prove it. It is easy to prove it, as long as there are tapes or 
transcripts of what happened. If the President is right, he will have 
no problem releasing memos, tapes, or transcripts that corroborate his 
story. But if he fails to release them, the American public will 
justifiably tend to side with Mr. Comey, not what the President had to 
say, particularly in light of so much backtracking, backsliding, and 
factual fabrication in this White House.

  Finally, the events of this past week only heighten the need for a 
special prosecutor who is truly independent to run the Department of 
Justice's investigation into potential collusion between the Trump 
campaign and Russia. The American people must have faith in the 
integrity and impartiality of this investigation. We have learned, if 
the reporting is accurate, that the President is willing to directly 
interfere with an active investigation. Whether or not it breaks the 
law is not the point here. The point is, he was trying to interfere 
with an investigation. How can anyone trust someone in the President's 
chain of command, someone who the President has appointed, after those 
actions? The only way out is a special prosecutor. It is the right 
thing to do.
  We know the President is willing to fire an FBI Director because of 
this investigation, in his own words. It makes all the sense in the 
world to have a special prosecutor who can be fired only for cause to 
lead the Russia investigation. That would help protect the integrity of 
the investigation by insulating it from a White House, which at the 
very minimum, is overreaching.
  Given the circumstances, these requests are reasonable. They are 
modest. I hope--I really pray--that my friends on the other side of the 
aisle will see that now is the time to put party considerations aside 
and do what is right for our country. I know that several of my 
colleagues--Senators from Maine, Tennessee, Arizona--have expressed 
concerns. A few have gone further and endorsed some of the actions I 
have mentioned. It is a good first step, but it is not enough. In the 
past 24 hours, there has been more movement among Republicans in the 
House than here in the Senate. The Senate, by its traditions, should be 
leading this effort, not following. More of my Republican friends 
should join the Senators from Maine, Tennessee, and Arizona in speaking 
out about these events first but, far more importantly, helping us get 
to the bottom of them in an impartial, trusted, and respected way.
  To my friends on the other side of the aisle: America needs you; 
America

[[Page S2975]]

needs you now. America needs you to help pressure the Deputy Attorney 
General to name a special prosecutor to compel this White House to turn 
over the transcripts and tapes to Congress, to demonstrate that the 
Congress the American people elected, Democrats and Republicans, can 
come together to do the right thing when it matters most. I repeat to 
all of my colleagues: History is watching.
  This is not a casual or usual time. As great as the desire would be 
to repeal ObamaCare or do tax reform, the very faith in the 
institutions of government now are being tested. They have been tested 
in the past. This is not the first time in American history they have 
been tested, but in the past, there have been people who rose above 
party, rose above an immediate interest to defend the needs of the 
Republic. Is it going to happen now?
  History will judge on whether this Congress and these Senators have 
been able to do what so many Senators before us, Democrats and 
Republicans, have done in the past: Put country above party. Whether we 
have decided to act as an appropriate check and balance as the Founders 
intended or whether we will let this continue, history will judge us 
all. Whether we decide to act in the way that is appropriate, history 
will judge us. Whether, in this moment of trial, the Senate is able to 
rise above partisanship and achieve statesmanship, again, history will 
judge us.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Cotton). Without objection, it is so 
ordered.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the time 
during the quorum call be charged equally to both sides.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The assistant bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for 
the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
  Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in 
morning business.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.