[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 77 (Thursday, May 4, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2769-S2770]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]




                                 TURKEY

  Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, today I wish to express my concerns about 
the outcome of the April 16 constitutional referendum in Turkey, when 
more than 50 million Turkish citizens voted on constitutional 
amendments to convert Turkey's parliamentary government into a 
Presidential system.
  Turkey is a longstanding friend of the United States and a NATO ally.

[[Page S2770]]

Our bilateral partnership dates back to the Cold War when Turkey served 
as an important bulwark against the creeping influence of the Soviet 
Union. Time has not diminished Turkey's geostrategic importance. Today 
Ankara finds itself at the intersection of several critical challenges: 
the instability in Syria and Iraq, the threat of ISIS and other 
extremist groups, and the refugee crisis spawned by this regional 
upheaval.
  The United States relies on Turkey and other regional partners to 
help coordinate and strengthen our collective response. I was deeply 
troubled when renegade military units attempted to overthrow Turkey's 
democratically elected government last July. Turkey's strength is 
rooted in the democratic legitimacy of its government--a pillar of 
stability targeted by the reckless and criminal coup attempt.
  As chairman of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, 
or U.S. Helsinki Commission, I take very seriously the political 
commitments made by the 57 participating states of the Organization for 
Security and Cooperation in Europe, OSCE. These commitments, held by 
both the United States and Turkey, represent the foundation of security 
and cooperation in the OSCE region. They include an indispensable focus 
on human rights, rule of law, and democratic institutions.
  In the OSCE's founding document, the Helsinki Final Act, 
participating states affirm ``the universal significance of human 
rights and fundamental freedoms'' and consider respect for these to be 
an ``essential factor'' for international peace and security. This 
vision is consistent with long-established U.S. foreign policy 
promoting human rights and democracy as cornerstones of a safer, more 
stable international order.
  With these principles in mind, the United States must pay urgent 
attention to the current situation in Turkey and the danger it poses to 
Turkish and regional stability. Eroding respect for fundamental 
freedoms, rule of law, and democratic institutions in Turkey has 
proceeded at an alarming pace. The government's planned ``executive 
presidency'' will further decrease government accountability.
  Since the attempted coup more than 9 months ago, Turkey has operated 
under a state of emergency that gives the government sweeping authority 
to curtail rights and silence opponents. Certain extraordinary measures 
may have been justified in the immediate aftermath to restore order, 
investigate events, and bring perpetrators to justice, but the 
government's actions have stretched far beyond these legitimate aims. 
The ongoing purge has touched every institution of government, sector 
of society, corner of the country, and shade of opposition--military or 
civilian, Turk or Kurd, religious or secular, nationalist or leftist, 
political or nonpolitical.
  An atmosphere of fear and uncertainty has settled over Turkish 
society as more than 100,000 people have been detained or arrested. 
Tens of thousands have been fired from their jobs, had their 
professional licenses revoked, and had their names released on public 
lists without any recognizable due process. The government removed and 
replaced thousands of judges and prosecutors within hours of the coup's 
defeat, compromising the independence of the judiciary at a moment when 
an impartial justice system had become more important than ever.
  The government has also closed more than 150 media outlets. Upwards 
of 80 journalists are behind bars. The offices of the country's oldest 
newspaper were raided, and the paper's editor-in-chief and other staff 
were arrested. The media environment was already under extraordinary 
pressure before the coup. Last spring, the government seized control of 
the country's highest circulation paper. Self-censorship is now widely 
practiced to avoid provoking the government's ire.
  Additionally, state of emergency decrees have given regional 
governors the ability to curtail freedom of assembly rights, harming 
the ability of civil society organizations to organize rallies 
concerning the referendum. Since July, the government has detained more 
than a dozen opposition parliamentarians. Many more continue to face 
criminal charges for political statements they made before the coup 
attempt.
  It is difficult to overstate the chilling effect these measures have 
had on political debate in Turkey; yet these are the circumstances 
under which Turks voted on April 16. These major constitutional changes 
passed with a slim majority of 51 percent. The OSCE's international 
observation mission stated in its preliminary conclusions that the vote 
``took place on an unlevel playing field'' and that ``fundamental 
freedoms essential to a genuinely democratic process were curtailed.''
  Under the revised constitution, the once largely ceremonial position 
of President will convert into an ``executive presidency'' and the 
position of Prime Minister will be abolished. The President will be 
elected along with the national assembly every 5 years and has the 
ability to dissolve the assembly and call new elections at will. The 
President will also appoint a larger proportion--nearly half--of the 
country's supreme judicial council. In a report on these new 
constitutional provisions, the Venice Commission of the Council of 
Europe concluded that the amendments are a ``step backwards'' and pose 
``dangers of degeneration . . . towards an authoritarian and personal 
regime.''
  Turkey is undergoing a disturbing transformation, and I am concerned 
these changes could undermine the strength of our partnership. 
President Erdogan's government has dramatically repressed dissent, 
purged opponents from every sector of government and society, and is 
now poised to consolidate power further under his self-described 
``executive presidency.''
  In the short term, the Turkish Government should act swiftly and 
transparently to investigate credible claims of voting irregularities 
in the referendum, as well as the legality of a surprise electoral 
board decision to admit an unknown number of ballots that should be 
deemed invalid under existing rules. Public trust in the outcome of 
such a consequential vote is of utmost importance. Sadly, until now, 
the government has responded to these challenges with dismissiveness 
and suppression. In the past week, dozens of activists have been 
detained for participating in protests against the election results.
  Furthermore, the government should lift the state of emergency, stop 
all forms of repression against the free press, release all imprisoned 
journalists and political activists, and urgently restore public 
confidence in the judiciary. Only then can it credibly and 
independently adjudicate the tens of thousands of cases caught up in 
the government's months-long dragnet operations.
  A country where disagreements are suppressed rather than debated is 
less secure. A country where institutions are subordinated to 
personalities is less stable. A country where criticism is conflated 
with sedition is less democratic. Unless President Erdogan moves 
urgently to reverse these trends, I fear our partnership will 
inevitably become more transactional and less strategic. It will become 
more difficult to justify long-term investment in our relationship with 
Turkey if the future of the country becomes synonymous with the 
fortunes of one party or one individual.
  The United States and Turkey need a solid foundation for enduring 
cooperation to tackle regional instability, terrorism, migration, and 
other challenges. The future of this partnership is difficult to 
imagine in the midst of a prolonged state of emergency, wide-scale 
purges, and weakened democratic institutions.

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