[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 76 (Wednesday, May 3, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2692-S2715]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
DISAPPROVING A RULE SUBMITTED BY THE DEPARTMENT OF LABOR
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the joint resolution.
The legislative clerk read as follows:
A joint resolution (H.J. Res. 66) disapproving the rule
submitted by the Department of Labor relating to savings
arrangements established by States for non-governmental
employees.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Ohio.
Mr. PORTMAN. The Republicans yield back 4 hours of the majority's
time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority has 1 hour remaining.
Mr. PORTMAN. We have 1 hour remaining. We will keep our hour.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs. Ernst). If no one yields time, the time
will be charged equally.
The Senator from Maine.
Upward Bound Program
Mr. KING. Madam President, around here we often discuss bureaucracy
and regulation and overreach and government getting out of the way. I
want to point out and bring to the attention of the Senate and the
American people one of the most ridiculous actions of any government at
any level that I have ever encountered.
There is a wonderful program that provides support for students going
on to college, particularly low-income students and particularly in
rural areas. Every year our colleges and colleges across the country
file applications for this program called Upward Bound. It is one of
the most successful programs of the Federal Government that I have
encountered. I have met the students in Maine and from other parts of
the country. It is a program that helps these students make the
transition from their communities to colleges and to gain a college
education.
Applications are necessary, and applications have rules about the
size of the paper and that kind of thing. What has happened in this
case, on the application of the University of Maine at Presque Isle--
affectionately called UMPI--the University of Maine at Presque filed
its application, which was 65 pages. They met all the requirements, but
they made a terrible mistake. The rules of the Department of Education
say that the application must be double-spaced. Indeed, the application
is double-spaced, except for
[[Page S2693]]
an exhibit on page 21, which is single-spaced. It is double-spaced in
the body of the application, and there was one other infographic in the
application which was a space and a half--1.5 instead of 2--and the
application was rejected for that reason alone.
This is preposterous. This isn't a game. This isn't ``gotcha.'' This
is about real people. At the University of Maine at Presque Isle, it is
129 real people, and it is about their access to higher education,
their access to a better life, their ability to achieve success. The
application of their university was rejected because this little piece
on one page and a similar piece on another page was 1\1/2\ spaces
instead of 2. This is nonsense. This is the kind of thing that makes
people hate government. This is the kind of thing that makes people
say: What are they thinking down there? What is wrong with Washington?
Why can't they get something so simple as looking at the substance of
the application instead of applying what can only be characterized as a
bureaucratic rule?
I am not one of these people who attack bureaucrats and Federal
workers. In my experience, they are good people who are trying to do
the right thing, and they make enormous contributions to our country.
In this case, somebody somewhere in the Department of Education made a
dumb decision, and it is one that is going to impact my people in
Maine. I can't just keep quiet about it.
Last week, after letters from the Maine congressional delegation,
which I will place into the Record, the Department of Education
announced: Well, it probably wasn't the right thing to do. This wasn't
a very good policy. I guess we made a mistake.
The problem is, it doesn't help UMPI; it only helps people in the
future. I have worked with my colleague Senator Collins on this. She
has done research. Her office has discovered precedents where indeed
this kind of thing has happened before and they fixed it. They fixed it
so that the application could be considered.
By the way, the decision on these applications around the country has
not been made yet. We are not prejudicing anybody. We are not making a
change after the fact. All they have to do is go to page 1 of the UMPI
application and read it and forget about the fact that it is 1\1/2\
spaces in this little exhibit in the middle of the double-spaced
application. In fact, we can fix it. We will make this double-spaced. I
feel silly even coming to the floor of the U.S. Senate talking about
this double-space, 1\1/2\ spaces. What are we doing here?
Again, the reason I am so passionate about this is that these are
real people's lives. These are 129 young people who will not be able to
take part in this program, and very likely their entire lives can be
compromised by this. This is a big deal for them. It may be a little
deal for the Department of Education, but it is a big deal for the
University of Maine at Presque Isle and their students.
All I am asking is for the Department of Education and the Secretary
of Education to look at this obvious, ridiculous bureaucratic mistake,
correct it, and correct it for those who have been prejudiced by it. It
is not just the University of Maine at Presque Isle; I understand there
are a number of others across the country whose applications were
kicked out for similar reasons.
I understand there has to be some uniformity. It has to be written in
English. It has to be on reasonable paper that you can read, and it is
not to be handwritten. To reject an application involving 129 young
lives in my State because a little piece out of a 65-page application
has 1\1/2\ spaces instead of 2--give me a break.
This is something that can and should be fixed, and I assume and
believe the Secretary of Education and the people in charge at the
Department of Education will find a way to fix it and prove to the
people of Maine that the government in Washington is not crazy, that we
can make reasonable decisions, and that when we make a mistake--and
they acknowledged last week that it was a mistake, that it was not good
policy, and they have rectified it going forward. But let's admit the
mistake and relieve those who have been impacted by that mistake of its
weight, of the obstacle that it places in the way of young people's
opportunities.
I understand that this issue has arisen in Montana, Wisconsin,
Arkansas, West Virginia, New Jersey, Ohio, Washington, Delaware,
Alabama, Illinois, California, New York, Massachusetts, Florida, and
Maine. It is time for it to be addressed. It ought to be very simple,
and it ought to be taken care of in a matter of days--not weeks or
months, but in a matter of days--so that those young people and our
university can plan and implement and move forward in their mission to
enrich and enable the lives of our citizens.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the
Record the letter submitted to the Department of Education by the Maine
congressional delegation on this subject.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
Congress of the United States,
Washington, DC, April 14, 2017.
Re University of Maine at Presque Isle's Upward Bound Grant
Applications #P047A170346 and #P047A170352.
Hon. Betsy DeVos,
Secretary, U.S. Department of Education,
Washington, DC.
Dear Secretary DeVos: We are writing to support the
applications submitted by the University of Maine at Presque
Isle (UMPI) for two grants under the fiscal year 2017 Upward
Bound Program competition and to express our strong concern
that the Department of Education has determined that these
applications are ineligible for consideration. As strong
supporters of the TRIO programs, we were particularly
troubled to learn that UMPI's applications were ruled
ineligible due to an unintentional, minor formatting
oversight, which UMPI has not been given an opportunity to
correct. According to UMPI, the Department's decision risks,
over the next five years, denying 960 disadvantaged high
school students the chance to fulfill their academic
potentials.
The Notice Inviting Applications for New Awards (Notice)
for the Upward Bound Program competition, published in the
Federal Register on October 17, 2016, includes formatting
criteria not mandated by Congress. They are arbitrarily
drawn, entirely unrelated to the substance of the
application, and do not provide any recourse for applicants
to correct minor, unintentional, non-substantive mistakes.
UMPI has applied for two Upward Bound Program grants, and
both have been deemed ineligible for the same reason. We
understand that the Department has relayed to UMPI that a
line-spacing error, appearing within two info-graphics on two
of the application's 65 pages, is the cause of the
ineligibility determination, as these two pages do not comply
with the Notice's double-spacing requirement. These info-
graphics are intended to help the reader review the
application efficiently and more easily and contain text that
is 1.5 line spaced instead of double spaced. It is obvious
that the figures merely supplement a well-prepared narrative.
Were they removed, or were UMPI permitted to adjust the line
spacing on these two pages, the application would easily
warrant the Department's review. Yet unbelievably, the
Department refuses to review UMPI's application and has
provided no opportunity for UMPI to correct this trivial
mistake. We strongly urge the Department to reconsider its
decision and to allow UMPI's application to be read and
scored.
We appreciate that the formatting standards issued by the
Department are intended to prevent applicants from attempting
to gain an unfair advantage by using clever formatting
strategies. When the application is reviewed as a whole, it
is clear that UMPI is not seeking to mislead the Department
or to gain any unfair advantage. In fact, the error was so
insignificant that UMPI could not immediately identify it and
had to seek additional guidance. Now, the Department's
inflexible and bureaucratic decision could result in the
elimination of a longstanding, successful, and greatly needed
program on the basis of a non-substantive error before the
application is even read.
The Department has not identified for UMPI any other errors
in its application. To deny UMPI's application a reading
because two figures do not meet an arbitrary typographical
format ignores the spirit of the Upward Bound Program, is
antithetical to congressional intent, and would seriously
jeopardize the future success of hundreds of students in
Maine.
The Upward Bound Program at UMPI serves 129 high school
students across Aroostook County, Maine, and has a strong and
long record of success in sending local low-income, first-
generation students to college. Since 1980, it has helped
students with great needs access the promise of higher
education.
We strongly urge the Department to apply some common sense
to the Upward Bound Program competition and read and score
UMPI's applications.
Sincerely,
Susan M. Collins,
U.S. Senator.
Bruce Poliquin,
Member of Congress.
Angus S. King, Jr.
[[Page S2694]]
U.S. Senator.
Chellie Pingree,
Member of Congress.
Mr. KING. Madam President, I believe this is a simple case that could
be easily rectified, and I am confident--I am almost confident that it
will be. I trust that common sense will prevail and the well-being of
our students will be put above minor technical issues in an application
that is so important.
Thank you, Madam President.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. KAINE. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Law Day
Mr. KAINE. Madam President, I rise today in honor of Law Day earlier
this week, May 1. Law Day is an annual tradition that is celebrated
around the United States, usually at local bar association luncheons.
It has been a tradition for over 40 years as a day to recognize the
rule of law. The 2017 theme for Law Day was the 14th Amendment--a post-
Civil War amendment, which for the first time in the Constitution
defined what an American citizen was, the definition of citizenship,
but it also provided a protection for all citizens as an entitlement to
the privileges and immunities of all the laws in all the States, and
all persons were entitled to equal protection of the laws, as well as
no deprivation of life, liberty, and property without due process. It
is a powerful and important amendment to the Constitution.
I want to talk about Law Day because there is a matter that is soon
to be pending before the body: a proposal in President Trump's fiscal
year 2018 budget to eliminate funding for the Legal Services
Corporation, the effort that was begun more than four decades ago to
try to provide free legal services for indigent people on matters in
the civil courts that could affect their lives, liberty or property.
I will say, I am standing here as an attorney who practiced for 17
years and practiced with Central Virginia Legal Aid and saw the value
of their work. I am familiar with their work across the Commonwealth
and country, and I also have a bit of a personal bias that I have to
disclose. My wife Anne was a Legal Aid lawyer from 1984 until 1998--14
years' worth of Central Virginia Legal Aid Society, trying cases, big
and small, but also doing something I will use as a theme in my
comments. She helped start an award-winning program at Central Virginia
Legal Aid to get private lawyers to do voluntary work for indigent
clients.
Legal Aid operates like small law firms in all these communities, but
much of what they do is not just represent people in court. They bring
private attorneys in who are willing to volunteer and provide them the
training in cases like housing cases and others that might not normally
be part of their practice. The Legal Services Corporation is very
critical to the vindication of rights. There is an engraving over the
Supreme Court Building across the street: ``Equal Justice Under Law.''
That is supposed to mean equal justice regardless of who you are, your
gender, your race, your national origin but also whether or not you can
pay. The article III branch, just like the article I or article II
branches, is supposed to be open to all. So Legal Services Corporation
is critical to providing legal services to people who otherwise
wouldn't be able to pay it: elderly, veterans, low-income families,
disabled Americans, victims of domestic violence. It does so on a
fairly miniscule Federal budget.
The entire funding for legal services is less than one ten-
thousandths of the Federal budget. Yet President Trump is proposing to
eliminate it. Legal Services Corporation maintains 133 independent
nonprofit programs in every State. My colleague from Maine was an
attorney with one of those programs and is on the floor today. It funds
the operation for 903 separate offices in the country. They served 1.8
million people in 2015. Of the nearly 756,000 cases that they
successfully worked on and closed that year, 129,000 of the clients
were people over age 60. More than 500,000 of the clients were females.
Women comprised 70 percent of the Legal Services Corporation client
base and 116,000 of the cases were cases about domestic violence. The
offices around the country did as my wife's office did--they relied on
these private attorneys, bringing in and training more than 91,000
private sector attorneys who volunteered during 2015 to help a Legal
Aid client working with a local office, and they continue to do more.
They partnered recently with Microsoft to develop Pro Bono Net, a
statewide legal portal for individuals to obtain direct legal
assistance specific to their needs. They established the Leaders
Council, comprised of leaders, not necessarily leaders in the legal
community but others to promote the value of what they do. LSC in 2016
launched the Rural Summer Legal Corps--30 law students working in rural
areas to address challenges these communities encounter.
It goes about its mission in an apolitical manner. Legal Services
Corporation is not allowed to lobby. It works in blue and red States,
works in urban and rural communities. It works everywhere and for
everybody. The legal community is strongly in support of the
continuance of the Legal Services Corporation--the American Bar
Association and most State bars. In Virginia, just in Virginia, seven
statewide bar associations have pledged their support for the
continuation of Legal Aid. Many of them visited me in my office last
week: Virginia State Bar, Virginia Bar Association, Virginia Trial
Lawyers Association, Virginia Association of Defense Attorneys, Old
Dominion Bar Association, Virginia Women's Attorneys Association, and
the Virginia Hispanic Bar Association. And 160 of the Nation's top law
firms have urged this body and urged the White House not to defund
Legal Aid, and 185 general counsel's offices from preeminent American
companies--Disney, HP, American Express, and GE--have weighed in and
said we need Legal Aid.
Many of Legal Aid's clients in Virginia are veterans because we are
home to such a huge number of Active-Duty servicemembers, their
families, and veterans. LSC helps veterans, Active-Duty military and
their families access housing, deal with consumer financial challenges,
or deceptive trade practices. Central Virginia Legal Aid recently dealt
with a client, an elderly disabled veteran, who received a notice of
involuntary transfer or discharge because an insurance company
determined that his health had stabilized, despite the fact he was not
even ambulatory and incontinent as well. Central Virginia Legal Aid
worked with his insurance company to demonstrate this veteran had
continuing physical needs, and he needed to have in-home care without
further burdening his family, and were able to find a resolution. This
is the kind of case that Legal Aid works on every day.
In conclusion, I want to say this. The budget proposal that we will
grapple with--my colleague from Maine, who is here, is on the Budget
Committee, as well--proposes to eliminate funding for Legal Aid. That
would be a very bad idea. It would not help the economy. It would hurt
vulnerable people who have nowhere else to turn. I was in the
Shenandoah Valley at a senior center about 10 days ago. This was the
story that a local Legal Aid lawyer put on the table, as I conclude. A
90-year-old woman in Waynesboro, VA, was ripped off by a traveling
salesmen who sold her $10,000 of frozen meat she could not afford--
virtually all of her savings. She realized very quickly she had been
bamboozled by a fast-talking salesman: Why did I do this? I can't
afford it, but I have given him my money. What do I do? This is the
kind of case no private lawyer will take. You are not going to be able
to get a legal fee for this. This is the kind of case that involves
knowledge of particular consumer protection statutes that Legal Aid is
well trained to do. And the Legal Aid lawyer who was representing this
90-year-old woman who had been ripped off by somebody said: Look, if I
wasn't here for this person, nobody would be here. And that is what you
get when you get Legal Aid. That is what you would lose if the Legal
Aid was defunded.
I just put it on the table to my colleagues. Many in this Chamber are
attorneys. Many have worked directly with Legal Aid offices in their
States around this country and know the value of the program. We need
to make
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sure this program continues. In honor of Law Day this week, I just want
to say, I hope my colleagues will join me in my effort.
Mr. KING. Will the Senator yield for discussion?
Mr. KAINE. I will be glad to yield.
Mr. KING. I say to the Senator from Virginia, 48 years ago this
summer I joined the national legal services program and went to the
State of Maine, where I served people in a very rural area with a whole
range of problems. What I came to realize during that time was that the
promises of our democracy, the promises inherent in the American idea,
are not self-executed.
Every morning we pledge allegiance to this flag, and the last phrase
is critical: ``with liberty and justice for all.'' That is a promise
made to the people of this country. But the U.S. Supreme Court has
found repeatedly, as the Senator knows, that you can't achieve justice
if you don't have representation, particularly in an age of an
overlapping and complex legal system.
So I believe this is not just another government program. This is
part of the essence of the American idea. I remember being up in Maine
in this small town of Skowhegan, ME. I met a woman who was visiting
from England. She said: What do you do?
I said: Well, I work for this group that provides legal services to
low-income people in this region.
She said: How is it funded?
I said: By the government.
She said: Do you ever have to sue the government?
I said: Yes, of course. That is one of the things that you
occasionally have to do in order to protect the rights of your client.
She was amazed that in this country we would fund the legal support
of people who might actually occasionally bring cases against the
government itself. She thought that was wonderful and really epitomized
the idealism of this country. So I commend the Senator for raising this
issue during Law Day to talk about the importance of this in terms of
its relationship to the overall idea of America.
We talk a lot about justice. As you point out, across the street it
says: ``Equal Justice Under Law.'' But that often means you have to
have competent and professional advocacy and representation. The Legal
Services Corporation is not a big part of the budget. It has not grown
exponentially over the years. In fact, I suspect in real dollars, it is
smaller today than when I entered the service 48 years ago.
But I know it is important. It is important in Maine, with the Pine
Tree Legal Assistance, the Volunteer Lawyers Project, and the
volunteers from law firms around our State who volunteer to give their
time for pro bono legal assistance. But the hub of it is the National
Legal Services Program. To me, it epitomizes our commitment to
effectuate the promises of American life, not just to talk about them
but to make them real. So I commend the Senator for his comments.
Mr. KAINE. Madam President, might I respond to my colleague?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Virginia.
Mr. KAINE. I honor his service at Pine Tree Legal Assistance in
Maine. We take a little bit of pride in it because he probably got a
good orientation to be a great public servant by going to the
University of Virginia Law School. None of the Virginia Senators were
smart enough to get into the University of Virginia, but our Maine
Senator was.
The Senator talks about it as related to our constitutional system.
We have three branches. There is an article I branch, the legislative
branch. People can participate in the article I branch by voting for
Members of Congress or Senators. The article II branch is the executive
branch. People can participate in the executive branch by voting. There
used to be poll taxes. You could not participate if you could not pay
something. Those were stricken down so everyone can participate.
The article III branch is supposed to be coequal, the judiciary. If
you are on trial for a criminal offense, under many circumstances, you
are entitled, constitutionally, to have an appointed attorney. But what
about a civil case? What if you are threatened with the termination of
your rights as a parent to ever see your child again? That is a civil
case.
You are not entitled constitutionally to have an appointed attorney.
But it is those kinds of cases where legal services comes in and
provides an opportunity for people to participate in the article III
branch.
We should not have a branch of government and block people from
participating in it, without the ability to receive assistance of
counsel on matters dear to your life. You are essentially blocked from
participation in one of the three branches of government. That is why
this is so important.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. WYDEN. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. WYDEN. Madam President, for the second time in an administration
that has just crossed the 100-day threshold, Republicans in the
Congress have teed up legislation that is going to make it harder for
working Americans to save. This time, there is a proposal in front of
us that goes after a brandnew program that my home State of Oregon is
just now getting ready to launch.
Let me make my views on this proposal clear, quickly. This
legislation puts the special interests before working people, and it is
just that simple.
We all understand there is a savings crisis in the country. The
typical American who works hard and brings home a paycheck every week
or two is struggling to get money set aside for their retirement.
Just think of the economic challenges these families are up against
every day. Millions of young people are buried under student debt, so
the prospect of saving for retirement feels like a dream and will
remain so for years and years.
Parents raising kids are faced with steep home loans and everyday
bills. At the same time, it can seem as if the sticker price of a 4-
year college education can match the GDP of a small island nation.
The numbers on the savings crisis are just alarming. More than half
of workers approaching retirement have nothing. That means zero set
aside in retirement accounts like IRAs or 401(k) plans. Tens of
millions of Americans do not have access to retirement plans at work.
In my view, addressing these kinds of challenges ought to be a
bipartisan priority, a priority where both sides of the aisle get
together and respond.
In response to this crisis, my home State, along with a few others,
has looked to find a fresh approach to deal with retirement savings. We
want working people and middle-income families--particularly those who
don't have access to a savings plan today--to have more opportunities
in the future to set money aside.
My home State found a way to do it. Oregon found a way to do it in a
kind of Oregon tradition that eliminates a lot of hassle. We are one of
a handful of States that has passed what is called an auto-IRA law. At
home, we call it OregonSaves, and we are going to be launching it in
just a few months. What it means for Oregon workers is that when you
get a job, you are going to get a retirement account, so that is not
really complicated. When you get a job in Oregon, you are going to get
a retirement account. You can start setting aside a little bit with
every paycheck.
By the way--and I want to emphasize this--it is not mandatory. People
have the right to opt out. So when people say: Oh, government is going
to force people to do this and that and something else, the Oregon plan
is just the opposite. It is voluntary in all particulars.
What it means for business owners--particularly small business
owners--is that they can offer a savings plan without crippling fees or
the hassle of dealing with redtape.
OregonSaves, what we are about to bring out of the starting gate, is
simple. It is easy to understand. In my view, it is exactly the kind of
innovative program we need to combat the savings crisis that has hit
all parts of the country.
Over the years, I have often heard Members come to the floor and
glowingly describe the States as the place
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where the action is. They call them the laboratories of democracy. The
theory, of course, is that States ought to be empowered to come up with
new ways to tackle challenges.
I have to tell you, it is a head-scratcher why the majority here in
the Senate would want to make it harder for innovative States like
Oregon to put in place a savings program that is voluntary in nature.
So after all these speeches I hear about the States and States'
rights and that the States are the laboratories of democracy, when it
comes to a program that is voluntary in nature, the majority here still
seems to think what we ought to do is say no.
I know the Presiding Officer cares deeply about how policies relate
to rural areas. This is going to be especially hard on rural parts of
the country.
I talked first about this issue during a debate a few weeks ago.
Several employers had written my office to say how important
OregonSaves would be for them. I shared a handful of those stories on
the floor, and it was striking how many of those employers said that
this would be a sea change for rural businesses in terms of recruiting
workers. Thanks to OregonSaves, they would be able to compete when it
comes to job benefits. The bill we are considering now would put in
doubt that program that employers said could make a big difference,
particularly in rural areas.
OregonSaves and programs like this involve years of discussion, years
of effort to work with the Department of Labor. There has been a lot of
consultation between the Federal Government and the States to get the
legal roadblocks out of the way. Now that work is in danger with this
vote.
So, colleagues, what I would like to do in wrapping up is to just
step back for a minute and talk about what this body has been working
on.
Even though the majority party has unified control of the government,
we are not exactly at this point churning out bill after bill--
certainly not landmark legislation that responds to the challenges
facing American families. Mostly to this point, there have been votes
on nominations and bills tossing out a bunch of Federal rules that
protect the people who have no power or clout in America.
An awfully large share of the business of this Congress comes down to
taking steps like the one we are looking at today, making it harder for
the American people to save. I don't think this is just a step in the
wrong direction; this is a sprint in the wrong direction. That is what
we are dealing with today in the Senate.
Programs like OregonSaves are a commonsense response to a national
savings crisis. The Congress should not be passing legislation
threatening those programs, making the savings crisis even worse in
communities across the land.
I urge my colleagues to oppose this legislation.
Madam President, I suggest the absence of a quorum, and I ask
unanimous consent that the time be equally divided between both sides.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Tillis). Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Opioid Epidemic
Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. President, I rise to talk about an issue that
affects every single Senator in this body and all of us as Americans,
and that is this epidemic of drug use--opioids--which would be heroin,
prescription drugs, the new synthetic heroins, like fentanyl,
carfentanil, and U-4. It is devastating our communities. This is the
worst drug crisis we have ever had in this country. That is my view,
but it is also the view of a lot of experts. I have been involved in
this issue for over 20 years, and I have never seen anything like
it. That is why I have come to the floor to talk again today. This is
the 34th time that I have spoken on this issue on the Senate floor in
the last year or so.
I come with sadness in my heart because it is not getting better.
Based on the statistics I have seen from my home State of Ohio and
around the country for the first quarter of this year, it looks like
the number of deaths and overdoses from drug abuse are increasing, not
decreasing. Part of it is because of these new drugs coming in,
particularly synthetic drugs, including fentanyl, carfentanil, and U-
4--things that are produced in a laboratory by some evil scientist
somewhere and shipped into our country.
So the need to act has grown only more urgent. Every day we are now
losing 144 Americans to drug overdoses. Think about that. Every single
day, 144 Americans are dying of drug overdoses. It has now far exceeded
the number of people who are dying in car accidents in my home State of
Ohio and it is exceeding that number around the country.
Millions more are not dying of overdoses but are seeing their lives
and their futures ruined, and millions of us--those of us who are not
drug addicted but who have friends, family, and neighbors who are--are
watching loved ones as they fight this addiction. Maybe they have lost
a job. Maybe they have broken relationships with families and friends.
Maybe they have committed a crime like theft, shoplifting, or fraud to
pay for their habit. Maybe they have just given up hope.
Just last week, I met with some community leaders from Dayton, OH. As
it happens, no matter where I am in Ohio, this issue comes up and this
is what they want to talk to me about. They wanted to talk about the
story of Nathan Wylie.
Nathan Wylie was a happy 13-year-old boy. He was a Cincinnati Bengals
fan. His goal in life was to be a professional football player. He
wanted to play for the Bengals one day. He had his whole life ahead of
him.
Nathan's dad, according to police reports, is a heroin user. One day
a few weeks ago, Nathan got into his dad's heroin, and he overdosed.
His dad took him to the fire station and first responders did what they
could. They took him to Dayton Children's Hospital, but it was too
late. Nathan died of an overdose at age 13.
Two weeks ago, a 14-year-old girl in Dayton was mowing the lawn at
the apartment complex owned by her grandparents, and she came upon a
body on the ground. It turns out that it was a 25-year-old young man
who had died of an overdose.
This is what is happening in our communities.
Just a few hours after this young man who died of an overdose was
discovered by this girl, Dayton Police responded to a car accident on
Route 35 where a man had driven through a barrier and knocked over a
street light. Police arrived and found the driver passed out with a
used needle on the floor of the car. In this case they saved his life.
They used this miracle drug called naloxone, or Narcan, which reduces
the loss of life because it reverses the effects of overdoses. It
doesn't always work, but it works the vast majority of the time if you
get there in time. He was revived, and he said that he not only just
used heroin, but that he was on his way to get more when he overdosed
and almost died.
So I could go on. We see these headlines every day, not just in
Dayton, OH, where I talked about these three cases, but all throughout
our State and our country. That is why people are starting to take
action to turn the tide, and I commend them for it.
Last week, more than 500 religious leaders across northeast Ohio
banded together and said: We are going to do something about this. They
took to their pulpits all at once to speak about this issue. A lot of
them talked about National Prescription Drug Take-Back Day, which was
this past Saturday that it occurred. Father Bob Stec of St. Ambrose
Parish in Brunswick, OH, gave his parishioners a three-part action
plan. No. 1, get educated. Learn about these opioids. Learn about the
connection between prescription drugs and heroin. With many heroin
addicts, their use started with prescription drugs.
No. 2, throw out unnecessary medications from your medicine cabinets.
It is unbelievable the number of people I have run into who have said
they started because they took prescription drugs, and they got their
prescription drugs--in one case, a young man told me--from his
grandmother's medicine cabinet.
[[Page S2697]]
No. 3, he said, was to pray for our first responders. God bless them,
because they do save lives every day--in Ohio, 16,000 lives last year.
Without them, the death toll would be far higher and the damage to our
community would be far greater. They are as frustrated as anybody, by
the way, by this epidemic. They want to get to the bottom of it, to be
able to focus more on prevention and treatment and recovery. They don't
want to keep applying Narcan to the same person again and again.
So I want to thank Father Stec and all of the other religious leaders
for being willing to roll up their sleeves and to get involved. If they
prevented even one addiction from starting, then they have made a
permanent impact on the community. I am convinced that those 500
pastors, ministers, and rabbis have saved lives.
People in Ohio are taking action in other ways too. People are
forming groups, particularly parent groups. Those who have lost a child
are banding together and talking about how they cannot just console one
another and support one another but put in place plans to help others.
I was at a treatment center recently when there were a couple of
families there, and they spoke up. They are involved in the center.
They come every day. They are there because they lost a son or a
daughter to overdose. God bless them for stepping forward.
The Federal Government needs to do more too. We need to take action
because we can be a better partner with States, local communities, and
families. It is not going to be solved in Washington. Washington is not
the solution, but it is part of the solution by being a better partner.
We can take best practices from around the country as an example, as we
did in the Comprehensive Addiction and Recovery Act, which passed this
Chamber last year, and spread those around the country so that every
community has the opportunity to make a bigger difference.
Last week I met with Governor Chris Christie of New Jersey. He has a
passion for this issue. He is leading the President's Commission on
Combating Drug Addiction and the Opioid Crisis. I thought it was a very
good meeting. Governor Christie is serious about this. I think he is
going to be a constructive partner with the Congress and with our
President to help turn this tide. I am glad he was selected, and I am
glad he has the Commission going.
I will tell you, though, that my message to him was twofold. One, I
am glad you are doing this, but, second, let's take action. We don't
need another commission to study this problem to know that this is an
area where Congress and the administration can work together to take
action.
In fact, this agreement that we will vote on in the Senate this
afternoon and again tomorrow to fund the government between now and the
year's end actually includes a lot of good legislation to help with
this crisis. It fully funds the Comprehensive Addiction and Recovery
Act I talked about earlier, or CARA. This legislation is the first
comprehensive reform to Federal addiction policy in 20 years. It treats
addiction like a disease, which it is. It focuses on prevention,
education, treatment, and recovery and helping our first responders
with Narcan. It is very comprehensive because that is the only way to
get at this issue--to do it in a comprehensive way.
The legislation we will vote on today and tomorrow also fully funds
the 21st Century Cures Act, which includes more funding that goes
directly to the States to deal with opioid addiction.
In the funding bill, we have funded the CARA programs now at over
$200 million for this fiscal year. That is more than the bill
authorizes, and that is good news because we need it.
It includes $103 million in grants from the Department of Justice for
drug courts, veterans courts, and prescription drug monitoring
programs. It also includes $114 million for Health and Human Services
grants for Medicaid assistance treatment, treatment for pregnant and
postpartum women, and for supplying naloxone--again, this miracle drug
can actually reverse an overdose--also known as Narcan, and this will
help our first responders. It also provides training for them to be
able to use it effectively.
It also includes $50 million authorized by CARA for the Department of
Veterans Affairs to treat and prevent opioid addiction at the VA, as
well as funding CARA's recovery services--the first time any Federal
law has ever focused on recovery, not just for treatment but for longer
term recovery.
By the way, when there is a good recovery program, the rate of
success is dramatically increased--much improved. So it is important
that Congress is being a better partner with regard to recovery.
Last week, the Department of Health and Human Services also announced
that $26 million will also go out as part of the Cures Act I spoke
about to the State of Ohio. Every State in the Union applied for that
money, and States are getting money, and it will be very helpful. I
know our Governor and our legislature will put it to good use.
These are important steps. But I will tell my colleagues--and I said
this to Governor Christie--that by my count, there are at least six
provisions of the Comprehensive Addiction and Recovery Act that have
not been implemented yet by either the previous administration or this
administration. By the way, this is 9 months after CARA was signed into
law. Let's get these programs all up and going.
We haven't set up the Pain Management Best Practices Interagency Task
Force yet. What does that mean? We need a strategy for figuring out
what the best practices are for pain management, for opioid prescribing
and alternatives to potentially addictive opioids.
This is really important. Think about it. Four to five heroin addicts
started with prescription drugs. Still, when you go to the doctor and
you have an injury or an accident, it is not unlikely they will give
you some pills--prescription drugs--and they will be addictive.
We have to be sure we do everything we can to come up with
nonaddictive forms of medication, right? If we don't do that, we will
continue to have the problem. We need to stop overprescribing. We have
made some progress, but not enough. When a young man or a young woman
goes to get their wisdom teeth taken out, they should not be given
opioids. This has happened too many times. I have met two families from
Ohio, one whose loved one died from an overdose because as a teenager
he went in to get his wisdom teeth taken out and was given a bunch of
these pills--60 Percocets in 1 case--and then, because he got
physically addicted, he ended up going to heroin as a cheaper and more
accessible alternative and ended up overdosing. That shouldn't happen.
So this is an important part. It can be done right now. Let's get
this up and going and let's push back on overprescribing. Let's find
ways for the pharmaceutical companies to produce medication that
actually is not addictive that can help with regard to pain management.
Second, we haven't started the public awareness campaign about the
dangers of opioid abuse and the link between these prescription drugs
and heroin and other synthetic drugs like fentanyl. Let's do it.
In the legislation we have authorized an amount of money for the
Federal Government to do a national awareness campaign that lets people
know about this, because most of my constituents don't know about it.
When the doctor prescribes those pills, they think that because the
doctor prescribed them, it must be the right thing to do. Instead of
taking maybe one or two, they are fine with having their kid or their
brother or sister or mother or father take the whole dose when they
aren't needed, perhaps, because they don't know about the link. They
don't know these pills are addictive. Just getting that information out
there is going to save lives, and it is an important part of turning
the tide. Let's do it. This public awareness campaign can be
implemented now.
The Department of Health and Human Services has not yet released
information on alternative treatment options for youth sports injuries
and about how parents and kids can seek treatment if they become
addicted as a result of a prescription. Why wouldn't that make sense?
Let's do that. Let's do it now.
I have had, unfortunately, many instances of talking to parents about
a
[[Page S2698]]
kid who was injured in high school through a sports injury and who was
prescribed opioids and, again, the parents and the kids didn't have the
information to know how dangerous this can be.
There is a guy I worked with a lot on prevention who goes to colleges
and high schools and talks about this. He talks about his son Tyler. He
was a football player. He must have been a great kid; I wish I had met
him. He had an injury, and, of course, the coach said to play through
it, and the doctor said: If you take these pills, you can play through
it. He became physically addicted. Again, he later turned to heroin as
a less expensive alternative because the pills were too expensive. He
overdosed and died. His dad, by the way, is channeling his grief into
something really constructive. God bless him.
The FDA has not yet announced its action plan on approving new
opioids. The legislation we wrote, the Comprehensive Addiction and
Recovery Act, says the FDA has to seek recommendations from an advisory
committee before approving any new opioid, and they have to label any
opioid that is going to be used by kids--label it. The FDA is also
supposed to issue guidance to educate prescribers on this issue. They
have not yet done that. Let's do it. That action plan of approving new
opioids is something we can do. We don't need another study or a
commission to do it. Let's do it.
The National Institutes of Health hasn't begun CARA's clinical
research into alternatives to opioids for treating chronic pain. NIH
should do that. Now, they may say after hearing this speech that they
are starting to do it. That is great. Let's do it. Let's get that
information out there. Let's use the NIH and all the great researchers
we have there and the great tools we have there to come up with
alternatives that are not addictive.
The Department of Justice has not yet expanded the prescription drug
take-back program. As I mentioned, National Prescription Drug Take-Back
Day was last Saturday. This is where you can dispose of your
prescription drugs in a safe way. You know it is going to go into a
safe receptacle where some trafficker is not going to take the drugs
and spread them around our community, which, by the way, has happened.
This is a really important program to get these painkillers off of the
bathroom shelf. I mentioned the young man who got his grandmother's
pain pills, and that is how he started his addiction.
So get them off your shelves. If you are listening today and you
haven't taken this action, I urge you to do it. Somebody is going to be
at your home, maybe fixing your plumbing, or somebody is helping to
clean your home or something else; or kids might be in your home, or
maybe some friends of your kids, and those pills are just too darn
tempting. The cost of one pill is about $80 on the street. So think
about that. Get rid of those pills. Take them to a drugstore where they
have a receptacle now or take them to the police department where they
have a receptacle. Be involved in these drug take-back programs.
Almost every community in America participated on Saturday. There
were tons of drugs--and I mean tons--that were disposed of. That is a
good thing and that is going to save lives, but, again, the Department
of Justice can expand that program. Under our legislation, they are
authorized to do it. Let's do it. This is something that can be done
right now. These are steps that HHS, DOJ, and others can take right now
under the authorities already given them. It will make a difference.
Again, this crisis is getting worse, not better. To turn the tide, we
have to do all these things and more.
I also wish to mention that in addition to these important parts of
CARA and other actions the administration can take is that the
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, Dr. Ben Carson, can
increase access to sober housing for people coming out of treatment. I
know Dr. Carson well enough to know he has a passion for this issue and
he wants to address it. This is one way to address it.
Under the previous Obama administration, sober living facilities lost
priority if they had a zero tolerance drug policy. To me, that makes no
sense. Dr. Carson has the authority to change that and to make it
easier for folks who are in recovery to stay clean over the long term.
Again, I hope the administration will take that step and these other
important steps. Whether it is FDA, whether it is NIH, whether it is
DOJ, whether it is HHS, whether it is Housing and Urban Development, we
have opportunities without new legislation. This is either already
authorized or actions they can take. Let's go ahead and do it. Let's do
everything we can.
None of these individually is a silver bullet. There is no silver
bullet. This issue is ultimately going to be decided in our
communities, in our families, and in our hearts. We all have to get
involved. All these will help. All these will help to ensure that we
are responding to a true crisis in our community. If we do all these
things, I believe next year can be better. This year is going to be
worse. All the data shows that the number of overdoses and deaths--in
my State of Ohio, in your State--are increasing this year compared to
the last year.
It doesn't have to be this way. All these actions taken together on
prevention and education, better treatment, longer term recovery, sober
housing, ensuring that we are moving away from overprescribing and
providing alternatives to addictive pain medication, ensuring that we
do provide our first responders with the training they need on Narcan
and naloxone, to get people who are overdosing and save their lives and
then get them into treatment--not just save their lives but get them
into treatment. All of that together will make a difference.
I believe we can turn the tide. I believe we can save lives. I
believe we cannot just save lives of those who otherwise may overdose
and die as a result of their overdose, but we can help all those who
are addicted--the hundreds of thousands of people in Ohio, the millions
of people across our country--to be able to achieve their dreams by
getting them into treatment programs.
There is good news here because there are so many examples of people
who have gone into treatment and longer term recovery and turned their
lives around, many of whom are now helping others to do the same, many
of whom are back at work, back with their families, back being the kind
of citizens who contribute to our society in so many ways. That is the
hope, and that is what can happen if we work together to implement this
legislation, to do everything possible to have this broad,
comprehensive approach to turn the tide.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Maryland.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. President, I come to the floor with a simple
question for my colleagues, especially my Republican colleagues: Why is
it that this Senate is working to pass a law which will deny millions
of our fellow Americans access to the kind of retirement saving plans
which we have access to as U.S. Senators? Why are we doing that?
I know all of us recognize that we have a retirement savings crisis
in this country. Too many Americans are saving too little for their
retirement years. We should be making it easier for people to put aside
some savings for their retirement rather than making it harder. Yet
this legislation will indisputably make it harder for millions of
Americans to put aside the kind of savings for their retirement that
Members of the U.S. Senate enjoy.
All of us know there are really about three legs to the retirement
stool. The fundamental basic piece is the Social Security savings. That
is the bedrock of the retirement system, but we all know that living
off of a Social Security retirement benefit by itself is very
difficult. After all, the average monthly Social Security benefit as of
January of this year was $1,360 a month. That is the average. That
means there are a lot below it and a lot above it. I can tell you,
$1,360 a month and below is really difficult for somebody to get by on
in terms of housing costs, medical costs, and other costs people are
facing today. That is why we need to strengthen Social Security, not
weaken it.
The second leg of the retirement stool for most Americans for much of
our history in the postwar period was a defined benefit plan through
our employers, where employers--especially
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large employers--would provide their employees a retirement benefit of
a set amount over a fixed period of time during retirement. So that was
something people could rely on. As we all know, we have seen that leg
of the three-legged stool be dramatically cut down. It is not the
practice of most businesses today to offer defined benefit plans.
The third leg of that stool has been personal savings, the ability of
people to put aside a little money for their future. Just a few years
ago, we had a big wake-up call from the General Accountability Office,
where they looked at retirement around the country and concluded that
almost 50 percent of households of age 55 and older have no retirement
savings in vehicles such as 401(k) plans and IRAs. That same GAO report
found that 57 percent of workers' entire household savings and
investments was less than $25,000. More striking was that almost one-
third of American workers had less than $1,000 in total savings. One-
third of American workers had less than $1,000 in total savings.
We also know that 55 million Americans today do not have access to
tax-benefited, tax-incentive retirement plans like 401(k)s enjoyed by
those who work for major businesses. In fact, as all of us know,
Members and employees of the U.S. Senate have access to 401(k) plans.
If you work for a large business or a corporation of the United States,
chances are you are going to get a 401(k)-type plan which allows you to
deduct immediately through your paycheck funds for the purposes of your
retirement savings. Of course, many businesses also have some matching
and incentive for those savings.
So when we have a situation where 55 million Americans don't have
access to those kind of savings plans--which are an increasingly
important part of retirement security because of the fact that defined
benefit retirement has gone down so dramatically--most people would
ask: How do we incentivize? How do we incentivize more savings? One
innovative solution is in a growing number of States, as of now, five
States, including the State of Maryland. What the State of Maryland and
other States determined was that it is not that small employers or
medium-sized employers don't want to provide their employees with
access to these plans. They do. They want to be able to offer that kind
of benefit, but there is a cost, an infrastructure cost. There is a
burden to providing those kind of tax-preferred vehicles for retirement
savings to their employees. That is why they are not provided.
So what the States have done is, they have developed platforms which
allow those small businesses or medium-sized businesses, on a totally
voluntary basis, to sign up so their employees can benefit from these
tax-preferred savings vehicles--just like Members of the U.S. Senate,
just like most people who work for large corporations. In Maryland, we
have hundreds of thousands of Marylanders who were signing up for
these--a lot of people work for small businesses, a lot of people work
for startups, a lot of younger workers who are mobile and going from
one place to another--because this allows them, no matter which
employer they go to, to make sure they can access that vehicle. All it
requires is the employers to sign up for this platform which makes this
retirement savings easier.
What is really strange here is that in Maryland, this has been a
totally bipartisan exercise--totally bipartisan. We had Republican
State senators, Democratic State senators, members of our house of
delegates, our Republican Governor signing the bill because everyone
recognized that this was kind of a good thing to encourage these
savings opportunities to more Marylanders.
So why in the world would we, in the U.S. Senate, be passing a
resolution which knocks down the ability of States to provide these
kind of savings platforms? I have to say I have not heard an answer on
the floor of the Senate. In fact, I have heard very few Senators coming
to defend the vote we are apparently going to take at 5 o'clock.
I know for sure that Candidate Donald Trump did not campaign on the
idea of making it more difficult for hard-working Americans to save for
their retirement. That was not something he talked about on the
campaign trail. In fact, I thought a lot of his campaign message was
how he was identifying with struggling working families and wanted to
make life easier for those working families. That is what States like
Maryland are trying to do--make it easier for people who work for small
businesses and medium-sized businesses to put aside a little bit of
their savings for their retirement because, as I indicated, right now,
if you look at the different pillars of retirement, you have Social
Security and you have very little or a dwindling amount through a
defined benefit. Really, what we are left with are personal savings.
It is pretty alarming to see people in this Senate charging ahead to
try to eliminate the ability of States to do this. A few weeks ago,
this Senate voted to deny municipalities the ability to do this. That
was a very bad decision. Let's not compound a bad decision by taking
this right away from the States. After all, I hear from my colleagues
all the time that States are the laboratory of democracy. This is where
experimentation should take place. This has been a successful
experiment. It has been a successful experiment in five States. It also
doesn't cost the Federal taxpayer one dime--not one dime. It is a very
low-cost option for the States that enact these through their own
democratic process in the States. As I said, this has been a bipartisan
process in these States.
I really hope people will take a deeper look at what we are going to
be voting on at 5 o'clock today because I have heard a lot of our
colleagues on both sides of the aisle justifiably talk about the
retirement crisis we have in this country. Yet this Senate is poised to
vote on a piece of legislation that will make saving for retirement
more difficult for tens of millions of Americans.
So exactly what is it we are going to vote on? Well, the Obama
administration wanted to make it clear that States had the authority to
establish these platforms to help with savings because there was some
ambiguity under Federal retirement law whether States could do it. They
adopted a rule that made it clear that States would have this option,
and States have moved ahead. Now this Senate is talking about undoing
the rule that provided clarity so the States could move forward and
offer these retirement platforms.
I really hope this Senate will not vote today to take away this
ability of States to help millions of our fellow Americans provide more
money for their retirement savings.
I will close where I started. How can any Member of this Senate look
their constituents in the face and say to their constituents that they
voted to take away a retirement savings option from their constituents
when they have that savings option here as Senators? In the U.S.
Senate, like a lot of other large organizations, we have retirement
savings plans and we have 401(k) plans. So it is difficult to
understand how in good conscience Senators who enjoy the benefit of
that kind of plan can pull the plug on the ability of States to offer
that same kind of savings plan--in fact, not even as good, but at least
that savings platform to millions of our fellow citizens and say to
small- and medium-sized businesses that want to offer this benefit but
find it a little too costly--to deny them the option of signing up for
these State plans.
So I hope every Senator will examine his or her conscience on this
and make the decision that they want to make sure their constituents
can have access to at least some kind of the same benefit they have as
a U.S. Senator.
I urge my colleagues to vote against the resolution.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Cotton). The Senator from Illinois.
Ms. DUCKWORTH. Mr. President, our Nation faces a retirement savings
crisis. Too many seniors live in poverty after a lifetime of hard work,
and too many people are facing retirement who have not been able to put
away the adequate savings they will need. That is a problem not only on
a human level and on a moral level but on an economic level.
When seniors are forced to live in poverty, that hurts all of us and
is a strike against our Nation's values. As more people have to spend
money to take care of their retired parents and relatives, that hurts
our economy. Millions of seniors do not have family
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members who can spend those resources, so it is taxpayers who will have
to make sure seniors have a place to live, food to eat, and medicine to
keep them healthy. That is why we must do everything we can to help
people save for retirement themselves and not have to rely on the
taxpayer, to help them put a little bit of money away while they still
can.
At the very least, the Senate should stay out of the way of our
States that are taking action to address this looming crisis, but that
is not what the Senate is doing here today. Instead, we are debating a
resolution that would make it harder for people to save for retirement.
We are debating whether to limit the ability of State governments to
help people save for their retirement.
While some Americans are fortunate enough to work at companies that
offer their employees retirement plans, many more do not. That is
significant because research shows that the best way for people to save
for retirement is through a retirement plan at work. Without one,
workers are less likely to invest in an IRA or a 401(k) savings plan.
That is why it is so worrisome that there are 55 million Americans
right now in this country who do not have access to a retirement plan
through their jobs. As the baby boomer generation approaches
retirement, that is a serious problem.
President Obama proposed establishing a national individual
retirement account program to help these 55 million Americans, but
Republicans said no. In the absence of congressional action, both red
States and blue States took the lead. They did so by coming up with a
way for Americans to better save for retirement. One solution that has
gained momentum over the last few years is to establish retirement
programs at the State level to give people the chance to have
retirement contributions deducted out of their paychecks into that plan
if their company doesn't already offer a retirement program. It would
give every worker across this Nation the same access to the tax breaks
those lucky enough to have access to an employer-sponsored plan
receive.
In my home State of Illinois, we were one of the first to do this. A
few years ago, our State created the Secure Choice Program. It is an
innovative program that is poised to give 1.3 million Illinoisans the
opportunity to save for retirement when it launches next year. It is
important to note that not only is Secure Choice innovative, it does
not impose any burdensome mandates. It is optional. People can deduct
up to 3 percent of their wages, and it applies only to businesses with
at least 25 employees that have been in existence for 2 years. Secure
Choice is also portable, so people can take their savings with them if
they switch jobs. It is estimated that it will save taxpayers almost
$243.8 million in the first 10 years because retirees will not need to
rely as much on Medicaid spending.
It is a pragmatic solution to address a real-world problem. Other
States have since followed our lead in establishing other similar
programs. That is why I find it so ironic that my Republican
colleagues, who frequently speak about the need to protect States'
rights, are using this resolution we are voting on today to try to
block States as culturally and politically different as Illinois and
Arizona from offering or even having the freedom to offer these plans.
Instead of allowing States to be the laboratories of democracy they so
often talk about, Republicans are trying to limit States' flexibility
and, in the process, increase regulatory burdens on employers. That is
quite a role reversal.
Why is there this push to block the States from trying to help their
residents better save for retirement? One reason could be that it would
pad the financial industry's bottom line. That is because many
investment brokers don't want increased competition, and they are
worried that programs like Secure Choice that are run by States will
offer people who are saving for retirement a better deal.
News reports have indicated that mutual fund companies are worried
that they will lose customers to State-based plans, even though the
entire purpose of efforts like Secure Choice is to help the millions of
Americans who are not currently saving for retirement. Other news
outlets have reported that financial analysts on Wall Street are
worried that State plans will be transparent about hidden fees, which
means that financial analysts may be forced to reveal that they are
charging fees that are perhaps a little too high and will have to lower
how much they charge.
Instead of encouraging greater competition that will help 55 million
Americans save money for retirement, some of my colleagues are
listening to Wall Street lobbyists who want less competition and who
want to take away a retirement savings option from hard-working
Americans. And here I was thinking that the conservatives believe
competition produces better outcomes for the American people.
At the end of the day, we as Senators must do everything we can to
make it easier for people to save for retirement, not harder. We must
look out for the constituents who sent us here to represent them, not
for Wall Street or for special interests. That is why I urge my
colleagues to stand by the States that have led the Nation in creating
retirement plans, States as different as Illinois, Arizona, California,
Maryland, Oregon, Connecticut, Washington, and New Jersey. Please do
not take the opportunity to save for retirement away from 55 million
hard-working Americans.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Virginia.
Coal Miners Healthcare Benefits
Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, I rise today to join with a number of my
colleagues, and I thank the Senator from Illinois for her comments on
pensions, but there is another battle that a lot of us have been down
here for a number of times over the last couple of years; that is, how
do we make sure this country honors its promise and provides a
permanent fix for our Nation's coal miners, particularly in terms of a
promise that was made back in the late 1940s by then-President Truman
in terms of healthcare for miners?
The last few months have been filled with an awful lot of uncertainty
about whether the promise of healthcare for miners, retirees, widows,
and others would be kept. As a matter of fact, earlier this year,
22,000 coal miners or their dependents received notices that their
healthcare benefits would be terminated at the end of April.
After months of uncertainty and fighting, we stand ready later this
week to pass a bill that would make sure America kept its promise. We
have spent a lot of time on this floor arguing for causes, but rarely
in the 8 years I have been here have I seen any Member of the Senate be
more engaged, more obsessed, more of a pain in the neck--and a pain in
other parts of bodies--on this issue than my great friend, the Senior
Senator from West Virginia, Joe Manchin. The truth is, without Joe's
tireless work and leadership, I am not sure the miners in West Virginia
or Virginia or Pennsylvania or other States that were affected would be
able to look at this piece of legislation and know that their
healthcare benefits are going to be maintained.
This didn't come easily. If nothing else, this shows again the power
of persistence. Joe first raised this issue in July of 2015, when he
introduced the Miners Protection Act. Since then, he has brought it
up--I ask my colleagues to contradict me if it is not the case--in
every public meeting or private meeting. Whenever there were more than
two or three Senators engaged in any topic, Joe would come bursting in
and say: We have to take care of the miners.
Well, there are a lot of times here in this Chamber that those kinds
of efforts are not recognized or rewarded. I just wanted to be one of
the first to say on behalf of all the miners in Virginia--but more
importantly to the 22,000 miners who otherwise would have lost their
healthcare--that many of us played some small role, but we wouldn't be
having a permanent fix to the law without the absolute leadership,
dedication, and determination of Joe Manchin.
Before I turn it over to my colleague from Pennsylvania to make a
comment or two, I know that at times Senator Manchin, as a former
Governor, has wondered: Can you really get stuff done here? Well, there
are a lot of issues we still have to work on; there are a lot of things
we haven't gotten done. But for a whole lot of miners, their widows,
and dependents, without the Senator's leadership, America wouldn't have
[[Page S2701]]
kept its promise. Because of his leadership and work, those miners, at
least in terms of their healthcare, can rest easy.
With that, I yield the floor to my friend from Pennsylvania.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Pennsylvania.
Mr. CASEY. I thank my colleague.
Mr. President, I rise to speak about what the Senior Senator from
Virginia just spoke about, and that is the miners' healthcare. We have
complete action at long last. This should have been done in December,
when we were pleading with the majority leader at the time to get it
done then.
But we are happy we are at this point now, where one of two--one
promise has been fulfilled, and that is the promise of permanent,
guaranteed healthcare for thousands, tens of thousands of miners across
the country. In my home State, the last count was 1,955. Let's round it
off to 2,000--a lot of families. We are grateful we are at this point.
I do want to reiterate what Senator Warner said about our colleague
from West Virginia, Senator Manchin. He is right. Joe Manchin brought
this up at every meeting over the course of many, many months and
several years. We are grateful for the leadership he demonstrated and
grateful that he kept us all focused. I thank all of our colleagues who
worked on this.
I think, initially, going back years ago, before Senator Manchin was
in the Senate, Senator Rockefeller was raising this issue. This really
has been around a long time--for at least 5 years. We heard this
morning from Cecil Roberts, president of the United Mine Workers of
America, who talked about this 5-year fight.
I commend and salute Senator Manchin. I also thank the committee
dynamic here, the Finance Committee--several members on the committee--
with Senator Wyden helping us get this bill, the Miners Protection Act,
through the Senate Finance Committee and the leadership of Senator
Schumer, as well, in focusing our caucus on getting this done.
I just want to make two additional points. One is a negative note,
but I think it is important to point this out. There was a story
yesterday in the publication, ThinkProgress. Here is what the headline
was: ``Trump administration admits it used miners' healthcare as a
bargaining chip.'' That was the headline. Then the subheadline was:
``Coal miners were just pawns in a larger game.'' That is what the
headline and subheadline said.
I am not sure I have read a more disturbing headline in a long time,
where the healthcare of coal miners--retired coal miners, who were
promised this decades ago, would be used as pawns in a debate about a
spending bill. Unfortunately, that is at least what has been reported.
I hope we don't ever see a headline like that again.
Going forward, the problem for us now is, as much as we are happy
about this current result on healthcare, we still have a lot of work to
do for miners, especially when it comes to their pensions. That is the
second half of the promise.
So I remind everyone again, these miners kept their promise. They
kept their promise to their company to work in the darkness and danger
of a coal mine, sometimes for decades, not just years. They kept their
promise to their families to support them in the most difficult job
imaginable. And many of them have served in combat or served in the
military, in one war or another. They kept their promise to their
country. It is time we fulfill the entire promise, and that means
getting pensions done as well.
We are grateful to be part of this, and let's keep the momentum going
for pensions for all of the retired miners.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Missouri.
Mrs. McCASKILL. Mr. President, there is a question Americans should
be asking all of us every day: Who are you fighting for? We should be
asking ourselves that. Who are we fighting for?
Here is who Joe Manchin is fighting for--Senator Manchin, my
colleague from West Virginia, and my other colleagues who are here on
the floor: Billy Hull. He is a retired coal miner with 30 years of
working at the Peabody Coal Mine near Montrose, MO. He wrote me a
letter earlier, about 6 months ago, saying in part:
My wife and I, married 59 years fall under the Patriot Coal
Companies Voluntary Employees Beneficial Association. My wife
Earlene is a 2 time cancer survivor and I suffered a stroke
in 2012. If we lose our benefits it will be hard for us to
afford our medicine cost.
So these folks were made a promise by--I am accused of being a fan
girl of this guy, and I am a fan girl of Harry Truman. I think he was
plain-spoken. I think he was earnest, honest, and kept people like
Billy Hull in the front of his mind 24/7--good, salt-of-the-earth,
hard-working people who play by the rules. Mr. Hull played by the
rules. Thousands of coal miners in our State played by the rules, and
their widows played by the rules.
The promise made by Harry Truman deserved to be kept. The promise
deserved to be kept. So my friend, Senator Joe Manchin, decided he
wasn't going to go with the flow around here. He was going--I think he
said at one point on the floor, I think his quote was: If you don't
stand up for something, we don't stand for anything. And he decided
that he was going to get this done.
Now, I have to tell you the truth. For about 2 years, everywhere you
went, you would walk behind Joe, and Joe would be trying to talk to
somebody about the miners. After he would walk off, people would
whisper: You know, it is never going to happen. We are never going to
get this done. It is not going to happen.
I can't tell you how fun it is to celebrate getting something done.
We bail out everybody around here. We bail out Wall Street. We bail
out banks. We bail out corporations. We are busy figuring out how we
can cut the wealthiest's taxes, as we speak. It is all about making it
easier for folks who have plenty. Why is it so hard to help the people
who don't have anything--who depended on a promise, just to have the
basics in their lives, and put in long days of work for years as their
part of that bargain?
I am so proud of Joe Manchin. I can't imagine how proud the coal
miners in his State must be of him. I am glad we had an opportunity to
stand with him as he stood for something. I am proud that we got it
done.
Now we have another big task because there is another bunch of people
out there; really, we are running roughshod over them, and that is a
bunch of truck drivers, truck drivers in my State who have driven
trucks for 35, 40, 45 years, understanding that at the end of that long
period of time, they would have a pension. It is not their fault that
the pension is not there for them.
I have to tell Joe that I have to sign him up. I want Senator Manchin
as the captain of the team as we now go on to fight for the pensions
these people have earned.
If we can bail out everybody we are bailing out, if we can cut taxes
by $7 trillion, surely, we can find the money to make good on these
promises.
Thank you, Mr. President.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Minnesota.
Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Thank you, Mr. President.
I join my colleague, Senator McCaskill from Missouri, in her comments
about the Central States Pension Fund. We have over 14,000 workers and
retirees in our State affected by this as well.
But I really stand here today to thank Senator Manchin for his work
and to thank our leaders, Senator McConnell and Senator Schumer, as
well as Chairman Cochran and Vice Chairman Leahy for their ability to
put partisanship aside and get this deal done. It meant everything from
funding for the COPS Program to helping to combat the opioid epidemic,
Capital Investment Grants, and medical research.
But for one guy here, it was all personal, and that is Joe Manchin.
He fought long and hard to protect healthcare benefits for his coal
miners. Think about this: In October, 12,500 retired coal miners and
widows received notices telling them that their healthcare benefits
would be cut off at the end of the year. Then, in November, another
3,600 notices went out. That is over 16,000 people.
I don't have coal miners in my State, but do you know why I knew
about those notices? Because Joe Manchin
[[Page S2702]]
made sure that I knew about those notices and because the other
Senators who spoke here, who have coal miners in their States--they
stood up and made sure we knew about those notices, and they worked
tirelessly to get this done.
For me, mining is not about that black coal dust. It is about red
dust. It is about iron ore. As Senator Manchin knows, my grandpa worked
1,500 feet underground in the mines in Minnesota. He got his first job
as a teamster when he was only fifteen. He had to quit school and go to
work and help raise his eight, nine brothers and sisters. One of them
died. His parents died. He worked underground his whole life. He went
down that shaft and that cage every single day, just to support his
brothers and sisters. Then he married my grandma and supported my dad
and his brother.
Do you know what? I wouldn't even be here in the Senate today if he
didn't have the pension benefits that came out of the job he had--and
healthcare. Joe Manchin understood that about the people he represents.
Those miners earned those pensions, and they earned their retiree
healthcare benefits. That is why what he did, and what all those
Senators who represent the coal miners did, is more than just about
those States and about those miners. It is about a promise we made to
our workers.
As one former Congresswoman, Barbara Jordan from Texas, once said:
What Americans want is something simple. They want a
country that is as good as its promise.
I thank Senator Manchin for fulfilling that promise.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Indiana.
Mr. DONNELLY. Mr. President, I thank my colleague from Minnesota for
her wonderful remarks and for her wonderful comments about those people
who go down into the mines every day.
I acknowledge the permanent healthcare fix we have for our miners and
their families that was included in the fiscal year 2017 appropriations
legislation. This was a promise made by Harry Truman. It was a promise
that was our obligation to keep, and the keeper of the flame for making
sure it got done was my colleague, Senator Joe Manchin from West
Virginia.
As he knows, my State, the State of Indiana, the Hoosier State, has
thousands of miners as well. They go to work in the dark, and they come
home in the dark. They work in grueling conditions and have done so for
decades. Part of it was the promise that was made to them that they and
their family would have healthcare, a promise made by Harry Truman that
is our obligation to keep. When the lights were starting to flicker and
it was getting dimmer on this promise that it would ever be kept, we
fought for years. Joe Manchin led the fight, led the crew, and we got
this done.
It is a good example of what Congress can do when we work in a
bipartisan manner. I thank all of my colleagues on both sides for being
part of this. Many people worked hard to secure the passage of this
fix. Part of it was an amazing group of folks who came to visit us on a
constant basis, our friends from back home, the miners from Virginia
and from West Virginia and from Indiana and from Ohio and from all
around this country who--if you remember, my colleague Joe Manchin was
there that hot day this summer when it was 100 degrees outside.
All of these retired miners--many in their seventies, eighties, some
in their nineties--were here on one of the hottest days of the year.
Under extraordinarily difficult conditions, they stayed and sat in the
Sun and in the heat because, they said: We are here for our brothers
and sisters. They said: We know you are here for us too.
Our leader was Joe Manchin. He lived this every single day, every
single conversation that we had. We were in it together. We told our
miners: We will never stop until we get this done, and we have the
permanent healthcare fix done. It was a wonderful team to work with,
but there is no question that the captain of our team was a fellow from
West Virginia.
To my colleague Joe Manchin, we are so proud of you and so proud of
you for keeping us moving forward.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from West Virginia.
Mr. MANCHIN. Mr. President, first of all, I cannot express how
humbled I am and how proud I am of all of us, and my colleagues here,
my dear friend Senator Warner. We were Governors together. We split the
Virginias--Virginia and West Virginia. We worked together. He has the
same constituency base I have in West Virginia, in Southwest Virginia,
and all of West Virginia. He knows the mining industry. He knows the
hard-working people.
To Senator Donnelly from Indiana, we have been there together with
the coal miners and the people who moved the coal and do the hard
lifting. To Senator McCaskill from Missouri, Senator Casey from
Pennsylvania--Pennsylvania has a rich tradition in coal mining--Senator
Klobuchar and everyone who has spoken, and I want to thank the
Presiding Officer too. He was an original cosponsor from Arkansas. So
this is truly bipartisan. From Arkansas, the Presiding Officer
understands hard-working people. He signed on to the bill without
hesitation. I want to thank him. So it was really a team effort.
People have been talking about all of the things and the passion we
have for different things. My passion comes from the people I was born
and raised and grew up with in the coal mining towns. So all I ever saw
in my life was people around me who nurtured me and guided me and
taught me who were truly coal miners or coal miner families. That is
all I knew. My Little League coach was a coal miner. My Boy Scout
leader was a coal miner. A lot of my teachers were coal miners,
basically, off and on, trying to supplement their incomes. My teammates
whom I played ball with through high school became coal miners. My
grandfather was a coal miner. My uncle was a coal miner who lost his
life in a 1968 mine explosion. My next-door neighbor in 1954--I
remember I was 7 years old, and I wanted to throw a ball all the time.
I would come home from school, and Pinchy would be there. He would
throw a ball with me. I can still remember this so vividly. One day I
was ready to play ball and Pinchy did not come home. I asked Mercia,
his wife: Mercia, where is Pinchy?
She said: Joe, honey, he is going to be a little late today.
Well, we just had a mine explosion. I did not know anything about the
mine explosion, but I knew there was no Pinchy to throw a ball with. So
the second day, I asked: Mercia, where is Pinchy?
Well, they still didn't know the outcome. The rescue was going on.
They did not know if they lost their lives or not or what had happened.
So they were still in limbo.
She said: Joe, Pinchy has to work over again tonight.
That was her explanation to me, the little boy. The third day, she--
by that time they knew. She had to tell me. So she is probably--I know
Mercia had to labor with this. How is she going to tell this 7-year-old
neighborhood kid who played ball with Pinchy?
She said--this is a tough one. She said: He is not going to come
home.
When you think about the hard-working people who suffered--she never
had anything. If it was not for healthcare and if it wasn't for a
pension, Mercia would have had nothing. So I know the families and I
know the sacrifices. What you all saw was my passion for the people I
grew up with. So when I say thank you, I thank the President for
supporting miners--President Trump--I thank my Republican colleagues,
and I thank all 48 Democratic Senators who never wavered.
A lot of them don't even know a coal miner. What they know today,
after 5 years that we have been talking about this and working toward
this, is that you would not have the country you have today if it
hadn't been for those people who sacrificed, who worked hard, never
asked for a thing, gave everything they could back, took care of their
families but took care of their country.
Basically, the energy they produced gave us the country. People,
whether in California today, wherever they may be, understand that coal
miners produced the energy that allowed us to win World War I, World
War II, and every war we have been in, that supported the industrial
might that we have that built the middle class.
[[Page S2703]]
I am so thankful for all of that. I get choked up when I think about
it because that is what we were fighting for. They never asked for a
thing. My grandfather was run out of the mines in 1927 because he was
trying to organize and say: We can't make it.
If you have ever heard the song lyric, ``I owe my soul to the company
store,'' my grandfather owed his soul. He never had any money. He had
script. He said: We have to do something different. We can't live like
this.
They blackballed him. On Christmas Eve, 1927, my grandmother was
pregnant with my uncle. She already had four children. My dad was the
oldest. They came to the house and threw them out of a company house in
the middle of a snowstorm. That happened in 1927.
So we know it. We lived it. In 1946, they talked about the history.
In 1946, the Krug-Lewis amendment--Krug was Secretary of the Interior
and John L. Lewis was at the United Mine Workers, and they said: You
have to give those people something so they have something to live for.
They have no health care. They have no pension. They have given you
everything they have.
Harry Truman said: We are going to take care of them. You can't go on
strike because if you do, our economy collapses. This is in 1946. So
that is how this came about. Now, people said: Well, I have heard this.
They are going to bail them out. We are not asking for a bailout. You
understand, these people basically made an agreement that every ton of
coal that was mined from 1946, the United Mine Workers basically, there
would be an amount of money set aside that came from every sale of a
ton of coal that went into this fund.
Every union contract negotiation, they contracted and they left money
in their contract to pay for their benefits of healthcare and pensions
and did not take money home to their families that they could have
used. They made all of these sacrifices for all of these years. It
wasn't their fault that the bankruptcy laws that were passed in
Congress allowed companies to walk away and leave them high and dry.
It was not their fault. They did everything. So finally we have all
come together to do the right thing that should have been done. It
shouldn't be played politics with today. Everyone says we have winners
and losers. We are all winners. If you can get something like this
accomplished and be part of it, then you have to feel good about it. It
gives you a reason to even be here.
That is what I am so appreciative of. I am so proud of everyone who
has stood together on both sides, my colleague Shelley Moore Capito, a
dear friend of mine, a Republican. I am a Democrat. You know what, we
are Americans and we are West Virginians. That is what we were fighting
for. That is the winner today. The winner is this great country that
basically stood up and protected the people who gave them everything
they needed to be the superpower of the world. That is what we fought
for.
So there is enough praise and enough accolades for everyone to take
home and say: We all did it, and we all did a job well done. We do have
pensions now. These are not big pensions. These are $300, $400, $500
pensions. It supplements the way of life that is not extravagant by any
means. So we are going to start working as soon as this is finished
this week, and next week we will start on that.
To the 22,600 miners and their families who say thank you--I have
heard from most of them--to all of the people who came up here, they
were coming up here, a lot of them every week driving just to be here,
to be part of it and put a face, put a family, put basically the
challenges they would have being able to even exist or live without
this healthcare--they made it possible. I want to thank all of them.
To Cecil Roberts, president of United Mine Workers, who was so
diligent on this, Phil Smith, all of the people who worked so hard, I
thank them, but really thank all of our Senators and the Congressmen.
My congressional delegation, I am appreciative of them, our Republicans
and Democrats on the House side who voted. They are voting now as we
speak. The Senate is poised tomorrow for us to vote and support this.
I know President Trump will sign it. People are saying they used it,
played bargaining games with it. I am not going to get into that
because I don't know how you could ever sincerely mean that you were
using people's livelihoods and the healthcare for them and their
families as a bargaining chip. I don't think anybody meant to do that.
Maybe it came out in something that should have not been said, but with
that, we have to forget all of that.
Let me just say thank you. To the Presiding Officer, to all of my
colleagues, thank you. Thank you for a job not only well done but
basically very appreciated that it was done, and people's lives will be
different because of what we did. God bless each and every one of you.
Thank you.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Hampshire.
Mrs. SHAHEEN. Mr. President, I came to the floor this afternoon to
speak to the CRA legislation before us that would overturn the
Department of Labor rule designed to help Americans save for
retirement, but before I speak to that, I just want to join all of my
colleagues on the floor in applauding what has happened to support the
miners and to get them health benefits and to thank my colleague Joe
Manchin for his leadership.
I know how personally he has fought for this, as so many people who
spoke on the floor have. You know, we don't have any coal miners in New
Hampshire, Joe, but we have hard workers. We have people who understand
that when you make a promise to them, you need to keep that promise.
Thank you for leading this fight and to everyone who made this happen
because we need to reassure Americans that when we say we are going to
do something, we actually follow through and we do that. So thank you
for making that happen.
Now, Mr. President, it is disappointing that actually on the issue
that is before the Senate right now, this effort to change the labor
rule on retirement, that we are actually going to take something away
from Americans. States across America have been developing and
implementing innovative, low-cost retirement savings options to improve
their citizens' retirement security.
That is really important at a time when we have so many people who
have not been able to save for retirement, who are worried about what
might happen if something happens to them and they can't work into the
retirement age. Sadly, the misguided legislation that is before us
would shut down these efforts and effectively take away from States the
right to establish retirement options for workers.
Now, across the country we have had Republican and Democratic State
treasurers join with groups, including the AARP and the Small Business
Majority, to oppose this effort. I want to join them in asking two what
I think are obvious questions.
First, why do the sponsors of this resolution want to deny Americans
new, attractive retirement savings options?
Second, why in the world are they doing this at a time when the
United States faces a growing retirement savings crisis--a crisis that
threatens to strand millions of seniors without any personal savings
and at risk of falling into poverty? And why do this when it doesn't
include any mandates and there is no cost to taxpayers either at the
Federal level or, in most States, at the State level? This is something
that is paid for by people who are looking to get a pension.
Facts matter, and we shouldn't ignore them. Some 55 million Americans
lack access to a workplace retirement plan, and 45 percent of
households don't have any retirement account assets--zero savings.
Polls show that more than three-quarters of private sector workers fear
not having enough money to live comfortably in retirement.
To address this nationwide crisis, many States have stepped up to the
plate, experimenting with public-private partnerships to help small
businesses provide low-cost, turn-key payroll deduction options. The
legislation being debated today would abruptly compromise the future of
these State initiatives.
In my State of New Hampshire, nearly 99 percent of our employers are
considered small businesses. That number is hard to believe. They
employ over 50 percent of New Hampshire's workers.
[[Page S2704]]
Nearly 43 percent of Granite Staters work for an employer that does not
offer a retirement plan.
As the ranking member of the Small Business Committee, I talk to
small business owners regularly, and as a former small business owner
myself, I understand the challenges they face. For many, it is a
challenge just to meet payroll and to keep the doors of their
businesses open. I know that many of them would like to offer a company
retirement plan because they want to do right by their employees, but
they just can't afford it.
A Pew Foundation survey found that three-quarters of owners of small
and medium-sized businesses across the country support the idea of
these State-run options because they offer a way for employees to save
for retirement at little or no cost to the employer.
So these programs are sort of like starter plans for small
businesses. A company that is still trying to gain its financial
footing can offer this option to its employees. Then, once the company
gets on more solid ground and it needs to attract and retain talent, it
can transition to a more ambitious retirement plan that allows it to
contribute to its employees' retirement savings.
It is especially troubling to me that the Senate is even considering
whether to deny Americans this retirement option at the same time that
we are seeing leaders on the House side trying to pass a healthcare
bill that would make it more expensive for many preretirement seniors
and for people with preexisting conditions to purchase health coverage.
Again, I would ask: Why would we want to deny this new, innovative
retirement option to millions of employees who work for small
businesses without retirement plans? Why would we want to deny small
businesses the choice of offering these options? Why should the Federal
Government stand in the way of States and small businesses that want to
take positive steps to address the retirement crisis and help their
citizens?
I think this legislation is misguided. It is legislation in search of
a problem, and, worse than that, it would put a massive roadblock in
the way of States and small businesses that are striving to solve the
real and growing problem of inadequate retirement savings.
So I urge my colleagues to really take a look at what would happen in
their home States. I urge them to stand up for America's small
businesses, to vote no on this legislation. Let's ensure that Americans
have more, not fewer, options to save for retirement.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Michigan.
Mr. PETERS. Mr. President, Congress has spent the first 4 months of
this year using an arcane, expedited procedure to roll back policies
from the previous administration, while disregarding the impact these
changes will have on American workers and families.
When you hold a belief that anything done by a Federal agency is bad,
cutting programs seems like progress, but, unfortunately, it is not
that simple.
I am all for streamlining government and making the process of doing
business easier, but some rules--rules that keep workers safe, for
example, or to protect consumers or to keep our air and water clean--
are protections that make sense.
In their ideological zeal, the majority has time and again made the
decision to roll back important policies regardless of the impact on
American people.
So far this year, just to name a few, the majority has rolled back
environmental protections for clean water and allowed internet service
providers to sell your personal browsing history to the highest bidder.
The majority has also reversed rules that make workplaces safer and has
even made it easier for corporations to bribe the governments of
developing countries.
Now today, as the window closes on the majority's ability to rush
through legislation under the Congressional Review Act, we are again
facing a vote that could harm American families and make it harder for
people to save for retirement.
As I have said on this topic before, for the people of Michigan, the
American dream can take on many forms. But no matter who you are, there
are a few fundamentals that I truly believe cut across the entire
American society. One small piece of the American dream is the ability
to retire with dignity and save enough to be able to pass along
something to the next generation.
The measure under consideration today, which would repeal the
Department of Labor's safe harbor for States developing retirement
plans, would be a step backward, and it would make it harder for people
to save for a secure retirement.
It is no secret that the American economy has changed in the last
generation. One of the most profound changes for working families has
been the dramatic shift from defined benefit pension plans to defined
contribution plans. Our current system of IRAs and 401(k)s work well
for many people, but it is unfortunately leaving millions of Americans
behind.
If you work for a large, stable employer--like those of us privileged
to work for the U.S. Senate--you will more than likely have access to a
retirement plan. Americans, when they have access to these types of
plans, make smart, prudent financial decisions.
Over 90 percent of Americans with access to a workplace plan report
saving for their retirement. But not everyone works for a large
employer, and for those who do not, the system has very large, gaping
holes.
Nearly 60 million working Americans do not have access to a workplace
retirement plan. These are workers who are trying to put something away
for a comfortable retirement and build a stable financial future for
their families. They simply demand some solutions, and they certainly
deserve them. Families don't care if it is a Democratic solution or a
Republican solution, nor do they care if it is a Federal Government
idea or their local State's idea. They simply want and need access to a
plan that allows them to build a better future.
So this leads to a very important question. If the States are working
to do their part to find solutions to this problem, why would we in the
U.S. Senate work to block them?
These safe harbors provided by the Department of Labor are the
perfect example of allowing the States to do what they do best, which
is taking an active role as laboratories of democracy.
As I have said, we need big ideas, we need small ideas, and, frankly,
we need all of the ideas that we can get. But I am saying here today
that I am willing to work with any of my colleagues on a plan--big or
small--to help Americans move toward a secure retirement.
A secure retirement cannot become a relic of the past, but this piece
of the American dream will only be true for this generation of workers
if we start working on these solutions now. We certainly should not
stand in the way of States working on innovative ways to help the
citizens of their respective States.
I urge my colleagues to vote no on the resolution.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Ms. HASSAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Ms. HASSAN. Mr. President, I rise in opposition to the Congressional
Review Act measure to overturn the Department of Labor's rule that
gives States the flexibility to help small business workers save for
retirement.
Every American who has worked hard throughout their life deserves the
ability to retire, knowing that they will be financially secure. But it
is clear that we are on the verge of a retirement crisis. More and more
Americans are retiring every day without the economic security they
need, and we are beginning to see the harmful impacts of what happens
to a generation that was not afforded the opportunity to participate in
a traditional pension plan.
The AARP has estimated that 55 million Americans, including roughly
230,000 Granite Staters, do not have access to a retirement plan at
their workplace, and participation in retirement plans has dropped over
the past
[[Page S2705]]
several years. Few low- and middle-income families have retirement
accounts. For families who fall into the lowest 25 percent of household
incomes, fewer than 10 percent have retirement savings accounts. Even
among families where the primary wage earners are between the ages of
56 and 61, those who are nearing retirement, the median retirement
account balance for all families, regardless of income, was only
$17,000--far less than what those families will need to live on in
retirement. Therefore, we should be doing everything possible to
support these future retirees and to look for opportunities to help
them save now.
The Department of Labor rule that we are debating today supports
States' efforts to enter into innovative public-private partnerships
that would increase personal savings rates for employees of small
businesses. The rule makes clear that small businesses will experience
no operational burden for these plans, and workers have the opportunity
to opt out of these plans if they choose. Already we have seen five
States adopt their own plans based on this guidance, and additional
States are considering similar programs that best match the retirement
needs of their citizens. We are starting to see results. Research has
suggested that employees with access to retirement plans from their
employers are 15 times more likely to save for retirement.
Unfortunately, too many of my colleagues on the other side of the
aisle are pushing this Congressional Review Act measure to roll back
the progress States are making and to limit a State's ability to decide
to facilitate a critical service to their citizens. If this measure
passes today, the 12 million Americans who have already benefited from
their States entering these partnerships will see their retirement
plans impacted, and the other States considering these measures will
have to stop.
As a former Governor, I understand how decisions made here in
Congress have the ability to impact a State's ability to innovate and
grow, and it is unacceptable that Republicans would vote to limit a
State's authority to help their citizens save.
In States across this country, there is broad bipartisan support for
State-facilitated retirement plans. Recent surveys have found that 80
percent of private sector workers support State-facilitated plans to
help them save for retirement, and 80 percent of small business owners
say they support the basic concept behind these plans. The bipartisan
National Council of State Legislatures said passage of the CRA will
``result in an unwarranted preemption of state innovation'' and will
``restrict the ability of millions of hardworking Americans to save for
retirement.'' The AARP has written that ``a Congressional Review Act
resolution to overturn this rulemaking represents significant overreach
by the federal government.''
I find great irony in the fact that many of my Republican colleagues
are voting to limit the ability of States and localities to innovate
and craft policies--something they often say they support in other
areas.
Additionally, retirement plans sponsored by States help save taxpayer
dollars. Greater retirement security would result in fewer older
Americans falling into poverty, reducing the number of citizens who
would be forced to access social safety net programs.
This Department of Labor rule is exactly the type of commonsense,
bipartisan proposal we should all support, and I am willing to work
with my colleagues on both sides of the aisle in order to address the
retirement needs of Granite Staters and all Americans. Undoing the
States' progress on this front by voting in favor of this measure would
limit the ability of more Americans to save for their retirement.
I will vote against this measure, and I urge my colleagues to do the
same.
Thank you, Mr. President.
Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, today I rise to express my strong
opposition to H.J. Res. 66. This resolution would overturn a rule
issued by the Department of Labor that is essential to providing
increased access to retirement savings programs.
Among all working families in America ages 32 to 61, the median
family in America had only $5,000 saved in 2013. This indicates to me
that we are clearly facing a retirement savings crisis.
In California, 7.5 million workers don't have access to a retirement
savings plan through their jobs, including 3.4 million women. Of those
without a workplace retirement savings plan, almost 5 million are
individuals of Color and over 3.5 million are Latino.
The good news is that, when a person has access to a retirement
savings program through their workplace, they are 15 times more likely
to save for retirement.
In California, legislators have been working for more than 4 years to
create the Secure Choice program as a way of addressing the retirement
crisis we face. This program allows workers to easily save for
retirement through a deduction made directly from their paycheck.
Those who need access to a workplace retirement program the most,
individuals with lower incomes, are far less likely to have that
access. These are the people who stand to gain the most from the Secure
Choice program and lose the most by Congress halting its progress.
Let me share some examples of the people who would be impacted. Most
eligible employees work for small businesses that might not be able to
offer retirement savings plans on their own. Nearly half of eligible
workers work in the retail, hospitality, healthcare, and manufacturing
industries.
This program supports lower and middle-class workers by providing
access to the tools they need to control their financial future. The
average wage of workers eligible for this program is $35,000, and 80
percent of eligible workers earn less than $50,000.
We are in a time of deep income inequality and must stand up for
programs that support the middle class, like Secure Choice. Nationwide,
the bottom 90 percent of households have seen their income drop
compared to what it was in 1970. Meanwhile, the top 1 percent has seen
their household income triple.
As workers struggle to make ends meet, it is appalling to me that
Congress would actively take away a key resource for financial
planning.
Californians want to ensure that all employees have access to a
retirement savings program. The Department of Labor's rule clears the
way for California to set up programs like Secure Choice by clarifying
employers' obligations to the accounts.
This rule would also help small businesses compete for qualified
workers who expect and deserve access to a workplace retirement savings
program. Small Business California supports the Department of Labor's
rule paving the way for these programs, and opposes this resolution.
Finally, in California, our State chapter of the Chamber of Commerce
specifically asked for an opinion from the Department of Labor on
employer obligations. Once the Department of Labor's rule was issued,
CalChamber no longer opposed the California bill.
In fact, the legislation that passed in California requires the State
board to report a finalized rule from the Department of Labor.
Overturning the Department of Labor's rule ignores the effort and care
taken in California to craft a program that works for both employees
and employers.
Nationally, almost half of working-age households do not have
retirement savings accounts, and 55 million people don't have access to
a workplace retirement plan. This is shocking.
According to the Economic Policy Institute, the median retirement
account savings for families ages 56 to 61 was only $17,000 in 2013.
This is only slightly higher than the 2016 poverty threshold for a
household of two people aged 65 and older. It is inconceivable that a
family could afford to finance their retirement with only $17,000 in
savings.
Supporting retirement savings is not a partisan issue. In fact a
bipartisan group of State treasurers oppose this resolution, as does
the National Conference of State Legislatures.
We are facing a retirement savings crisis in our country, and the
Department of Labor's rule is a commonsense guideline that makes it
easier for individuals to save for retirement.
I strongly urge my colleagues to stand up for American workers and
support their access to retirement savings programs by opposing this
resolution.
Thank you.
Mr. ENZI. Mr. President, while the Senate is on the topic of
retirement savings, I would like to call attention
[[Page S2706]]
to a policy that I have worked to advance for many years. I believe
policies permitting the existence of pooled provider plans, which
passed the Senate Finance Committee to this past September by a vote of
26 to 0, should be enacted as soon as possible to ensure the ability of
Americans working for small businesses to have quality access to
retirement savings.
A critical challenge in enhancing the retirement security for all
Americans is expanding plan coverage among small businesses. To address
this, I believe we need to make retirement plans less complicated, less
intimidating, and less expensive for those entities. That is exactly
what pooled provider plans accomplish.
This proposal is nonpartisan. In the past Congress alone, I held
bipartisan HELP Committee roundtables with the junior Senator from
Vermont and the senior Senator from Massachusetts, and in a prior
Congress, I worked with Senator Harkin--all to discuss the best way to
craft and implement this proposal. I am very proud of the bipartisan
work that has been done to this point, and I thank my colleagues on
both the HELP and Finance Committees for their support, but now it is
time for the full Senate to pass the measures allowing the existence of
such plans.
I look forward to the day in which the retirement gap in America is
closed. I believe we will take a very large step towards closing that
gap with the passage of policies that permit pooled provider plans.
Thank you.
Ms. HASSAN. I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Toomey). The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. BENNET. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
The President's First One Hundred Days
Mr. BENNET. Mr. President, reflecting on his accomplishments to date
in his administration, President Trump recently said: ``I think we've
done more than, perhaps, any President in the first 100 days.''
Throughout the campaign and since coming to office, President Trump has
repeatedly attacked politicians who are ``all talk, no action.'' It
seems to be appropriate that, now that the first 100 days have passed,
we should apply the President's standard.
Over the course of the campaign, Candidate Trump promised to replace
the ``very stupid people'' in our government who ``don't know how to
win'' with the ``greatest minds'' and the ``best people.''
He said that the Presidency was ``going to be easy'' and that the
``jobs are coming back, folks; that's going to be easy.''
He promised a ``beautiful,'' ``terrific'' plan to provide ``such
great health care at a tiny fraction of the cost, and it's going to be
so easy.''
He promised to build a wall so fast that ``your head will spin'' and
that Mexico would pay for it. ``Just rely on me,'' he said.
He promised to be the ``greatest jobs President that God ever
created,'' to ``bring us all together,'' and to create a ``unified
Nation--a Nation of love,'' he said.
He predicted: ``We're gonna win so much that you may even get tired
of winning, and you'll say, please, please, it's too much winning, we
can't take it anymore. Mr. President, it's too much.''
He outlined that winning plan in no other place than Gettysburg last
October. There, on that hallowed ground, where Lincoln reflected on his
own ``poor power'' and wondered whether the world would little note nor
long remember what he said there, President Trump--the man who said:
``I alone can fix it''--outlined his 100-day action plan to make
America great again and restore honesty, accountability, and change to
Washington. On that day, he promised that, on his first day, 18
different accomplishments would be achieved. He delivered just two of
those.
Over his first 100 days, he promised to introduce and fight to pass
10 major pieces of legislation. That included a bill to ``grow the
economy 4 percent per year and create at least 25 million new jobs.''
It included a bill to ``spur $1 trillion in infrastructure investment
over 10 years.'' It included a bill to ``make 2- and 4-year college
more affordable'' as well as bills to ``clean up corruption in
Washington'' and ``discourage companies from laying off their
workers.''
Today, more than 100 days into the Trump Presidency, where are we?
So far, the President's ``great'' team has not yet been assembled.
There are 465 vacancies for which there are not even nominees yet. You
cannot blame that on anything going on around here. There are 465 slots
that still do not have nominees. Of the 10 pieces of legislation that
he proposed on that day in Gettysburg, he has passed zero--none.
In his first 100 days, amidst the Great Depression, FDR stabilized
the banks and put 250,000 Americans to work through a new Civilian
Conservation Corps. Ronald Reagan rallied the country behind his agenda
for taxes and spending. Facing an economic collapse--the likes of which
we had not seen since the Great Depression--Barack Obama cut taxes and
made historic investments in infrastructure, clean energy, and
education in 100 days.
Notwithstanding this history--these facts--President Trump has
repeatedly claimed in interviews and broadcasts how well the
administration has done during the first 100 days. In fact, on day 90--
he did not even need to get to 100--he said: ``No administration has
accomplished more.'' As evidence for this claim, the President referred
to the 28 bills that he has signed into law--laws to rename a VA clinic
in American Samoa, laws to make it easier to hunt bears out of
helicopters, to improve weather forecasts, to appoint members of the
Smithsonian Board of Regents. Those were in the 28 laws. Missing from
that list, however, is any legislation that fulfills a single campaign
promise that he made, including his promise to repeal ObamaCare.
In the absence of fulfilling the promises that he made at Gettysburg
and on the campaign trail, he has also taken credit for a series of
Executive orders even though, during the campaign, he railed against
President Obama for using them. Candidate Trump said: ``We have a
President that can't get anything done, so he just keeps signing
executive orders all over the place.'' In fact, history shows that
President Obama turned to Executive orders only after years of
unprecedented obstruction and after he passed legislation through this
Chamber and through the House.
President Trump turned to executive orders in the first 100 days
despite controlling both Houses of Congress. With a Republican
President, a Republican majority in the Senate, and a Republican
majority in the House, he has to revert to the very same instrument
that he was so appalled by in the hands of President Obama, and he
still has no major legislative accomplishments to show for it. That is
not fake news. That is the truth.
While we are on the subject, it bears noting, I think, that President
Obama used his Executive orders to advance rights and opportunity for
the American people. President Trump has used them to discriminate
against refugees and immigrants in an unconstitutional travel ban, to
weaken American competitiveness by reversing fuel efficiency standards
for our cars, to weaken protections for our national monuments and
endanger our economy and our environment by undoing the Clean Power
Plan.
Not only has President Trump failed to keep his promises--it is
actually worse than that--but he has actually proposed or supported
legislation that would do just the opposite of what he has promised.
Look at healthcare. I hope I am not in need of any right now. Over
the course of the campaign--I do not need to tell anybody in America
this; we all saw it--Candidate Trump attacked ObamaCare over and over.
He described it as a ``disaster'' that is ``imploding.'' So he
promised: ``On day one, we will ask Congress to immediately deliver a
full repeal of ObamaCare'' and replace it with ``something terrific.''
He pledged to ``take care of everybody,'' to champion what he called
the ``forgotten man,'' and he assured America that ``everybody's going
to be taken care of much better than they're taken care of now.''
[[Page S2707]]
More than 100 days after taking office, President Trump has not only
failed to fulfill that promise, failed to repeal ObamaCare--the House
has not yet even had a vote on it, as far as I know--but the White
House has actually helped to write--and he endorsed--a proposal that
would throw 24 million people, many of them poor and middle class
folks, off of their health insurance, while slashing $300 billion in
taxes for the top 2 percent.
That is what is in the bill that they are considering in the House
right now. That is not a healthcare bill. That is a tax cut for the
wealthiest Americans that is masquerading as a healthcare bill. That is
not the promise that he made to the people who voted for him. That is
not the promise that he made to the forgotten man. It seems that in the
first 100 days the forgotten man remains forgotten, unless by
``forgotten'' President Trump meant millionaires who can avoid dealing
with America's health insurance system by paying cash for their medical
expenses with their having the benefit of the tax cut that President
Trump has proposed to give them.
My point--and I want to be clear about it--is not to ask the
President to fulfill these promises, most of which I opposed when he
was running. I am simply pointing out that what he has said is not what
he has done, including his promise to build a ``great, great wall on
our southern border'' and force Mexico to pay for that wall. Instead,
he asked Congress for $1.4 billion in taxpayer money to start
construction.
I was part of the Gang of Eight in the Senate that negotiated the
immigration bill--four Democrats and four Republicans--over 8 months.
We had $11 billion of border security. By the time we passed the bill
in the Senate, there was $40 billion of border security in that bill.
It was paid for, unlike a lot of stuff we do, and it was not the
taxpayers who were paying for it. It was the immigrants who were paying
for it in their fees to this country.
Why is that not a better way of doing it?
Mexico is not going to pay for it. It has said it is not going to pay
for it. He continues to say that it is going to happen, but it is just
another broken promise. Instead, he went to the taxpayers and hoped
nobody would notice that he was asking for $1.4 billion for the wall.
Fortunately, both Republicans and Democrats alike in the House of
Representatives and in the Senate rejected it--in particular, Members
of the House of Representatives who represent border States or
represent the border, who actually know what is going on down there.
I am sad to say that this inconsistent and erratic approach has
spilled over to our foreign relations. On North Korea, President Trump
bragged that the United States would easily ``solve the problem''--his
language--without China, which he called a currency manipulator and on
which, he said, everybody in Washington was soft, and he was going to
fix it. Then he sat down with Chinese President Xi for 10 minutes and
``realized it's not so easy.''
When he was running, the President said: ``Maybe NATO will dissolve,
and that's OK.'' He called it ``obsolete.'' Then he sat down with the
NATO Secretary General and realized that it was, in fact, ``not
obsolete''--his words.
At a time when NATO faces new pressure from Russian aggression and
American troops are deployed to Eastern Europe to support our partners
and our allies in the region, including the soldiers whom I met 2 weeks
ago from Colorado's Fourth Infantry Division, they need a steady voice
and a clear vision from Washington.
We need an administration that can face reality instead of one that
spins its own. This is not a campaign anymore. This is governing.
During the campaign, Donald Trump promised: ``There will be no lies.
We will honor the American people with the truth and nothing else.''
Over its first 100 days, the administration has honored the American
people--it has been recorded--with 488 false or misleading claims,
nearly 5 a day. Some people have actually lost count. It has honored
them with 100 days of dog-and-pony shows of CEOs, campaign rallies, and
photo-ops in semi-trucks on the South Lawn. It has honored the American
people with empty theatrics where Donald Trump, the President, donates
a portion of his salary to the National Park Service, hoping no one
would notice his proposal to slash $1.4 billion in funding for the
Department of the Interior.
This administration needs a reset for the next 100 days and the next
100 after that. The President needs to focus on what the American
people need and what he said he would provide them instead of attacking
the independent judiciary and the free press and blaming ``fake
news''--his so-called fake news--in an effort to obscure a reality that
he doesn't want to deal with. He needs to focus on the next generation
instead of his daily approval ratings. He needs to focus on the future
instead of complaining about how unexpectedly hard the job is or how
great his previous life was.
And one more thing--a small thing. Candidate Trump loved to criticize
President Obama for playing golf. He tweeted about it at least 26 times
with lines like ``Can you believe that, with all the problems and
difficulties facing the U.S., President Obama spent the day playing
golf.'' Well, President Trump has spent 19 days playing golf so far--
even with all of these vacancies in this administration--more than
Presidents Obama, Bush, or Clinton. But that is not the only record he
has broken for the first 100 days, which includes an average of more
than five tweets a day, over a month he spent in this 100 days at Trump
properties, and over $20 million in taxpayer dollars to finance his
personal travel, which is on pace to exceed in his first year what the
previous administration cost the American taxpayer in eight.
A better idea than repeating this next 100 days for the 100 days that
are coming would be to actually drain the swamp, as he said during the
campaign. He could start by releasing his tax returns, which during the
campaign he falsely claimed he could not release because of a ``routine
audit.'' There was no prohibition on his doing the same thing that
every candidate in the history of America for the Presidency has done.
Now that he has put out a healthcare bill that slashes taxes by
hundreds of billions of dollars for the wealthiest Americans and
proposed tax reforms that would further deepen income inequality in
this country, the least he could do is show the ``laid-off factory
workers, and the communities crushed by our horrible and unfair trade
deals'' what the President stands to gain and what they stand to lose
from his proposals.
While he is doing that, he should focus on dealing with Americans'
rising healthcare costs instead of trying to take health insurance away
from millions of Americans, making it harder for them to see a doctor
and take care of their families. He should focus on expanding
opportunities in our communities with investments in infrastructure and
on helping people compete in the global economy and reducing the
national debt crushing the next generation of Americans. That is why he
was elected President. To some degree, that is why all of us are here.
At the start of his first 100 days, President Trump promised in his
inaugural address that ``America will start winning again, winning like
never before.'' More than 100 days later, it is really not clear what
we have won, but it is clear what we have lost--civility in our
politics, facts in our policy, confidence in ourselves, and 100 days
that should have been used to bring this country together to confront
our great challenges.
The next 100 days must be better than the last because, as our
President once said, the American people are ``tired of being ripped
off by politicians that don't know what they're doing.'' On this, at
least, I completely agree.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Hampshire.
Mrs. SHAHEEN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to engage in a
colloquy with the Senator from Idaho.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
National Small Business Week
Mrs. SHAHEEN. Mr. President, I am pleased to come to the floor today
to join my colleague, who is the chair of the Small Business
Committee--and I am the ranking member--to celebrate National Small
Business Week.
This is an opportunity for all Americans, regardless of party
affiliation or geography, to come together and support the small
businesses that drive
[[Page S2708]]
the American economy and make such an enormous contribution to our
local communities and culture.
I am pleased to be able to work with Senator Risch. We have enjoyed a
terrific working relationship. We are there, at this moment in the
committee, to try to make a difference for the small businesses of not
only our States of New Hampshire and Idaho but throughout the entire
country.
I ask my chairman if he would like to start out and then turn it back
to me, and we can talk a little bit about what we see happening on the
Small Business Committee.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Idaho.
Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, first of all, I want to return the
sentiments of Senator Shaheen. There was so much written and talked
about today in the meeting about the poisoned atmosphere and the lack
of bipartisanship, but I can tell my colleagues that working with
Senator Shaheen on the Small Business Committee has been an honor and a
privilege, and it certainly has been anything but troublesome. We work
together closely. Both of us having been Governors, we understand how
important small businesses are to our States--in fact, to all the
States.
With that, I would like to take a few minutes, with the concurrence
of the ranking member, to honor America's small businesses and their
owners and the impact they have on our economy and our communities and
the vital role small businesses play in America today.
America's small businesses are truly the engine that keeps our
economy running. They create two out of every three jobs in America.
Let me say that again. Small businesses create two out of every three
new jobs that are created in America today. Our Committee on Small
Business and Entrepreneurship knows that Congress has a responsibility
to help this engine roar by getting the government out of the way of
our Nation's small businesses and thus providing small businesses with
the opportunity to do what they have done to make this the greatest
country in the world for the last 240 years.
We know that small businesses are vital to our economy, employing
nearly half the American workforce and making up 99.7 percent of all
employers in this country. It is because small businesses are so
important to our economy that Washington needs to do all we can for
businesses to start and, more importantly, to survive and grow.
We have seen a steady and well-documented decline in startups and a
persistently low GDP over the past decade. Despite this, small
businesses' optimism has hit record-high levels in recent months. Small
business owners are more confident than ever. National Small Business
Week--this week--is a fitting time to not only celebrate our Nation's
small businesses but also to assure them that greater relief is coming.
Congress and the new administration are working hand in hand to undo
the regulatory burden that has been hampering small business growth. It
is no secret that the excessive regulatory burdens our Nation's
entrepreneurs face places them at a disadvantage. We hear this every
day from our position on the Small Business Committee. When asked what
the biggest challenge they face is, it is almost always the regulatory
burdens they are operating under.
America's small business owners want to comply with a reasonable and
appropriate regulatory structure; however, the time and money they
spend complying with layers of regulations from a myriad of agencies
hampers their ability to focus on what truly matters, and that, of
course, is running their business.
My Senate colleagues and I will continue to work with the
administration on rolling back regulations that don't make sense. We
will take a closer look at other issues facing the diverse small
business community. Just last week, Senator Shaheen and I held a
hearing on the many challenges that exist for rural entrepreneurs. As
it turns out, these challenges are not much different from those that
exist for entrepreneurs in more populous areas, except the challenges
are amplified for business owners who operate without broadband
internet or a traditional storefront on Main Street.
The shared challenges amongst most entrepreneurs, such as access to
capital, trade opportunities, and cyber security threats, among others,
are at the forefront of the minds of those of us in Congress who are
committed to delivering the relief small business owners have been
waiting for.
Despite these challenges, America's 28 million small business owners
and their employees set out every day to pursue their dreams and
contribute to their communities. Their entrepreneurial spirit is
nothing short of inspiring.
I want to give an example from Idaho--in fact, more than one example
from Idaho--but I yield to Senator Shaheen at this moment for her
comments and perhaps to tell us a little bit about what she took away
from the meeting we recently had on rural small businesses.
Mrs. SHAHEEN. Mr. President, I thank Senator Risch.
As you point out, we were both Governors, so we had a chance to see
small businesses from the perspective of the States and how States can
be involved in supporting small businesses. But we also have been small
business owners and operators ourselves. My husband and I had a family-
owned seasonal retail business, and you operated a family-run ranch in
Idaho. So I am sure you share with me the challenges of small business
owners, the things that kept me awake at night and that I know keep
other small business owners awake: meeting payroll, balancing budgets,
attracting workers, finding customers, and complying with local, State,
and Federal regulations.
As you pointed out, and I certainly agree, our committee works in a
bipartisan way not only on supporting public policy to help small
businesses but also supporting the Small Business Administration, which
has programs that help nurture our small businesses and address their
unique concerns.
On Monday, I visited one of those small businesses. I was kicking off
Small Business Week in New Hampshire, and I visited a company in Dover,
which is a neighboring community to where I live. The company is called
Popzup, spelled just like it sounds. It is a family-owned business that
created an innovative microwave popcorn box without harsh chemicals,
plastic, or silicon. The company's popcorn that goes in that box is
environmentally friendly. It comes from American farms that don't use
GMO products. It is great. They also have all of these seasonings that
go on the popcorn, everything from a seasoning called Everything Bagel
to one that is maple syrup. So it is a unique company.
Its founders, Julie and Marty Lapham, launched the company in 2015.
They have received a lot of support from the Small Business Development
Center in New Hampshire. In fact, Julie told me about preparing for a
``Shark Tank''-style competition she was participating in and how she
got tremendous help from the SBDC in her presentation. She said:
Without that help, I wouldn't have been able to do it. She actually won
first prize in the competition--$10,000--because the SBDC had helped
her sort through financing options, and she and her husband continue to
work with them as they grow the company.
As we look at Small Business Week this week, it is important to also
recognize the great work SBA does with outstanding entrepreneurs from
all 50 States and territories.
I know you have some similar examples of small businesses in Idaho.
Mr. RISCH. Mr. President, I thank Senator Shaheen.
We do, and I want to tell a story of an example of the inspiring
spirit small businesses bring to us. This is the story of a small
family business in Idaho Falls, ID, called Fin Fun. It began when its
founder, Karen Browning, was asked to make a mermaid costume for her
granddaughter. That doesn't sound like a very ostentatious beginning,
but it was the beginning. This simple request was the catalyst of a
much larger operation that experienced over a 3,000-percent growth over
a 3-year period, now employing 75 full- and part-time employees in
Eastern Idaho. The Browning family contributes greatly to the community
and makes all of us in Idaho proud with their continued success, having
been named by the SBA as Idaho's Small Business of the Year.
[[Page S2709]]
Stories like Fin Fun underscore the optimism that can be found in all
corners of our country as small business owners everywhere take the
large leap into the American dream.
I ask all Senators to join me this week in supporting and thanking
the small businesses in our home States all across America. Senator
Shaheen and I, of course, as part of the jurisdiction of our committee,
have oversight responsibilities with the SBA. I have been very
impressed over the years as to the focus of the SBA on small
businesses.
One of the things I think Senator Shaheen shares with me is
supporting an increase in the Office of Advocacy. We all know the
Federal Government passes regulations at a stunning rate, which most
people really don't completely understand. But the job of the Office of
Advocacy is to act as an independent voice for small businesses when
the Federal Government actually proposes a regulation. The Office of
Advocacy is supposed to stand up and say: Wait a minute. Let me tell
you how this is going to affect small businesses.
We all know that if the Federal Government, in any one of the
agencies, enacts a regulation, it does affect businesses of different
sizes differently. Indeed, if it is a large business, they generally
have an army of lawyers, compliance officers, and accountants who can
deal with the regulations relatively easily and absorb the cost. On the
other hand, if it is a one-, two-, or three-person business, just
filling out the forms the agencies require is sometimes a real burden.
It is important that this Office of Advocacy in the SBA be encouraged,
be expanded where possible, and be a real, true independent voice for
small business in America. And I know Senator Shaheen shares my
enthusiasm for continuing to support that enterprise within the SBA. I
am always happy to work with any of my colleagues to make it easier for
Americans to start and grow a business.
Happy National Small Business Week, and thank you to our Nation's
entrepreneurs and small business owners who are the real backbone of
our Nation and our economy.
I yield to Senator Shaheen.
Mrs. SHAHEEN. Mr. President, I very much thank Senator Risch. I share
his enthusiasm for the Office of Advocacy and all of the programs SBA
administers and appreciate the good work of the new Administrator
there, Linda McMahon.
You bragged a little bit on your Small Business of the Year in Idaho,
and I would like to do the same. Our New Hampshire Small Business
Person of the Year is Dr. Jake Reder, who is the cofounder and CEO of
Celdara Medical in Lebanon, NH.
I think it is important to point out that small businesses create 16
times per employee the number of patents that large businesses do, and
Celdara Medical is a great example of that. They were founded in 2008.
They are a biotech startup that identifies early-stage medical
technologies and provides financing and business guidance to move
lifesaving products from university laboratories to high-potential
medical companies. They really show that entrepreneurship can be a
positive force to cure disease and save lives.
During their startup, Celdara secured funding through the SBA's SBIR
Program, the Small Business Innovation Research Program, which was
extended last year--thanks in large part to the work of the committee--
for 5 years because of its great track record, enabling entrepreneurs
across the country to participate in R&D to keep us at the vanguard of
innovation. They were also assisted by the SCORE counseling network,
which provides mentors to small businesses.
There are so many things we can do to support our small businesses,
and that is the goal of the Small Business Committee. We also want to
continue to support a modern and flexible SBA that can respond quickly
to economic conditions that confront small businesses in this global
economy.
Like you, I thank all of our colleagues who are going to help us
recognize small businesses throughout the country. I also thank the
Appropriations Committee for its bipartisan work on the omnibus bill to
fund the SBA and our critical rural development programs. We have heard
about many of them at the rural hearing you talked about. Hopefully the
spirit of cooperation we share on the committee will spread throughout
the Congress.
So happy Small Business Week to all of our small businesses, and I
thank all of the entrepreneurs in New Hampshire and Idaho and across
the country for their hard work, for their innovation, and for their
grit. They have our gratitude and our respect.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I look forward to the good work we will
continue to do for small businesses in this country.
Mr. RISCH. Likewise.
Mrs. SHAHEEN. I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Massachusetts.
Ms. WARREN. Mr. President, we have a retirement crisis in this
country. Today, among working families on the verge of retirement,
about a third have no retirement savings of any kind and another third
have total savings that are less than one year's annual income.
Let's be blunt. Social Security alone is not enough for a secure
retirement. Hitting retirement with little or no savings means spending
those last years hovering around the poverty line, with little or no
money for important purchases, like dental care or hearing aids, or
extras, like buying a birthday gift for a grandchild.
There are a lot of different reasons people hit retirement with no
savings, but one big reason is that 55 million Americans don't have the
ability to save for retirement through a workplace retirement account.
For years, the Republican-controlled Congress has done nothing to help
the 55 million Americans who don't have an employer-provided retirement
plan to save for their retirement--nothing--so seven States have
actually stepped up. They passed legislation to provide retirement
accounts to their constituents, and 23 more States are currently
considering proposals like this. Massachusetts has stepped up, too,
passing legislation to allow workers in small, nonprofit organizations
to save for retirement in a State-administered plan.
These State efforts are a big deal. The actions of just those first
seven States could expand coverage to 15 million Americans who don't
currently have an employer-sponsored retirement account. These efforts
would go a long way toward starting to chip away at the retirement
crisis in our country, and both Republicans and Democrats should be
applauding the efforts of the Governors, State treasurers, and State
legislatures who are doing this important work. But instead of passing
legislation to incentivize States to continue their innovative work or
instead of bringing up a bill on their own encouraging companies to
offer retirement accounts to their workers, Republicans are voting on a
bill that would pull the rug out from underneath these State plans,
jeopardizing all of the States' recent progress.
Republicans are constantly saying they are the party of federalism,
deregulation, and State flexibility. Over and over again for the past
several months, my colleagues across the aisle have come down to the
floor to overturn regulation after regulation because they claim those
regulations ``limit the role of State and local governments.'' So why
on Earth are they now passing a bill to run roughshod over the States?
The States certainly aren't asking them to take it up. The National
Conference of State Legislatures--the bipartisan organization
representing the legislatures of all 50 States--sent a letter urging
Congress not to pass this bill because ``it will result in an
unwarranted preemption of state innovation, will restrict the ability
of millions of hardworking Americans to save for retirement, and will
prove costly to federal and state budgets.'' And 23 State treasurers
and top budget officials, both Democrats and Republicans, from Idaho to
Mississippi, wrote urging Republican leadership to ``protect the rights
of states and large municipalities to implement their own, unique
approaches . . . to address this growing retirement savings crisis.''
No, the State legislatures didn't ask the Republican Congress for
this bill, and the American people are certainly not calling their
Senators asking that they overturn the rules to help them save for
their retirement either. Seventy-two percent of Republicans and 83
percent of Democrats support the work the States are doing.
[[Page S2710]]
If it is not the State legislatures and it is not the State
regulators and it is not the American people who want this bill passed,
why are Republicans pushing it forward? Why are we voting for this
legislation?
Four words--national chamber of commerce. The national chamber of
commerce has been fighting tooth and nail to kill these retirement
initiatives. Their armies of lobbyists are swarming over Capitol Hill.
They are peddling misinformation about what these plans do, all because
the giant financial firms that pump money into the national chamber of
commerce are worried that the State plans will offer better investment
products with lower fees for customers.
Yes, the giant financial firms are right to be worried. States
probably will not award investment contracts to the companies with the
highest fees or to the companies offering kickbacks and prizes to make
the sale. They are going to award contracts to companies that can
provide the best product at the lowest cost. That is how a competitive
bidding process works.
The financial firms hiding behind the chamber of commerce don't want
competitive bidding, they don't want transparency, they don't want to
fight on a level playing field, and they are willing to spend a whole
lot of money to make sure they don't have to. In fact, the Chamber is
so serious about keeping the system rigged that they have sent letter
after letter to every Member of Congress and their staff, letting them
know they are watching this vote.
Just in case you can't read between the lines, for extra emphasis, in
bold and underlined typeface, their letters warned that they will be
``consider[ing] . . . votes on, or in relation to, [this] resolution[]
in our annual How They Voted scorecard.'' Whoa. The chamber of commerce
is going to score who votes to help the big financial corporations and
who doesn't, and they are going to make sure that all those potential
campaign contributors know about the vote.
This is what gives Washington such a terrible reputation. The
American people didn't send us here to work for giant financial
institutions and their armies of lobbyists and lawyers. I don't care
what kind of threats the chamber of commerce puts out; it is wrong to
pass a law to kick people in the teeth when they are trying to save for
their retirements. The lobbyists may be watching this vote, but the
American people are watching, too, and they are ready to fight back.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Gardner). The clerk will call the roll.
The bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mrs. MURRAY. Mr. President, like so many, I spent the weekend
reflecting on what the past 100 days have meant. And from President
Trump--aided by congressional Republicans--it has been 100 days of
broken promises, 100 days of far too much division, and 100 days of
attacks on women and workers and seniors. It has been 100 painful days
for many, no doubt about it.
It is not surprising then that to kick off their next 100 days,
President Trump and Republicans have prioritized today, sending a clear
message to Wall Street that the Trump administration remains open for
business and is committed to standing with them and not with working
families. That can be the only possible message, since today, Senate
Republicans have advanced another one of their favorite tools this
Congress--yet another CRA--to thwart efforts by States to simply
provide their workers access to retirement savings program.
In March, Senate Republicans voted to overturn a rule that would
allow major cities the flexibility to start their own retirement
savings programs. No doubt, the negative impact of this reversal has
already been felt across the country. Today's effort by Republicans to
target State programs would have even more far-reaching consequences
now and in the long term.
If Senate Republicans jam through this CRA that is on the floor
today, they will be pulling the rug out from numerous States
nationwide, leaving over 15 million workers, which includes nearly 2
million workers in my home State of Washington, without any easy option
to save for their retirement.
This is going to have a significant, chilling effect across our
retirement system for our workers, for our Governors, for State
legislators, and State treasurers.
As AARP said this week, it would send the political message that
Congress is opposed to State flexibility to increase retirement
savings. We would likely see a number of States delay action or
legislation to offer workers more savings options because of the
perceived congressional prohibition. This cannot and it should not
happen.
Fifty-five million workers today in our country lack access to a
workplace retirement plan through their employer. That is about one-
third of all of our workers in this country. Our retirement savings gap
has continued to worsen, and it is true for most States across this
country. It is true for my home State of Washington, despite progress
and steps in the right direction over the past few years.
Today, fewer than half of all Washington State workers participate in
a retirement plan at work, and nearly 90,000 Washington small
businesses offer no retirement arrangement. This is too common all
across our country. Because Congress has been unable to come together
to address this retirement savings crisis, States have now begun to
step up to help workers save for retirement through savings programs.
As I previously talked about on the floor, these savings programs
simply allow employers to automatically enroll workers while giving
workers the opportunity to opt out. These programs only apply to
businesses that do not currently offer retirement plans. They in no way
limit an employers' ability to seek out and offer their own employer-
sponsored plan.
These plans are worker and business friendly. There is little
paperwork required for workers to participate in the program, and there
are no added burdens to small businesses. In fact, in these programs,
employers are strictly required only to serve in administrative
capacity.
Last year, Democrats working with the Obama administration pushed for
guidance to provide certainty to States that have launched their own
retirement programs. This guidance simply clarifies an existing safe
harbor allowing employers to establish payroll deduction IRAs, which
gives States clarity they need that these programs will not be
preempted by Federal retirement law.
This guidance merely provides flexibility to cities and States to
move forward with these programs, and in fact it was requested by the
States and local officials. This is pretty common sense. In fact, it is
the kind of proposal that Democrats and Republicans have agreed on for
several years.
As much as my colleagues on the other side of the aisle may not like
to recall now, many of them have been on the record previously
supporting just these kinds of efforts. Really, it is not hard to
understand why. As I have said, it is very clear who President Trump
and Republicans are standing with on this. Working families across our
country are seeing clearly that on any chance to move the ball forward
for them and their retirements, Republicans are now standing in the way
and choosing instead to put the interests of Wall Street first.
This is a critical vote. Families are watching. If you say you stand
with working families, you vote against this resolution. If you want to
meaningfully address our retirement crisis, vote against this
resolution.
I urge our colleagues to reject this harmful repeal. I urge them to
stand with our States and our working families who just want to provide
economic retirement security for the families in their States.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
[[Page S2711]]
Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, seeing none of my Democratic colleagues on
the floor seeking to speak, I ask unanimous consent to speak on the
Democratic time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Government Funding Legislation
Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, this week the Senate continues to consider
the government funding bill, which I hope we will decide to vote on
tomorrow afternoon. I want to highlight a few ways that this
legislation is good for America. It addresses important priorities, and
it is particularly good for those 28 million people I have the
privilege of representing in Texas.
I know people say we don't want to do an omnibus appropriations bill,
and frankly this is not the best way to do business, but when our
Democratic colleagues objected to us processing individual
appropriations bills, this is the only alternative, other than perhaps
a continuing resolution.
A continuing resolution would continue Obama-era policies and frankly
wouldn't end up saving any money because both of them are subject to
the same spending caps under the Budget Control Act.
Here we are. The House will undoubtedly pass this agreed-upon bill,
the first negotiated bill with the Trump White House, with a Republican
majority in the House and the Senate, and with Democratic participation
and input as well.
First, as I mentioned yesterday, this bill provides significant
funding to shore up security at our international border with Mexico.
This is a particularly important Texas issue because obviously we share
a 1,200-mile common border with Mexico, but it is also a national
issue. It is an important issue President Trump ran on and one of the
reasons I believe he was elected.
Attention to securing the border is long overdue. I have always
contended that border security is first and foremost a matter of
political will because we know how to do it. The question is, Do we
have the political will to accomplish it? Rio Grande Valley Border
Patrol chief Manny Padilla likes to say--he served in numerous
capacities all across the border, from Arizona, California, and now in
the Rio Grande Valley in Texas. He likes to say that there are really
three legs to the stool of border security. There is technology, there
is personnel, and then there is infrastructure, what some people like
to call fencing or walls. Each area along the border depends--the
mixture will depend on what makes sense, what is actually effective. It
is obviously important to get the advice and input of professionals of
Border Patrol who work day in and day out to secure the border. With
this omnibus bill, we will see the strongest increase in border
security funding in nearly a decade. That means more resources to help
Customs and Border Patrol, among other agencies, to enforce our laws,
keep trade flowing, and stem the tide of contraband and illegal
immigration.
When we talk about border security, it is also important to recognize
the important economic and trading relationship we have with Mexico.
Roughly 5 million American jobs depend on binational trade with Mexico,
which is another reason I have been paying such close attention to the
administration's discussion about updating NAFTA and other important
trading agreements. More than half of the entire border between the
United States and Mexico is in Texas so this is critical to Texas and
to Texans and necessary to keep our people safe.
Fortunately, this funding deal will also strengthen our Nation's
defense at a time when, under the Obama administration, we saw a 20-
percent cut in defense spending. As former Director of National
Intelligence James Clapper liked to say--well, maybe he didn't like to
say it, but he did say it: In 50 years in the intelligence community,
he had never seen a more diverse array of threats in his entire career.
So our country does face multiple threats all over the world.
This legislation includes more than $20 billion for defense--a real
important plus-up in defense spending for the first time in a long
time. This bill also includes new funding to support our military men
and women deployed abroad in the fight against ISIS, for example, and
it includes a pay raise for our troops as well. We have an All-
Volunteer military that has been stressed--really, unlike any other
time in our Nation's history--with the longest continuous time at war,
particularly in Afghanistan and Iraq and now in other places around the
world. So in an All-Volunteer military, it is really important for us
to make sure that we treat our troops right when it comes to pay and
living conditions in an All-Volunteer military.
Fortunately, this bill will also begin to tackle a major problem that
I spoke about just last week; that is, our readiness--readiness of our
military to face the new and evolving threats around the globe.
I would just pause here to note that some people have said we can
solve the disparity in our needs or the threats and the amount we have
been able to fund for national security by just tweaking the Budget
Control Act of 2011. Well, the fact is, Congress only appropriates
about 30 percent of the money that the Federal Government spends. Well,
70 percent is on autopilot because of the Budget Control Act. We have
been able to keep discretionary spending, which includes defense
spending, relatively flat since 2011, when the Budget Control Act was
passed, but the fact is, mandatory spending is growing at a rate of
about 5.5 percent. In my own view, we are never going to be able to
fund our priorities--including national security--adequately, unless we
revisit all of that 100 percent of Federal spending, which is going to
take an act of political courage on the part of the President and those
of us in the Congress but something we really cannot continue to put
off day after day, week after week, year after year.
This Omnibus appropriation bill funds the procurement of new warships
and aircraft and increases funding to help modernize our ancient
nuclear deterrent programs and includes resources to counter radicalism
and instability in the developing world.
I am also glad this legislation includes funds to help our veterans
and their families transition into the civilian workforce, and it will
better equip Texans working in military installations across the State,
keep our military ready, and funds resources for the battlefield.
So while there is a finger-pointing and blame game or credit-seeking
game going on here in Washington--and I guess if the blame game were an
Olympic sport, Washington would win that--but this is too important to
be talking about in terms of political winners and losers. The truth
is, the American people will be the winner if we keep the government
running, if we do our job, and particularly if those of us who are
fortunate enough to be in the majority after this last election will
simply govern. That is what they elected us to do, along with the
President of the United States.
On a different note--I want to close on this. Yesterday, I spoke
about the terrible storms and tornadoes that whipped through East Texas
over the weekend. Fortunately, we were able to secure additional
disaster relief funding in this omnibus package that will play a big
part in helping communities rebuild, not only from floods and bad
weather we have had in the past but also this current tragedy with loss
of life and loss of property. It will help our communities rebuild,
recover, and prepare for the next storm.
This legislation will also bring us closer to a solution to mitigate
damage from hurricanes and storm surges along the gulf coast in the
Gulf of Mexico. This is particularly an important issue in Houston and
along that gulf coast region, which is a huge, vital economic center
for our country. By funding an Army Corps of Engineer study, we can
best find a way forward that keeps more Texans safe from the next big
hurricane, which we know is coming, and the question is just a matter
of when.
This bill also dedicates resources to improve and strengthen
waterways that will help maintain Texas ship channels so they can
handle more commerce and provide better flood control for susceptible
areas.
I will close by pointing out that this legislation also appropriates
funds for bipartisan bills we passed last year. I know frequently--if
you read the newspaper or if you watch cable news--you may think that
nothing ever happens here, but actually even under the Obama
administration, Republicans
[[Page S2712]]
worked in a bipartisan way to accomplish important things like the
Every Student Succeeds Act, the follow-on from No Child Left Behind,
and one that actually does things that conservatives think is
important and pushes more authority back down to the States and out of
Washington when it comes to our schools. It makes sure that the States,
local school districts, parents, and teachers have a say when it comes
to the best quality and the best way to teach our children in K-12
schools. So we will fund much of that effort in this legislation.
I know many of our colleagues represent areas of the country that
have been devastated by the opioid crisis, as well as heroin crisis,
which unfortunately seem to go hand in hand. We worked closely
together, in a bipartisan way, to fund the Comprehensive Addiction and
Recovery Act signed into law last year under President Obama to help
tackle the opioid epidemic running rampant throughout many parts of the
country. It also includes resources that help eliminate the rape kit
backlog, one that I have been working on for some time, to make sure--
the Debbie Smith Act, which is in excess of $100 million that is
available in funding to forensic labs all across the country to
eliminate the rape kit backlog. The power of DNA testing through these
rape kits to identify the perpetrator of sexual assault, as well as to
exonerate the innocent, is really something to behold. So in this
funding, the rape kit backlog will be reduced and we will bring to
justice victims of crimes and vindicate those who were accused but who
are in fact innocent.
This legislation will also help provide funds for victims of human
trafficking to recover, and it will help train law enforcement to
handle an active shooter situation via something we passed last year,
on a bipartisan basis, called the POLICE Act. As the Presiding Officer
knows, police changed their tactics when it comes to active shooters. I
believe it was Columbine where the tactic was still used to surround an
area near a school and to make sure nobody comes in or goes out, but
our police and first responders learned to be very resourceful and
innovative and indeed are training now. According to the POLICE Act,
Federal funds go to State and local law enforcement and first
responders to help the police train to engage an active shooter to stop
the killing but also to train the first responders, typically the EMS
officials, to stop the dying. So you can stop the killer, but unless
you have EMS or emergency medical service personnel trained along with
the police department, you may stop the killing, but you will not stop
the dying, and that is the goal of this important bill. This
legislation helps fund that.
So here is the bottom line. Legislation is always a compromise, so it
never ever meets anybody's individual expectations in terms of what
they would want as the perfect bill, but I know people are frustrated
by that because they say: Why couldn't we do more? Why couldn't we get
more of what we wanted, and why did we have to give up something that
other people wanted in order to agree to pass this legislation? Well,
that is the way our system was designed. That is the way our Founding
Fathers created the legislative branch and made it a requirement that
in a country as big and diverse as ours, that we needed to build
consensus in order to pass legislation, and that means Democrats and
Republicans, Congress and the White House, working together to come up
with an acceptable consensus product. That is what this is. It is a
product of bipartisan give-and-take. It includes many conservative
priorities that I like--that we have been talking about for a year--
that benefit communities across my State. It provides for our national
defense, and it will make our country healthier and safer, and it does
that at the same time as we consolidate or eliminate more than 150
outdated and unnecessary programs and initiatives.
That is why it is important we pass this omnibus, as opposed to
another continuing resolution, which, by the way, makes it nearly
impossible for our national security agencies and our intelligence
community to actually plan. When we fund government for a 6-month
period of time, they don't know what is going to happen after that. So
it is really important that we put our shoulders to the wheel and we
work together, on a bipartisan basis, to give them some more certainty,
to give them a longer flow of revenue, so they can do planning and
spend the tax dollars that are appropriated efficiently.
An important point that has been lost as we discussed and debated
this bill is, it finally sets the country in a new direction--one that
leads away from the Obama administration's priorities, which existed
under the continuing resolution and was reflected by endless cycles of
continuing resolutions. That is the past. We entered a new era of a
stronger defense, less regulations for job creators, and a more
streamlined and efficient government.
This is the first major piece of bipartisan legislation negotiated
with the new White House, and it proves that we can come together when
we must, that we can govern, and that we can deliver results. It will
also serve as a good blueprint moving forward with a carefully thought-
out strategic budget as we look ahead to the fall.
This legislation isn't perfect, but it does represent progress. It
does represent an important watershed with this new administration,
where we have all come together and reached agreement on a piece of
legislation that we feel is beneficial to the entire country. If we are
not going to engage in that sort of activity, but we are just going to
vote no on everything because it is not perfect, we are not going to be
able to make that kind of progress that we are all, I believe,
committed to making on behalf of the people we represent.
Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The senior assistant legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. BLUMENTHAL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. BLUMENTHAL. Mr. President, I am here to talk about 55 million
Americans who presently lack the authority to save for retirement
directly from their paychecks. I am here to talk about preserving,
protecting, strengthening retirement savings for all Americans, and I
am here to talk about providing State and local governments with the
tools they need to expand access to retirement savings accounts in
order to reach that goal.
I am here to oppose H.J. Res. 66. This misguided proposal would tear
down ongoing efforts at the State and local levels to help families
achieve financial stability in retirement after years of hard work and
sacrifice. These ongoing efforts at the State level should be
encouraged, not deterred.
The numbers here tell a dramatic story. Many private sector employees
have the option to set up and contribute to their own individual
retirement accounts, often called IRAs. We know them well. But fewer
than 10 percent of workers without access to a workplace plan
contribute to a retirement savings account. This lack of retirement
savings often leads to ruins--life-transforming disasters at ages when
nobody deserves them, jeopardizing access to adequate meals, housing,
healthcare, and other necessities for older Americans across the
country.
In response to this catastrophic possibility for so many Americans,
in August of 2016, the Department of Labor promulgated what has become
known as the State-sponsored auto-IRA rule. This rule provides basic,
critical guidance for States on how to administer programs designed to
improve access to retirement accounts among private sector employees.
These State-facilitated programs allow State governments to provide
automatic enrollment in State-sponsored IRAs, with the opportunity,
importantly, to opt out at any time.
The rule that has been promulgated by the Department of Labor, which
was also expanded to include a limited number of larger cities and
counties, made it clear that any auto-IRA program established by a
State or municipal authority must limit the employer's role in the
program. In addition, the rule clarifies any ambiguity regarding the
application of the Employment Retirement Income Security Act. It makes
clear the conditions under which ERISA does not apply.
[[Page S2713]]
The misguided proposal before us today seeks to overturn all of this
critical rulemaking, carefully devised and developed. If it is passed,
the resolution will cripple efforts at the State level to ensure that
retirement savings opportunities are more readily available for all
workers.
I have always assumed that my colleagues across the aisle were in
favor of State initiatives and State authority and State experiments
and States addressing the issues of their citizens directly. These are
basic States' rights--but not so much in this case.
H.J. Res. 66, in fact, will be particularly harmful in States like
Connecticut, which has already begun to bridge the retirement savings
gap for nearly 600,000 people who lack access to employer-based savings
for retirement in our State. The Connecticut Retirement Security
Authority has pioneered this effort. I am very proud to say,
Connecticut is among several States that have made real progress toward
expanding secure pathways to retirement savings for their private
sector employees.
By leveraging State facilitation with private providers, these plans
allow workers access to secure, low-cost retirement savings which, in
turn, allow more workers to adequately prepare for retirement,
improving life for those workers and also reducing the burden on
taxpayer-funded services. In fact, encouraging increased retirement
savings yields important savings for Federal and State budgets in the
future, not just now.
Studies have shown that expanded retirement savings programs could
potentially reduce Medicaid expenditures in Connecticut by over $65
million in the first 10 years after implementation. That $65 million in
savings on Medicaid is for Connecticut alone. Think of the whole
country. Think of the savings in Medicaid and other critical service
programs that go to aid our seniors. They would much rather save for
themselves.
I ask my Senate colleagues who believe we ought to be spending our
time expanding, not limiting, access to secure retirement solutions to
join me in opposing this legislation. There are many of our Republican
colleagues who have long called for reduced government spending and in
increased autonomy for State governments. They should be joining in
opposing H.J. Res. 66.
There are many of our Republican colleagues who have long advocated
giving people the freedom and the opportunity to plan for their own
future. They ought to be joining in opposing H.J. Res. 66.
I ask all of us now to join me in voting no on H.J. Res. 66 because
States ought to have the flexibility and the opportunity to implement
proven strategies to support hard-working Americans who wish to prepare
themselves for retirement. Give them that opportunity. Do not destroy
it in H.J. Res. 66.
I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Oregon.
Mr. MERKLEY. Mr. President, it looks as though we are at it again.
Instead of fighting to make things even a little bit better for hard-
working, middle-class Americans, Members of this body just want to make
life harder for those hard-working, middle-class Americans.
We have had the debate on Capitol Hill about how to strip healthcare
from 24 million Americans. We have had a conversation on Capitol Hill
on how to reduce the taxes phenomenally on the very richest Americans.
We have seen the President's one-page description of a tax plan that
consisted of a goody bag for the richest Americans, the
multimillionaires and the billionaires. But here we have another
provision just trying to sucker punch hard-working Americans because
those hard-working Americans work for companies that often don't have a
retirement plan, so they do not have a convenient way to put funds away
to prepare for retirement.
Along came the States. The States said: You know, for those workers
who don't have a retirement plan at their work, why don't we design
one, present one, so that they could automatically sign up and have
their wages--a small amount of them--put away for retirement
automatically?
Then they would go to a different job, and that job would not have a
retirement plan. Well, then, in that new job, they could have a little
bit of their wages put away automatically for retirement--not in a
manner that requires people to save. They could ``unsign'' themselves
up. This is called automatic opt in. They could say: I don't want that
3 percent put into a retirement plan. Make it 2 percent, make it 1
percent, make it 5 percent, or make it 0 percent. They would have the
control, but when they first start the job, it automatically puts away
a little bit for retirement.
I think about my son and daughter--my son who is 21 and my daughter
who is 19--and they have worked a whole series of modest little jobs,
from pouring coffee to coaching sports teams to working as a lifesaver
and so on and so forth.
What if for every single job in those companies that were not
providing those retirement plans, workers automatically had 3 percent
of their funds put away toward retirement in a low-cost option--the
same kinds of low-cost options that U.S. Senators have when they come
here to the Senate, the same types of low-cost options that every
Federal employee has? Why not give that same opportunity to ordinary
working Americans? That is what we are here talking about.
We already made it harder to set up such stand-in plans--plans that
stand in when there is no retirement plan provided by the employer. In
March, we passed another CRA making it difficult to impossible for
municipalities to create such a plan for their citizens, but the plans
probably made more sense at the State level.
Now come my friends across the aisle to say: It is not enough. It is
not enough that we hit them once by stopping the municipalities from
providing a plan. We are going to hit them again--kick them while they
are down. That is the attitude of this provision that is before the
Senate.
What we are really talking about is denying the American dream to
millions of citizens across the land who work for employers that don't
have retirement plans or who run small businesses and don't have the
administrative overhead to be able to set up a plan. This rips away the
certainty that comes with knowing that if you work hard and play by the
rules, you automatically save through one of these plans and you get a
certain level of security and a certain level of dignity in your golden
years.
Isn't it our job here in the Senate, as representatives of our
citizens and our States, to do everything we can to provide a ladder of
opportunity, to lift up the men and women of this country?
It isn't our job to say: Well, the States provided a ladder of
opportunity; so let's go tear it down. Let's take a buzz saw and saw up
that ladder of opportunity, because, wow, why would we want the States
to help out our citizens? Isn't that not our job--to try to destroy
opportunity?
But here we are with my colleagues saying: Well, as to these folks
who don't have a retirement plan set up by their employer, we are going
to make it as hard as possible for them to save money for retirement.
I hear the same folks come down here and say: Well, you know what;
wouldn't it be wonderful if everyone saved more for retirement?
Well, yes, it would be. So why don't we make it easier for them to do
so, not harder. A plan that puts no imposition on the small business--
doesn't that make a lot of sense? Isn't that a win-win? Isn't that a
blow in favor of helping out working people, rather than a blow that
knocks them down?
Today, apparently, we have a slim majority that says: No, knock them
down.
Furthermore, there is apparently a slim majority that likes to preach
on States' rights. But when it comes to States trying to address a
problem, you have a powerful special interest come to Capitol Hill and
say: Don't let it happen because, after all, maybe one of them someday
will be a customer of ours, and we wouldn't want them to be able to get
help from their State while they are waiting for us to help them.
A powerful special interest comes here, and suddenly States' right
are out the door, States' rights are out the window.
The conversation during the Presidential campaign was that we heard
about electing a President who will
[[Page S2714]]
fight for workers. Well, that was yesterday, because today we are
passing a bill that Members of the Senate expect the President himself
to sign to take a buzz saw to the ladder of opportunity for working
people--the President of the United States, I am talking about, to take
an ax to the program that makes it easier for Americans to save money
for their retirement.
Now, don't we know that public pensions are disappearing and private
pensions are disappearing? What we are left with is Social Security. If
workers don't have pensions through their jobs, and all they have is
Social Security, it is going to be pretty rough in retirement.
There is another option: to make it easier for workers to save.
According to one study from 2013, 40 percent of small business owners
had no retirement savings, 75 percent had no plans for funding their
retirement, and 55 million Americans--nearly half of the private sector
workers in America--are employed in jobs that do not offer any form of
retirement savings or pension plan.
Well, that is a lot of Americans who are only going to have Social
Security unless they save.
We know that it is much easier for them to save if they have a
workplace plan and funds go into that plan automatically, and the
individual worker can change the amount, the set-asides. They can
increase it. They can decrease it. They can stop it. They can
reactivate it. But because it is set up automatically, most workers
choose to stay in it once they are there.
Workers don't want to have a different retirement plan for when they
worked at this company and then another one at this company and another
one at that company, or companies that didn't have a plan so they had
to set up something on their own.
The idea is that this plan is portable, that you can take it from
employer to employer. These are the things that are appealing to our
State governments, which are saying: That is what will work well for
the citizens of our State.
Shouldn't we enable the States to be a laboratory of invention, a
laboratory of innovation? Shouldn't we enable them to test run whether
this works or doesn't work, instead of our taking and destroying that
pilot project, destroying that laboratory of innovation, destroying
that experiment at the State level to see if this would help make
American citizens better off?
This would all be done at the State level at no cost to businesses.
In fact, that is what businesses have liked about it. That is why they
have lobbied their State legislatures to say: Hey, maybe you would like
to do this. We are too small. It is too difficult for us to set up a
retirement plan. Maybe you all would like to design one that would be
available.
At this moment, 25 States are considering legislation to create
retirement savings accounts for small business employees that currently
aren't able to participate in a workplace retirement plan because the
workplace doesn't have one. Twenty-five States are looking at this.
Even if only one State were looking at it, shouldn't we give that State
the opportunity? Five States are looking at it--and power to them
because maybe one of the five will figure out a way to make it work and
the other States will learn from that.
Twenty-five States are looking at this because there is such an
urgent need for their citizens. Seven of those 25 States are already at
work implementing plans.
I am very proud that Oregon, my State, is one of those seven. It
plans to launch a voluntary pilot group later this summer. If that goes
well, it was planning to expand that plan over the next 2 years, and if
that goes well, it was planning to make it available to individuals
working in any job in Oregon where there wasn't a retirement plan.
That is very thoughtful. Start with a little group, expand it to a
few more, and see if it is still working. If it is a good model and the
feedback is good and you need to make some changes, you can make it on
a small scale. When it is ready to roll, if it is doing a good thing
for America's workers, for Oregon's workers, give every Oregon worker
that opportunity to easily save for retirement.
There is so much interest from the States, so much interest from the
businesses in those States for the possibility of experimenting with
these plans. Last year, the Department of Labor set up the safe harbor
rule that helps to clarify a piece of ERISA, our Federal retirement
law, to make it possible for States to pursue this. That is what is
before us today. Are we going to undo the protection to let States
experiment?
The AARP likes to point out that these State-sponsored plans would
likely increase the number of workers saving for retirement. That is
because, as they enter the workforce, they would be automatically
enrolled. They would be able to continue using that plan even if they
change jobs within the State. That would be helping them from their
very first day of employment in the workforce.
Imagine your son or daughter, age 15 or 16, getting that first summer
job or evening job or early morning job, and already they are starting
to save for retirement. It makes a big difference over their working
years, which might cover four decades or more. It makes a big
difference, whether they have anything to back them up other than
Social Security.
It is good for small businesses because not only does it free them
from feeling badly that they hadn't set up a plan, but it makes their
workers happier, more productive employees, and the businesses get to
have all that by bearing no additional costs.
It is good for taxpayers. It is good for States. It is good for
business. It is good for the workers. The only thing it is not good for
is for some powerful special interest that has failed to offer plans to
these workers but says someday it might and it doesn't want the
competition--a powerful special interest coming here to Capitol Hill to
rip down a ladder of opportunity for workers.
Is the President going to sign that after he campaigned on helping
workers? Well, yes, apparently he is because that was yesterday in a
campaign, and today is the reality of governing. Apparently, a powerful
special interest is talking to the President of the United States, and
he is helping that interest, rather than the workers of America.
He is fighting for a Federal blockade rather than for States to be
the laboratory of innovation and experimentation. He is fighting for
the billionaires, rather than for the working people of our Nation, and
that is just a terrible development to see.
Colleagues, you can change that right here. We are going to have a
close vote. So come down to this floor and place your vote with States'
rights. Come down to this floor and place your vote in ladders of
opportunity. Come down to this floor and place your vote on the side of
an average working American.
You might live in a bubble. You might live in a gated community. You
might live in a fancy world as a Senator, but these are the workers of
America who have employers who provide no retirement plan. That is who
we are talking about here.
So get out of your bubble. Get out of your elite frame of mind. Come
down to this floor and fight for the workers of America. Vote no on
this blockade to the States' addressing a fundamental need, providing a
fundamental opportunity for the workers of America to save for their
retirement.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. MANCHIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Lee). Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MANCHIN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to engage in a
colloquy with the Senator from West Virginia, my friend and colleague,
Senator Capito.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
Coal Miner Healthcare Benefits
Mr. MANCHIN. Mr. President, I wish to thank my friend from West
Virginia, my colleague, Senator Capito, for her support and leadership
in our fight to keep the promise made in President Truman's White House
more than 70 years ago.
For the past two Congresses, Senator Capito has been an original
cosponsor
[[Page S2715]]
of the Miners Protection Act with me, and I am proud to say that the
healthcare portion of that bill is included in the Omnibus
appropriations bill that we are set to vote on later this week. Before
sending this permanent fix to the President's desk for his signature, I
want to confirm our specific understanding of how the language would
apply to the eligibility for benefits of the former employees of
Patriot Coal, Alpha Natural Resources, and Walter Energy.
Mrs. CAPITO. Mr. President, I certainly appreciate the kind comments
from my friend and fellow Senator from West Virginia, Mr. Manchin, who
has been a champion of this issue. It has been a pleasure to work
together and to have it all work out. We have worked closely together
for the past several years to advance a permanent solution for the
retirement benefits of thousands of miners in our State and across the
Nation. I appreciate Senator Manchin's hard work and leadership on
this; I really do.
I would be happy to discuss what I believe is our shared
understanding of the intent behind miners' healthcare language in the
omnibus bill that originated in the Miners Protection Act.
Mr. MANCHIN. The language states that anyone who would have received
retiree healthcare coverage from one of these three companies, but for
the orders entered in their bankruptcy proceedings terminating the
employer's obligations to provide these benefits, becomes a participant
in the UMWA 1993 Benefit Plan.
I understand that the language encompasses anyone who would have
received such coverage from the bankrupt employers and not just those
who meet the 1993 plan's general eligibility requirements. This
includes miners or widows who might have been specifically bargained
into the plan, such as the miners who worked at the ill-fated Upper Big
Branch Mine. We all know the drastic situation of those great miners.
Also included are miners who do not meet the 1993 plan's general
eligibility requirements because their employers rejected their
collectively bargained obligations and withdrew from the UMWA 1974
Pension Plan but who would have become eligible if their service for
the bankrupt employer or its successor were included in determining
their eligibility.
Mrs. CAPITO. I wholly share Senator Manchin's understanding of this
key provision of the legislation.
By adopting the language from the Miners Protection Act that is
included in the Omnibus appropriations bill, we intended to cover any
miners, survivors, and dependents who would have received or continued
to receive Federal retiree healthcare benefits from one of these
bankrupt employers had it not gone through the bankruptcy process,
without regard to the 1993 plan's usual eligibility rules.
I understand that these individuals are eligible under the rules as
applied by the Patriot VEBA, and I expect that these rules will
continue to be applied in the same manner by the 1993 plan.
Mr. MANCHIN. Let me say that both of us representing the great State
of West Virginia from both sides of the aisle--a main purpose has been
protecting the people who did all the heavy lifting in this great
country and gave us the energy we needed to be the superpower of the
world.
I know that Senator Capito is as proud as I am. I am proud to be
working with her to make this happen. This is truly a bipartisan
effort. It is the way legislation used to be done, and it is the way it
should be done, and hopefully we can start something anew here. I thank
my colleague.
Mrs. CAPITO. There is nothing like seeing the faces of our miners as
we did in our offices the other day and I have seen in my office
throughout this time--or when it was at the 100-degree rally out on the
lawn last fall--to realize the human faces behind what we are talking
about.
Senator Manchin is right. It is a bipartisan issue, and it is the
right and fair thing to do.
It has been a pleasure to work with Senator Manchin and with the UMWA
and our other colleagues to see this legislation through.
Mr. MANCHIN. I think we have both been able to educate not only our
fellow colleagues, our Senators, but basically the entire country on
the hard work the miners have done and what they have provided for this
country for us to be the superpower of the world--to respect the work
they have done and continue to do.
With that, I am so proud of everybody who worked so diligently on
this issue and this effort, for the Republicans, our President, and our
leaders on both sides, Democratic and Republican, making sure this was
first and foremost the main obligation for us to accomplish. I thank my
colleagues.
Mrs. CAPITO. I thank my colleagues.
Mr. MANCHIN. With that, Mr. President, I yield the floor.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant bill clerk proceeded to call the roll.
Mr. ALEXANDER. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.
All time has expired.
The joint resolution was ordered to a third reading and was read the
third time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The joint resolution having been read the
third time, the question is, Shall the joint resolution pass?
Mr. ALEXANDER. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there a sufficient second?
There appears to be a sufficient second.
The clerk will call the roll.
The assistant bill clerk called the roll.
Mr. SCHUMER. I announce that the Senator from Illinois (Mr. Durbin)
is necessarily absent.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Tillis). Are there any other Senators in
the Chamber desiring to vote?
The result was announced--yeas 50, nays 49, as follows:
[Rollcall Vote No. 120 Leg.]
YEAS--50
Alexander
Barrasso
Blunt
Boozman
Burr
Capito
Cassidy
Cochran
Collins
Cornyn
Cotton
Crapo
Cruz
Daines
Enzi
Ernst
Fischer
Flake
Gardner
Graham
Grassley
Hatch
Heller
Hoeven
Inhofe
Isakson
Johnson
Kennedy
Lankford
Lee
McCain
McConnell
Moran
Murkowski
Paul
Perdue
Portman
Risch
Roberts
Rounds
Rubio
Sasse
Scott
Shelby
Strange
Sullivan
Thune
Tillis
Toomey
Wicker
NAYS--49
Baldwin
Bennet
Blumenthal
Booker
Brown
Cantwell
Cardin
Carper
Casey
Coons
Corker
Cortez Masto
Donnelly
Duckworth
Feinstein
Franken
Gillibrand
Harris
Hassan
Heinrich
Heitkamp
Hirono
Kaine
King
Klobuchar
Leahy
Manchin
Markey
McCaskill
Menendez
Merkley
Murphy
Murray
Nelson
Peters
Reed
Sanders
Schatz
Schumer
Shaheen
Stabenow
Tester
Udall
Van Hollen
Warner
Warren
Whitehouse
Wyden
Young
NOT VOTING--1
Durbin
The joint resolution (H.J. Res. 66) was passed.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The majority leader.
____________________