[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 81 (Wednesday, May 10, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2861-S2862]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]



                         Firing of James Comey

  Madam President, I couldn't help but think, with the discussions 
earlier today, that the President's dismissal of FBI Director James 
Comey is so inappropriate that it is hard to know where to begin.
  In less than 4 months, this President has pushed our country to the 
edge of a constitutional crisis--a crisis that in many ways seems more 
complex, and potentially more threatening, than the one instigated by 
President Nixon's order to fire the special prosecutor who was 
investigating Watergate.
  First, I think we can easily dismiss President Trump's transparent 
pretext for dismissing FBI Director Comey.
  President Trump claims to have removed the FBI Director because of 
his unfair treatment of Secretary Clinton. This does not pass the laugh 
test, and we know it is not true. President Trump celebrated Director 
Comey's mistakes in handling the Clinton email investigation. He 
encouraged leaks from the FBI. He pressed Director Comey to release 
more embarrassing evidence. He even praised Director Comey after the 
Director's misguided letter to Congress last October. Yet, now, the 
President would have us believe that these same events compelled him to 
fire the FBI Director more than 6 months after it occurred. This 
unbelievable claim, if it was not so sad, would be laughable.
  The truth is that the President removed the sitting FBI Director in 
the midst of one of the most critical national security investigations 
in the history of our country and, certainly, one of the most critical 
in my 42 years in the Senate--a sprawling inquiry that implicates 
senior officials in the Trump campaign and administration.
  The press is now reporting that President Trump weighed firing the 
FBI Director for more than a week, after he became enraged at Director 
Comey's statements and actions in the Russia investigation. There are 
even reports that his firing may have been precipitated by grand jury 
subpoenas issued to associates of President Trump's former National 
Security Advisor. I have no doubt that we are going to learn more 
disturbing details as to the President's true motivations. I am willing 
to bet anything that none of them will be because of the feeling that 
the FBI was too tough on Secretary Clinton.
  I am also troubled that Attorney General Sessions played a role in 
Director Comey's firing. The Attorney General had supposedly recused 
himself from the Russia investigation--and for good reason: He was a 
central figure in the Trump campaign that is now under investigation. 
And he provided false testimony to the Judiciary Committee to hide his 
own contacts with Russian officials. Having done that, it is beyond 
inappropriate for him to then recommend the firing of the official 
overseeing the Russia investigation.
  I ask: Does anyone really believe that President Trump is interested 
in getting to the bottom of Russia's interference with our elections? 
Based on his past performance, does anyone believe the Attorney General 
is interested in getting to the bottom of Russia's interference with 
our elections? Does anyone believe that the White House will allow 
investigators to follow the facts without interference or obstruction 
at every turn?
  In fact, a quick review of President Trump's Twitter account, where 
he does most of his deep thinking, would dispel any such illusions.
  This is the same White House that interfered with the House 
Intelligence Committee's investigation--interference so strong that the 
Republican chairman in the House investigation had to recuse himself.
  This is the same White House that reportedly sought access to the 
highly classified FISA Court surveillance order that purportedly 
authorized surveillance of Trump associates.
  This is the same White House that demanded the FBI Director and the 
Department of Justice issue perfunctory statements to clear President 
Trump's name.
  Even the President's letter informing FBI Director Comey of his 
dismissal indicated the President had directly asked the FBI Director 
whether he was under investigation--three times. That should never 
happen. No President should be asking such a question. It is stunning, 
but it should also be informative. It is clear that any credible 
investigation must take place outside the political chain of command.
  That is why I and others have said for months that a special counsel 
must be appointed to lead the Russia investigation. A special counsel, 
unlike an FBI Director or a Deputy Attorney General, cannot be fired by 
the President. The American people must have confidence that ours is a 
government of laws, not of the whim of a President--any President.
  Frankly, our Nation is at a precipice. There is a counterintelligence 
investigation into the campaign and administration of a sitting 
President. There is evidence that that campaign colluded with a foreign 
government that is an adversary of ours to sway our Presidential 
election. Now the President has fired the lead investigator, FBI 
Director Comey, under what any fairminded person would say is absurd 
and false pretenses.
  There are several inquiries underway into Russian interference and 
collusion with Russia in the elections, but the President has fired the 
head of the only investigation that could bring criminal charges. In 
fact, it has just been reported that this came just days after Director 
Comey asked for additional funding for the investigation. None of this 
is normal--it is something I have never seen in Republican or 
Democratic administrations--and we cannot treat it as such.
  President Putin's goal, as we now know, last year was to undermine 
our democratic institutions, to corrode Americans' trust and faith in 
government, and to sway the outcome of the election in favor of Donald 
Trump. If we do not get to the bottom of Russia's interference in our 
democracy, Putin will be successful. The President appears to be 
content with that result. But I know, in talking with many Republican 
Senators as well as Democratic Senators, that they are not content with 
it.
  We have to understand, in our great democracy, in the greatest Nation 
on Earth, that we cannot allow any country to try to interfere in our 
elections. We know the Russians wanted to do that. We know President 
Putin wanted to do that. We know he wants to do it in many other 
countries. I think we owe it, not only to ourselves but all these other 
countries, to stand up and say: We know what you are trying to do; here 
is how you tried to do it. America won't stand for it, and we hope none 
of our democratic allies will.
  We 100 Senators may disagree on policy matters and we may have 
supported different candidates last November, but I respect all 
Senators, and I believe we all agree on the supremacy of the rule of 
law. No person, no President should be above the supremacy of the rule 
of law. I believe we fulfill our duty to the country if we stand united 
in calling for a truly independent investigation. There simply is no 
avoiding the fact that this cascading situation demands the prompt 
appointment of an independent special counsel to pick up the pieces of 
these investigations. How we respond at this moment

[[Page S2862]]

is a test of our commitment to the separation of powers. It is a test 
of whether the Senate can truly be the conscience of the Nation, as it 
should. This is not just a scandal. The President's actions are neither 
Republican nor Democratic. They are authoritarian. This is an effort to 
undo the ties that bind our democratic form of government. All of us--
both sides of the aisle--must now put country over party.
  In my years here, I have worked with both Republican and Democratic 
Presidents. I have worked with them and supported them, notwithstanding 
their parties, in what I felt was in the best interest of this country. 
I feel privileged that Vermont has allowed me to serve long enough to 
become, as my predecessor was, dean of the Senate. But I have also, in 
deciding to stay here as a Senator, always had the abiding faith that 
you can and should be the conscience of the Nation. This great Nation 
deserves no less. That means we set aside party labels and adopt just 
one label--United States Senator.
  With that, let us make sure there is a clear, full, credible, honest 
investigation of how Russia tried to influence our elections; a full, 
clear, thorough, honest investigation into if Russia has ties to 
anybody in our government; and, a full, clear, honest understanding of 
how we make sure that never happens again, to either Republicans or 
Democrats.
  I yield the floor.
  I suggest the absence of a quorum.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
  The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
  Ms. COLLINS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order 
for the quorum call be rescinded.
  The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Perdue). Without objection, it is so 
ordered.