[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 84 (Tuesday, May 16, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2960-S2961]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
China
Mr. RUBIO. Mr. President, I have come to the floor today as part of
my office's Expression NOT Oppression initiative, which highlights
human rights abuses around the world and the plight of individuals
imprisoned or oppressed for simply exercising their God-given rights.
Earlier this month, we observed World Press Freedom Day, which serves
as a reminder that freedom of expression is a fundamental, universal
human right and that a free press is vital to a free society.
We should never take for granted the freedom of the press we enjoy
here in the United States. These rights are an integral part of the
bedrock of any healthy democracy, and in too many parts of the world,
they are nonexistent or under assault.
According to Reporters Without Borders' 2017 World Press Freedom
Index, press freedom is threatened now more than ever. Governments
around the world continue to crack down on their citizens' access to
information. Out of 180 countries, Burundi dropped from 156 to 160.
Most problematic for press freedom, Egypt dropped from 159 to 161, and
Bahrain dropped from 162 to 164.
Additionally, Reporters Without Borders has reported that at least
nine journalists have been killed already in 2017. Several were killed
in Mexico, here in our own hemisphere. It is hard to believe that
people are being thrown in jail or worse simply because government
officials don't like what they write or publish, but that is what is
happening, especially in countries like China, Russia, Iran, and Saudi
Arabia, just to name a few.
The case I come to the floor today to highlight is that of Huang Qi,
who has long been targeted by the Chinese Government because of his
advocacy for the rights of ordinary citizens and his coverage of the
Chinese Government's violation of those rights. In November of last
year, the police reportedly burst into his residence and ransacked his
home and took him to detention. In December of last year, Chinese
prosecutors authorized Huang's arrest for allegedly ``illegally
providing state secrets overseas,'' a charge that can result in a
sentence of life imprisonment. The Committee to Protect Journalists
described his detention as part of ``an intensified crackdown on online
journalists and bloggers who report on protests and human rights
abuses.''
Huang founded the 64 Tianwang human rights website in 1998. The
Chinese Government has blocked access to 64 Tianwang since 2003,
according to Radio Free Asia, because the site covers issues deemed
politically sensitive by authorities, such as protests and government
corruption.
Authorities previously sentenced Huang to 3 years in prison in
November 2009 for ``illegal possession of state secrets''--this in
connection with his work assisting parents who lost children during the
2008 Sichuan earthquake. In addition, Chinese authorities sentenced
Huang to 5 years in prison in 2000 for ``subversion'' for his advocacy
on behalf of the families of the 1989 Tiananmen protest victims--a
solemn anniversary we will mark next month.
In short, Huang, a veteran activist, is no stranger to the Chinese
Government's silencing of dissent. His life's work is a testament to
fearless reporting regardless of what consequences may follow. While
his own government views him as a threat, outside of China, his work is
widely praised and recognized. Reporters Without Borders awarded the
2016 Press Freedom Award to his website. His case has been championed
by Human Rights Watch, Freedom House, and others, including the
Congressional-Executive Commission on China, which I am proud to chair.
His case is featured in the Commission's Political Prisoner Database,
which presently contains more than 1,400 active prisoner records--a
staggering but far from exhaustive number.
Huang is committed to reporting the facts--facts that describe the
daily struggles of Chinese citizens. For this, he has suffered greatly,
including reported torture and mistreatment in detention, unjust
imprisonment, and deprivation of his most basic rights.
The Chinese Government should immediately and unconditionally release
him. The United States should make this case and the cases of many
others like him languishing unjustly behind bars in China or tortured
into ``confessing'' to ``crimes'' they did not commit, priorities--we
should make these priorities in our bilateral engagement with Beijing.
It is the second point--the torture and mistreatment of rights
defenders--that brings to mind another troubling case, that of
prominent rights lawyer Xie Yang. His wife, who recently arrived in the
United States with her two young children, will testify before the
House Foreign Affairs Committee later this week. Xie has bravely taken
on sensitive cases, including land grab victims and advocates for
democratic reform. Chinese security agents detained him as part of the
709 Crackdown--a sweeping, nationwide campaign against Chinese rights
lawyers and advocates that started on July 9, 2015.
The plight of 45-year-old Mr. Xie burst onto the international scene
in January 2017 when his attorneys released transcripts of their
meetings with him. The transcripts recount the threats of his
inquisitors. They said: ``We'll torture you to death just like an
ant.'' Another warned: ``I'm going to torment you until you go
insane.'' He told his lawyers: ``I wanted to end their interrogation of
me as quickly as I could, even if it meant death. . . . Later, I wrote
down whatever they wanted.'' As if foreshadowing the fate that awaited
him, he had earlier written a letter in detention in which he
cautioned, ``If one day in the future I admit guilt . . . that will not
be a true expression of my thoughts.''
Fast-forward to last week. He was charged with ``inciting subversion
of state power and disrupting court order'' and pled guilty in a
recorded video released by the court and widely reported in major media
outlets. He said: ``I want to take this opportunity to express to other
rights lawyers my view now that we should give up using contact with
foreign media and independent media to hype sensitive news events,
attack judicial institutions and smear the image of the nation's party
organs while handling cases. . . . `'
He continued in that same coerced statement: ``Everyone should take
me as a warning to certainly stay within the framework of the law and
avoid being exploited by Western anti-China forces.''
Yet, despite these warnings and the Chinese Government's unyielding
assault on human rights, there are still men and women committed to
reporting on the government's abuses and steadfast in defending the
powerless and the marginalized. Their courage is an inspiration, and it
must summon our solidarity.
I look forward to the day when the Chinese Government upholds rather
than tramples the rights of its own citizens, abides by the rule of law
at home, and respects the international rules-based system globally.
However, that day has not yet arrived. Until it does, we must signal to
the Chinese people that whatever our broader diplomatic and strategic
aims may be as it relates to North Korea or any other issue, America is
under no illusions about the iron-fisted leadership of President Xi and
his utter disregard for the rights and dignity of his own people.
As President Trump continues fulfilling his duty and appointing
individuals to key positions, I will keep raising these issues with
each and every relevant nominee whom I meet with
[[Page S2961]]
both privately, as I did with Governor Branstad, and publicly, as I did
during his confirmation hearing. It is critical that the United States
keep human rights for all people as a core pillar of our foreign
policy.
I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. GARDNER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Under the previous order, all postcloture time has expired.
The question is, Will the Senate advise and consent to the Rosen
nomination?
Mr. GARDNER. I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There appears to be a sufficient second.
The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. CORNYN. The following Senators are necessarily absent: the
Senator from Georgia (Mr. Isakson) and the Senator from Kansas (Mr.
Moran).
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tempore. Are there any other Senators in the
Chamber desiring to vote?
The result was announced--yeas 56, nays 42, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 129 Ex.]
YEAS--56
Alexander
Barrasso
Blunt
Boozman
Burr
Capito
Cassidy
Cochran
Collins
Corker
Cornyn
Cotton
Crapo
Cruz
Daines
Donnelly
Enzi
Ernst
Fischer
Flake
Gardner
Graham
Grassley
Hatch
Heitkamp
Heller
Hoeven
Inhofe
Johnson
Kaine
Kennedy
Lankford
Lee
Manchin
McCain
McConnell
Murkowski
Paul
Perdue
Peters
Portman
Risch
Roberts
Rounds
Rubio
Sasse
Scott
Shelby
Strange
Sullivan
Thune
Tillis
Toomey
Warner
Wicker
Young
NAYS--42
Baldwin
Bennet
Blumenthal
Booker
Brown
Cantwell
Cardin
Carper
Casey
Coons
Cortez Masto
Duckworth
Durbin
Feinstein
Franken
Gillibrand
Harris
Hassan
Heinrich
Hirono
King
Klobuchar
Leahy
Markey
McCaskill
Menendez
Merkley
Murphy
Murray
Nelson
Reed
Sanders
Schatz
Schumer
Shaheen
Stabenow
Tester
Udall
Van Hollen
Warren
Whitehouse
Wyden
NOT VOTING--2
Isakson
Moran
The nomination was confirmed.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Rubio). Under the previous order, the
motion to reconsider is considered made and laid upon the table and the
President will be immediately notified of the Senate's action.
____________________