[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 73 (Friday, April 28, 2017)]
[House]
[Pages H2947-H2958]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
FURTHER CONTINUING APPROPRIATIONS ACT, 2017
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I
call up House Resolution 289 and ask for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 289
Resolved, That upon adoption of this resolution it shall be
in order to consider in the House the joint resolution (H.J.
Res. 99) making further continuing appropriations for fiscal
year 2017, and for other purposes. All points of order
against consideration of the joint resolution are waived. The
joint resolution shall be considered as read. All points of
order against provisions in the joint resolution are waived.
The previous question shall be considered as ordered on the
joint resolution and on any amendment thereto to final
passage without intervening motion except: (1) one hour of
debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and
ranking minority member of the Committee on Appropriations;
and (2) one motion to recommit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. POE of Texas). The gentleman from Texas
is recognized for 1 hour.
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield
the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.
McGovern), my friend, the ranking member of the committee, pending
which I yield myself such time as I may consume.
General Leave
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all members
have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Texas?
There was no objection.
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of the rule. It is
a fair rule that enables this body to continue working in a bipartisan
fashion to get our work done for the American people. Essentially, it
is to fund the government for one more week as final preparations are
made and as the Appropriations Committee finalizes its work. It enables
us to continue to serve our constituents. It enables the American
people to have confidence not only in what we are doing, but to provide
the necessary resources so that this Nation can continue to protect
itself also.
I also rise in support of the underlying legislation that is in this
rule. This short-term CR, while being far from ideal, is exactly what
we need to do so that we can allow our colleagues in the House, as well
as the Appropriations Committee and this body, to move forth a bill
that will find its way to the United States Senate and to the
President's desk.
For months now, our colleagues on the Appropriations Committee, under
the great work of our brand-new chairman, Chairman Frelinghuysen from
New Jersey, have been working towards funding a government agreement
while they are trying to reach a long-term bridge.
Yesterday at the Rules Committee, the young chairman, along with the
ranking member, Mrs. Lowey from New York, came and spoke to the Rules
Committee not only with great confidence about the work that they are
doing, but with great confidence about how they worked well together.
It was once again another opportunity for Members of Congress in the
performance of their duties to have confidence not only in their
working relationship, but in the product that they would wish to move
forward.
The Rules Committee was quite blunt to them that, while we were
pleased to see them, we wanted to see them get their work done a week
from now. I think the American people feel the same way. I think they
are willing to take the time to do it right, but it is now time to feel
a little bit of pressure towards completing the work that needs to be
done.
Mr. Speaker, today we are going to have one of the most distinguished
members of the Rules Committee who will speak with us. He shares a role
not only as vice chairman of our committee, but he also has an
opportunity to sit on the Appropriations Committee; a person
responsible as a cardinal for a massive part of not only the Federal
Government spending, but the authority and responsibility for the
Federal Government to deliver in so many areas in support of the
American people.
I will be introducing the gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Cole) in just
a few minutes, who will also provide detail and information not only in
support of the great work that is being done, but why we are doing that
for the American people.
Mr. Speaker, I am confident that my colleagues on the Appropriations
Committee are going to continue their work. We are asking this body
today to consider this rule to move forth legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Sessions), my good friend, the chairman of the Rules Committee for
yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
(Mr. McGOVERN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I want to begin with some good news for my
colleagues here in the House and for the American people, and that is
my Republican colleagues have decided to pull their abysmal repeal and
replace bill with regard to the Affordable Care Act from consideration
this week. We can all breathe a sigh of relief. The American people
dodged another Republican bullet here.
Their bill, as my colleagues all know, would have caused 24 million
Americans to lose their health care. It would have cut Medicaid by over
$800 billion, and then they would have given a trillion-dollar tax
break to the richest people in the country. It would have compromised
Medicare. It would have
[[Page H2948]]
basically denied Americans essential health protections that they
currently are guaranteed in their health insurance; things like
emergency room care, maternity care, mental health care. I can go on
and on.
Then with their latest addition to their abysmal bill, they would
have even allowed insurance companies to once again discriminate
against Americans with preexisting conditions; something that they said
that they wanted to protect, yet their adjustments to their abysmal
healthcare bill would have allowed Americans with preexisting
conditions to be discriminated against.
I mean, when we talk about essential health benefits, I want to
stress the word ``essential.'' They are important, yet they are going
down a road that I think is disastrous for millions of American people.
Let us begin by being thankful that we are not going to do great harm
to our country this week. Now, there is always next week--we have to
worry about that--but at least this week they had the common sense to
pull this terrible healthcare bill that they have been working on for
so long. Let's hope that we never ever see the bill. I think it is
important for people to understand what is at stake. There is an awful
lot at stake for tens of millions of Americans here today all across
the country.
Mr. Speaker, that brings us to today. Let us be clear about why we
are here again with yet another continuing resolution, the 29th--yes,
you heard that right, the 29th--continuing resolution since Republicans
have taken control of the House.
Republicans have nobody to blame for this mess but themselves. They
control the White House, they control the Senate, and, unfortunately,
they control this House. They were even the ones who set this
artificial deadline of April 28 in the first place. That was after
Republicans gave themselves a 2-month extension and then a 5-month
extension.
Mr. Speaker, this should have all been sorted out last fall, but for
7 months Republicans have played games and delayed and bickered amongst
themselves about government funding and health care and other
priorities.
What do they have to show for it?
Nothing.
Now, maybe the delay was caused by this obsession from the Republican
Conference with repealing the Affordable Care Act and ripping health
care away from 24 million Americans. Maybe Republicans have been too
busy trying to defund Planned Parenthood, trying to undo important
consumer protections put in place by Democrats, trying to tear down
commonsense rules to protect public safety and the environment.
Perhaps if Republicans had been responsibly working with Democratic
leaders during the past 7 months, we could have already funded our
government and we could be getting to work on other things that our
constituents sent us here to do, like creating jobs and repairing our
crumbling infrastructure.
We could have avoided events that have transpired during the past 48
hours: an emergency Rules Committee meeting, another Republican martial
law rule, and threats of a Saturday session.
Mr. Speaker, to put it bluntly, this is about Republican dysfunction
and incompetence, plain and simple. If Congress could be sued by the
American people for malpractice, we would be in big trouble. This is
indefensible. I am sure people who are watching these proceedings are
scratching their heads saying: What the hell is going on in the
people's House?
For the life of me, I cannot understand why we are constantly at the
edge of a cliff. This Republican leadership jumps from one manufactured
crisis to the next, and has proven ineffective at carrying out even its
most basic responsibilities, like keeping the government's lights on
and funding programs that help our constituents.
But don't take it from me. Listen to what some of my Republican
colleagues are saying about the priorities of their own leadership.
Representative Rooney, a Republican from Florida, said:
``I have been in this job 8 years, and I am wracking my brain to
think of one thing our party has done that has been something positive,
that has been something other than stopping something else from
happening.''
Representative Mario Diaz Balart from Florida commented:
``It is pretty evident that we don't have the votes among Republicans
to, in essence, do anything that is real.''
Mr. Speaker, when you have members of your own party making these
kinds of statements, you really have to question the capacity of the
Speaker and his leadership team to govern effectively.
Mr. Speaker, I very much regret that we are here today to consider
another short-term CR. One week--that is all this bill does, keeps the
government running for one additional week. Our constituents expect and
deserve better from their elected officials.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman, my friend from
Massachusetts, for his words of wisdom about the direction we ought to
be going. That is what we are going to do; we are going to continue
moving.
I find in my job, as I perform my duties, that I have a chance to
really interact with a lot of people in government. Over Christmas, I
had a chance to visit our troops around the world and look at them and
give them the confidence that what we do in Washington will allow them
to keep working for freedom and to represent us.
Dr. Francis Collins at the National Institutes of Health, an
enormously brilliant man who helped with the genome project, who keeps
NIH up and working; and at the National Eye Institute, Dr. Paul
Sieving; and so many others who do count on us getting it right,
whether it be the United States military, whether it is our border
patrol, whether it is our health and human services, but the person who
knows these characteristics of what it takes to get agreements is also
on the Rules Committee. He is a valuable member of our Rules Committee.
He is the gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Cole).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 10 minutes to the gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr.
Cole), vice chairman of the Labor, Health and Human Services,
Education, and Related Agencies Subcommittee.
Mr. COLE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman, my good friend, for
yielding me the time and for those incredibly gracious and generous
remarks.
Mr. Speaker, I certainly rise to support the rule and the underlying
legislation. By the very nature of Rules debates, everything seems to
be partisan because it seems to be sort of shirts and skins as it is on
the rules. The reality is the legislation we are talking about has
actually been requested by both parties. We had both the chairman and
the ranking member in there requesting because they are working
together in a bipartisan way to produce a major piece of legislation
that will direct spending for the United States government in the range
of about $1 trillion between now and September 30.
The important thing to note is that it is a very bipartisan
negotiation between two very skillful legislators, Chairman
Frelinghuysen and Ranking Member Nita Lowey. When they bring that
legislation to the floor, as they will next week, it is going to have
some pretty important and pretty major things on it.
We are not only going to adequately fund our military, we are going
to increase that. We are going to give the President some things he has
asked for in terms of supplemental money for defense to upgrade and
improve our military.
{time} 0930
We are going to give him some additional things for border security
as well that, again, both parties have agreed on. I think we all want
secure borders. We know there is always some debate about exactly how
or what we should do, but, in this case, we have a bipartisan
agreement.
We will actually give a very substantial increase to the National
Institutes of Health, which, as the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Sessions)
mentioned, great work is done on behalf of the American people in that
institution. Frankly, it has been Republicans that first doubled that
back in the late 1990s and early 2000s and now have reignited the
biomedical research engine by putting additional resources in there. It
is
[[Page H2949]]
something our friends support, but actually it was Republicans who took
the initiative to achieve.
We will see some really important increases in some education
programs that give some of our less advantaged citizens opportunities
to go: TRIO, GEAR UP. Both prepare individuals for higher education and
then have a chance to exploit the opportunity when it comes.
So that bill will have a lot of good things in it that will be
bipartisan. My good friend from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern)
mentioned--and I think appropriately so--that there is a certain amount
of dysfunction in the appropriations process. Where we probably
disagree is--I have got to tell you, it is not new. Since we passed the
Budget Control Act over 40 years ago in 1974, budgets and
appropriations have been completed on time exactly four times. It
didn't matter who was in charge. So maybe we ought to go back and look
at that defective process that was set in motion by our friends back
when they controlled both Chambers in overwhelming numbers and rethink
how we do this.
I do agree with the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern) that
it is important to focus on first things first. And while tax reform is
a very important goal that, I think, this Congress will achieve and
while health care is a very important goal, which I certainly hope this
Conference achieves and I think we are working toward, there is no
question the most important thing we do around here is fund the
government every day. We make sure that our military has what it needs
to protect us and that our border control officials have what they need
to make sure they are secure, that we do things like look for cures for
Alzheimer's and cancer at the NIH. To me, that always is the most
important thing it has to do.
So, in this bill and in the bill that will follow next week, we are
actually doing what we should do. We are putting first things first.
Let's make sure these basics are done for the American people, and then
let's get about the important business of changing their Tax Code and
making sure that they have the best health care in the world.
In my view, Congress could have--and to my friend's point--could have
and should have done this months ago. It is important to note that the
Appropriations Committee had reported out all 12 of the bills that fund
the day-to-day operation of the budget. Five of them actually moved
across the floor. We did run into problems in the United States Senate
where there was a lot of obstruction, but the Appropriations Committee
did its job. We just have to now, as a Congress, do our job and make
sure those bills get to the floor in a timely manner, and that we do
the right thing so that they pass.
The Appropriations Committee can only prepare them. They don't get to
schedule them on the floor. They don't get to move them across the
floor. That has to be done with all sides working together for the good
of the American people.
Again, it is worth noting that we can do this process. Two years in a
row, we have done all 12 bills. So I would hope in the future, as we
make these decisions--and my friend is right, a decision was made in
November or December. It is not one I agreed with--to wait and say
let's let the new administration have some input on this. Now, there is
certainly nothing wrong with that.
The new administration wants to come in, and there is a vehicle
called a supplemental, where, if they want to tweak the budget, they
can do that and they can bring it to the floor, and that is what we
should have done. But we shouldn't ask them to write the budget for the
very year in which they show up. They simply don't have their people in
place. They are not ready to do that. They have got to get their
Cabinet appointed. So I would hope, in the future, we remember that and
do first things first.
Still, it is never too late to do the right thing, as my mom used to
say. And the right thing to do today is to pass this rule, pass this
bill, give our friends, the appropriators, the time that they need to
negotiate a final bill. I am confident we will do that; I am confident
we will do it on a bipartisan basis, Mr. Speaker; and I am confident we
will be back here with a bill the American people can be proud of
because that will have been negotiated in good faith, it will be
bipartisan, and it will give us the stability that we need from now
until September 30.
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. Speaker, also I want to recognize the gentleman
from Oklahoma (Mr. Cole) for another birthday today. The gentleman from
Oklahoma was very silent last night at the Rules Committee. He didn't
let us know, so we didn't say anything. But today is his birthday, and
I congratulate him for that.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I have a number of the day for my colleagues. I feel like I am on
Sesame Street. This is the 29th closed rule this year. This is the 29th
CR of this Republican majority. And the government is about to shut
down when the calendar flips after midnight, and it is the 29th. So 29
must be the number of the day.
I want to wish the gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Cole) a happy
birthday. Maybe he is 29, so it all kind of fits together.
I would just say to my colleagues, as an indication of how
dysfunctional this place is: How do you get 29 closed rules in 4
months? How do we run a place in such a closed manner?
This is supposed to be a deliberative body. We are supposed to be
debating issues. People are supposed to have a give-and-take on matters
of importance. We have had 29 closed rules in the first 4 months of
this year. It is unprecedented.
As I have been saying time and time again, when you have a lousy
process, you usually end up with lousy legislation. I think that is the
case with regard to the repeal and replace of the Affordable Care Act.
Here we are at the last minute trying to keep the government open for
a week so we could have more time to keep it open for the rest of the
year. I mean, this is not the way this place should be run.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms.
Castor), a former member of the Rules Committee.
Ms. CASTOR of Florida. Mr. Speaker, the American people deserve
better. The majority is not serving the interest of the families we
represent back home. They are not focused on lifting the economic
prospects of our small businesses and hardworking families. They are
not focused on lifting wages.
Instead, we are debating what could be the smallest little extension
of government funding ever: 1 week. Are you kidding me? We have just
come back this week from a 2-week recess. You would think that the
majority party would have had the wherewithal to be able to fund the
government as required through the end of the fiscal year, which is
only September 30. This was leftover business from last year. How
small. How unfocused. What a letdown for the people we represent.
Has the majority party brought a bill to the floor of the House that
we can debate on jobs, on lifting Americans that work hard every day?
No.
Has the majority party brought a bill to debate where we could talk
about how we fix roads and bridges and connect communities and address
congestion across the country and create jobs that way? No.
The majority party, after the very serious military strike on Syria,
could have brought a debate about an authorization of the use of
military force where the Congress has been derelict for years in having
the debate about a country that has been at war for 16 years. That is
very important. People expect us to address the difficult issues, but
they haven't brought that debate.
Across the country this week, a lot of seniors in high school are
deciding where they are going to attend college or university. We could
be having a debate on how we help those families and students afford
the cost of a college education or address the student loan crisis.
But, no, that debate hasn't been brought
There is going to be a big march in Washington again this weekend on
the changing climate. We could discuss and debate the cost of the
changing climate, extreme weather events. Boy, my folks back home in
the State of Florida are having to look at increased insurance costs,
property insurance costs, infrastructure costs because of
[[Page H2950]]
the changing climate, but that debate hasn't been had.
Instead the Congress has been consumed with a healthcare bill that
rips coverage away from families, harms Medicare, raises cost on
everyone, and they were stuck in a debate this week about ending the
guaranteed protection that families now have if they have a preexisting
condition. Remember, under the Affordable Care Act, you can no longer
be discriminated against if you have a preexisting condition like
cancer or diabetes. They were consumed with: Well, how do we end that
and send that back to the States to do that? Thank goodness that bill
hasn't been brought to the floor.
Instead, here is an extension of running the government. Again, how
small. Maybe it does match what is happening in the White House. With
the flip-flopping, unfocused President, this Republican majority is
having real trouble governing the country.
I understand the President is consumed with an investigation of
associates from his campaign over collusion with the Russians. He is
consumed with conflicts of interest and how he doesn't want to be
transparent, whether it is his tax returns or the emoluments under the
Constitution.
The American people deserve better, and that is what brought me to
the floor today. I didn't have to come and talk about the rule that is
on the floor.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Mr. McGOVERN. I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentlewoman from
Florida.
Ms. CASTOR of Florida. Mr. Speaker, I didn't have to come to the
floor to oppose a rule and this 1-week appropriations bill. But I am so
frustrated, just like families and businesses are across this country,
that this Congress still refuses to have the debates, have the
discussion on the issues that really impact our families back home.
They deserve better than this dysfunctional Republican majority. Why
don't we stand up for them for a change?
The Democrats are willing to have those debates. Let's debate and
discuss jobs. Let's debate and discuss how kids can afford the cost of
a college education. Let's discuss how we lift our public schools.
Let's discuss rebuilding America and creating jobs through modern
infrastructure investments. Let's have these debates.
Let's not take up the time of the American people on a silly 1-week
extension of funding government so we can do this again next week,
where we have to debate and take up all the time on how we fund the
government until September 30. American families deserve better.
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. Speaker, last night at the Rules Committee, we had
a debate where we focused our attention not only on the legislation,
but also on the need to get this done.
I appreciate the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Castor), the gentleman
from Oklahoma (Mr. Cole), and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.
McGovern) and their attention to the ideas that they have. They do have
ideas, and they do have decisions that would help make this process
even better. We are here today for the right reasons.
I would advise the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern) that I
do not have any further speakers, and I reserve the balance of my time
pending his close.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time to
close.
Mr. Speaker, I think it is clear that there is a lot of frustration
on our side because of what is obviously a dysfunctional House. The
fact that we are here again at the last minute trying to just keep the
government running really is unfortunate. It is sad because it is not
like we didn't know about this date. We have known about it for a long
time.
My Republicans friends set this date. They have had months and months
to figure out a way to keep the government running. They, again, are in
control of the House. They are in control of the Senate. They are in
control of the White House. Once again, we have a manufactured crisis
where we are right at the edge of a cliff, and the best we could do
today is kick the can down the road for a week and we will have this
little debate again next week.
Perhaps if the leadership of this House actually focused on the
people's business instead of on legislation that is about messaging or
press releases, perhaps if they focused on the people's business rather
than trying to undermine basic healthcare protections for people, we
wouldn't have these crises all the time.
I said at the beginning of my remarks that we can breathe a sigh of
relief today because my friends on the Republican side are not bringing
up their abysmal repeal and replace of the Affordable Care Act bill.
{time} 0945
They have been changing it and changing it, and there was some rumor,
President Trump was saying that they would probably bring a bill up to
pass it in his first 100 days because somehow it is more important to
do something in 100 days than it is to get it right. But, nonetheless,
they added another provision which they claim makes it more palatable
to their Members. But I want my colleagues to understand that what they
have done is made a bad bill worse.
The American College of Physicians sent us a letter to all Members,
Democrats and Republicans, and I will just read one sentence from it.
``This amendment'' that my Republican friends added to their healthcare
bill ``would make the harmful AHCA even worse by creating new coverage
barriers for patients with preexisting conditions and weakening
requirements that insurers cover essential benefits.''
I include in the Record the letter from the American College of
Physicians.
American College of Physicians,
April 24, 2017.
Hon. Paul Ryan,
Speaker, House of Representatives,
Washington, DC.
Hon. Mitch McConnell,
Majority Leader, U.S. Senate,
Washington, DC.
Hon. Nancy Pelosi,
Minority Leader, House of Representatives,
Washington, DC.
Hon. Charles Schumer,
Minority Leader, U.S. Senate,
Washington, DC.
Dear Speaker Ryan, Minority Leader Pelosi, Majority Leader
McConnell, and Minority Leader Schumer: On behalf of the
American College of Physicians (ACP), I am writing to urge
Congress to move away from the harmful changes to patient
care that would occur if the American Health Care Act (AHCA)
were to become law, and to instead work for bipartisan
solutions to improve the Affordable Care Act (ACA) rather
than repealing and replacing it. We believe that the AHCA,
which would repeal and replace the most important coverage
and consumer protections created by the ACA, is so
fundamentally flawed that it cannot be made acceptable. We
understand that the leadership in the House of
Representatives continues to explore ways to bring a modified
version of the AHCA to a vote, based on a draft amendment
reportedly being developed by Representatives MacArthur and
Meadows, a summary of which was made available to the public
through news organizations. This amendment would make the
harmful AHCA even worse by creating new coverage barriers for
patients with pre-existing conditions and weakening
requirements that insurers cover essential benefits.
The American College of Physicians is the largest medical
specialty organization and the second-largest physician group
in the United States. ACP members include 148,000 internal
medicine physicians (internists), related subspecialists, and
medical students. Internal medicine physicians are
specialists who apply scientific knowledge and clinical
expertise to the diagnosis, treatment, and compassionate care
of adults across the spectrum from health to complex illness.
The draft MacArthur-Meadows amendment would create what is
known as the ``Limited Waiver Option'' that would allow
states to eliminate or severely weaken vital ACA Title I
consumer protections--specifically, community rating and
essential health benefits (EHBs)--returning the country to
the pre-ACA days when persons with pre-existing
``declinable'' medical conditions in most states were priced
out of the market and the insurance products available in the
individual market did not cover medically necessary services.
Specifically;
The MacArthur-Meadows amendment would create an option for
states to obtain Limited Waivers from certain federal
standards that would gut existing law consumer protections.
Based on a summary of the draft amendment, states could seek
Limited Waivers for:
Essential Health Benefits (EHBs)
Community-rating rules, except for the following
categories, which are not waivable: Gender or Age (except for
reductions of the 5:1 age ratio previously established) or
Health Status (unless the state has established a high-risk
pool or is participating in a federal high-risk pool)
To obtain the waiver, states would only need to ``attest
that the purpose of their requested waiver is to reduce
premium costs,
[[Page H2951]]
increase the number of persons with healthcare coverage, or
advance another benefit to the public interest in the state,
including the guarantee of coverage for persons with
preexisting medical conditions. The Secretary shall approve
applications within 90 days of determining that an
application is complete.'' [Emphasis added in italics].
In other words, as long as a state attested that there was
a ``benefit to the public,'' insurers would be once again
allowed to charge more to people with pre-existing
conditions, or decline to cover needed benefits like
physician and hospital visits, maternity care and
contraception, mental health and substance use disorder
treatments, preventive services, and prescription drugs.
This would take us back to the days when people had to fill
out intrusive insurance company applications to document
their previous health history, even before being advised what
the premium would be based on their individual health risk.
Unlike community rating, which bases premiums based on the
expected costs associated with all persons in the insurance
pool (adjusted only by age, tobacco use, and family size),
the Limited Waiver would again allow insurers in states that
obtain a waiver to again charge people exorbitant and
unaffordable premiums for their pre-existing conditions.
Before the ACA, insurance plans sold in the individual
insurance market in all but five states typically maintained
lists of so-called ``declinable'' medical conditions--
including asthma, diabetes, arthritis, obesity, stroke, or
pregnancy, or having been diagnosed with cancer in the past
10 years. Even if a revised bill would not explicitly repeal
the current law's guaranteed-issue requirement--which
requires insurers to offer coverage to persons with pre-
existing conditions like these--guaranteed issue without
community rating allows insurers to charge as much as they
believe a patient's treatment will cost. The result would be
that many patients with pre-existing conditions would be
offered coverage that costs them thousands of dollars more
for the care that they need, and in the case of patients with
expensive conditions like cancer, even hundreds of thousands
more.
An amendment to the AHCA reported out of the Rules
Committee on April 6th to establish a ``Federal Invisible
Risk Sharing Program,'' which would create a fund that states
could use to reimburse insurers for some of the costs
associated with insuring sicker patients, would not offset
the harm done to patients with pre-existing conditions by
allowing the Limited Waiver of community rating and essential
benefit protections. The pre-ACA experience with high-risk
pools was that many had long waiting lists, and offered
inadequate coverage with high deductibles and insufficient
benefits. Unless a national high-risk pool is supported with
a massive infusion of funding it will not be sufficient to
cover the millions of people with pre-existing conditions
that would be denied or charged more for coverage under the
AHCA. One paper estimates that a national high-risk pool
would cost $178.1 billion a year, roughly $176.4 billion more
than the annual funding provided to the Invisible Risk
Sharing Program. Also, shifting people out of the existing
health insurance marketplace to a high-risk pool would
undermine the assurance that enrollees could keep their
existing coverage.
The Limited Waiver Option will also allow states to seek
waivers from the essential health benefits required of all
plans sold in the individual insurance market, with the
result that millions of patients will be at risk of losing
coverage for essential services like maternity care, cancer
screening tests and treatments, prescription drugs,
preventive services, mental health and substance use disorder
treatments, and even physician visits, prescription drugs and
hospitalizations.
Prior to passage of the ACA, 62% of individual market
enrollees did not have coverage of maternity services, 34%
did not have substance-use disorder-services, 18% did not
have mental-health services and 9% did not have coverage for
prescription drugs. A recent independent analysis found that
the AHCA's repeal of current law required benefits would
result in patients on average paying $1,952 more for cancer
drugs; $1,807 for drugs for heart disease; $1,127 for drugs
to treat lung diseases; $1,607 for drugs to treat mental
illnesses; $4,940 for inpatient admission for mental health;
$4,555 for inpatient admission for substance use treatment;
and $8,501 for maternity care. Such increased costs would
make it practically impossible for many patients to avail
themselves of the care they need. The result will be delays
in getting treatment until their illnesses present at a more
advanced, less treatable, and more expensive stage, or not
keeping up with life-saving medications prescribed by their
physicians.
Allowing states to eliminate the EHB will threaten our
nation's fight against the opioid epidemic. A study concluded
that with repeal of the ACA, ``approximately 1,253,000 people
with serious mental disorders and about 2.8 million Americans
with a substance use disorder, of whom about 222,000 have an
opioid disorder, would lose some or all of their insurance
coverage.'' Finally, allowing states to drop important
benefits like maternity, substance use disorder treatment,
and preventive services will do little to reduce premiums. A
report by Milliman found that the main drivers of premium
costs were ambulatory patient services, hospitalization, and
prescription drugs. These are crucial services that form the
core of any health insurance plan.
To be clear: while some younger and healthier persons might
be offered lower premiums in states that obtained a ``Limited
Waiver'' of community-rating and essential health benefits,
it would be at the expense of making coverage unaffordable
for those who need it most, older and sicker persons, and
result in skimpy ``bare-bones'' insurance for many others
that does not cover the medical care they would need if and
when they get sick.
Finally, even without the Limited Waiver Amendment, ACP
continues to believe that the AHCA has numerous other
provisions and policies that that will do great harm to
patients including:
The phase-out of the higher federal match in states that
have opted to expand Medicaid and the ban on non-expansion
states being able to access the higher federal contribution
if they choose to expand Medicaid;
Converting the shared federal-state financing structure for
Medicaid to one that would cap the federal contribution per
enrollee;
Providing states with a Medicaid block grant financing
option;
Eliminating EHBs for Medicaid expansion enrollees;
Imposing work or job search requirements on certain
Medicaid enrollees;
Regressive age-based tax credits, combined with changes
that will allow insurers to charge older people much higher
premiums than allowed under current law;
Continuous coverage requirements for patients with pre-
existing conditions;
Legislative or regulatory restrictions that would deny or
result in discrimination in the awarding of federal grant
funds and/or Medicaid and Children's Health Insurance Program
funding to women's health clinics that are qualified under
existing federal law for the provision of evidence-based
services including, but not limited to, provision of
contraception, preventive health screenings, sexually
transmitted infection testing and treatment, vaccines,
counseling, rehabilitation, and referrals, and;
Elimination of the Prevention and Public Health Fund, which
provides billions in dollars to the enters for Disease
Control and Prevention to prevent and control the spread of
infectious diseases.
The College strongly believes in the first, do no harm
principle. Therefore, we continue to urge that Congress move
away from the fundamentally flawed and harmful policies that
would result from the American Health Care Act and from the
changes under consideration--including the proposed ``Limited
Waiver'' amendment--that would make the bill even worse for
patients. We urge Congress to instead start over and seek
agreement on bipartisan ways to improve and build on the ACA.
The College welcomes the opportunity to share our ideas for
bipartisan solutions that would help make health care better,
more accessible, and more affordable for patients rather than
imposing great harm on them as the AHCA would do.
Sincerely,
Jack Ende, MD, MACP,
President.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, we have a press release from the American
Hospital Association. Their line here is: ``Our top concern is what
this change could mean for older and sicker patients, including those
with preexisting conditions such as cancer patients and those with
chronic conditions'' could suffer. ``This amendment proposed this week
would dramatically worsen the bill.''
I include in the Record the American Hospital Association press
release.
[From the American Hospital Association--April 27, 2017]
Statement on the American Health Care Act
(By Rick Pollack, President and CEO, American Hospital Association)
The latest version of the AHCA continues to put health
coverage in jeopardy for many Americans. Our top concern is
what this change could mean for older and sicker patients,
including those with pre-existing conditions, such as cancer
patients and those with chronic conditions. For these
reasons, along with our previously stated concerns about the
AHCA, we cannot support the bill. However, we urge Congress
to continue to work with stakeholders on a solution that
provides meaningful coverage.
The amendment proposed this week would dramatically worsen
the bill. The changes included put consumer protections at
greater risk by allowing states to waive the essential health
benefit standards, which could leave patients without access
to critical health services and increase out-of-pocket
spending. This could allow plans to set premium prices based
on individual risk for some consumers, which could
significantly raise costs for those with pre-existing
conditions.
Additionally, the Congressional Budget Office has not yet
scored the amendment. However, CBO previously projected that
the AHCA would result in 24 million fewer people covered in
2026. It is unlikely this amendment would improve these
coverage estimates.
As the backbone of America's health safety-net, hospitals
and health systems must protect access to care for those who
need it and ensure that the most vulnerable patients are not
left behind. The AHCA continues to fall far short of that
goal.
[[Page H2952]]
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, the AARP issued yet another statement
saying: ``This harmful legislation still puts an age tax on older
Americans and puts vulnerable populations at risk through a series of
backdoor deals that attempts to shift responsibility to States.''
I include in the Record the statement from the AARP.
AARP Maintains Opposition to Amended Health Bill
Age Tax, Weakening Medicare, Backdoor Cuts to Preexisting Condition
Population Would Harm American Families
Washington, DC.--AARP Executive Vice President Nancy
LeaMond released the following statement today in response to
the amended House bill that would create an ``Age Tax,''
increase premiums, eliminate protections for pre-existing
conditions, cut the life of Medicare, and give sweetheart
deals to big drug and insurance companies. In a letter sent
to all 435 members of the U.S. House of Representatives, AARP
restated its strong opposition to the bill and urged each
Representative to vote `No' on the proposed legislation. AARP
believes this legislation will have a significant harmful
impact on the health of millions of older Americans ages 50
to 64, as well as other vulnerable groups, including poor
seniors and disabled children and adults:
``This harmful legislation still puts an Age Tax on older
Americans and puts vulnerable populations at risk through a
series of backdoor deals that attempts to shift
responsibility to states. Older Americans need affordable
health care services and prescriptions. This legislation
still goes in the opposite direction, increasing insurance
premiums for older Americans and not doing anything to lower
drug costs.
``AARP continues to oppose legislation that would impose an
Age Tax, eliminate protections for preexisting conditions,
weaken Medicare, erode seniors' ability to live independently
because of billions of dollars in Medicaid cuts, and give
sweetheart deals to drug and insurance companies while doing
nothing to lower the cost of health care or prescription
drugs.
``We intend to let all 38 million of our members know
exactly how their Representative votes on this bill in
newsletters, in our publications, on social media and in
other formats. Our members care deeply about their health
care and have told us repeatedly that they want to know where
their elected officials stand.''
Past statements and releases about this bill can be found
here, here, here, and here. Public policy fact sheets about
the Age Tax and other harmful policies can be found here.
AARP's full letter to the House of Representatives can be
found below:
April 26, 2017.
Dear Representative: AARP, with its nearly 38 million
members in all 50 States and the District of Columbia, Puerto
Rico, and U.S. Virgin Islands, is a nonpartisan, nonprofit,
nationwide organization that helps people turn their goals
and dreams into real possibilities, strengthens communities
and fights for the issues that matter most to consumers and
families such as healthcare, employment and income security,
retirement planning, affordable utilities and protection from
financial abuse.
We write to again share our opposition to the pending
American Health Care Act (AHCA) and urge you to vote NO.
Throughout consideration of the AHCA, we have been expressing
serious concerns about the impact that this legislation will
have on older Americans. The Congressional Budget Office
(CBO)'s last estimate further demonstrates the harmful impact
of this bill on older Americans and some of our most
vulnerable. Specifically, we are concerned that the American
Health Care Act will weaken the fiscal sustainability of
Medicare; dramatically increase premium and out-of-pocket
costs for 50-64 year olds purchasing coverage on the
individual insurance market; substantially increase the
number of Americans without insurance; and put at risk
millions of children and adults with disabilities and poor
seniors who depend on the Medicaid program to access long-
term services and supports and other benefits. In addition,
changes under consideration that would allow states to waive
important consumer protections--such as allowing insurance
companies to once again charge Americans with pre-existing
conditions more because they've had cancer, diabetes or heart
disease--would make this bad bill even worse.
Our members and others 50 years of age and older care
deeply about health care and want to know where their elected
leaders stand. Recognizing the importance of the upcoming
vote on the American Health Care Act, AARP intends to inform
our members, and others over age 50, how their elected
officials voted. We'll communicate the results of the vote in
our widely-circulated publications, in email alerts, in our
online channels, and through the media. Again, we urge all
Representatives to vote NO on the American Health Care Act in
its current form.
Medicare
Our members and older Americans believe that Medicare must
be protected and strengthened for today's seniors and future
generations. We strongly oppose any changes to current law
that could result in cuts to benefits, increased costs, or
reduced coverage for older Americans. According to the 2016
Medicare Trustees report, the Medicare Part A Trust Fund is
solvent until 2028 (11 years longer than pre-Affordable Care
Act (ACA)), due in large part to changes made in the ACA. We
have serious concerns that the American Health Care Act
repeals provisions in current law that have strengthened
Medicare's fiscal outlook, specifically, the repeal of the
additional 0.9 percent payroll tax on higher-income workers.
Repealing this provision would remove $117.3 billion from the
Hospital Insurance trust fund over the next ten years, would
hasten the insolvency of Medicare by up to four years, and
diminish Medicare's ability to pay for services in the
future.
Prescription Drugs
Older Americans use prescription drugs more than any other
segment of the U.S. population, typically on a chronic basis.
We are pleased that the bill maintains the Medicare Part D
coverage gap (``donut hole'') protections created under the
ACA. Since the enactment of the law, more than 11.8 million
Medicare beneficiaries who have fallen into the coverage gap
have saved over $26.8 billion on the improved coverage for
prescription drug costs due to closure of the donut hole. We
do have strong concerns that the fee on manufacturers and
importers of branded prescription drugs, which currently is
projected to add $24.8 billion to the Medicare Part B trust
fund between 2017 and 2026, will be repealed by the American
Health Care Act. Rather than repeal this fee for Medicare,
AARP believes Congress must do more to reduce the burden of
high prescription drug costs on consumers and taxpayers, and
we would be willing to work with you on bipartisan solutions.
Individual Private Insurance Market
About 6.1 million Americans age 50-64 currently purchase
insurance in the non-group market, and nearly 3.2 million are
currently eligible to receive subsidies for health insurance
coverage through either the federal health benefits exchange
or a state-based exchange (exchange). We have seen a
significant reduction in the number of uninsured since
passage of the ACA, with the number of 50-64 year old
Americans who are uninsured dropping by half. We are deeply
concerned that the AHCA would be a significant step backwards
and result in millions of older Americans who cannot afford
their health care, including many simply losing their health
care.
Based on CBO estimates, approximately 14 million Americans
will lose coverage next year, while a total of 24 million
Americans would lose coverage over the next 10 years. This is
especially troubling given that in the CBO and Joint
Committee on Taxation's (JCT) assessment ``the non-group
(individual) market would probably be stable in most areas
. . . under current law.''
Affordability of both premiums and cost-sharing is critical
to older Americans and their ability to obtain and access
health care. A typical 50-64 year old seeking coverage
through an exchange has a median annual income of under
$25,000 and already pays significant out-of-pocket costs for
health care. We have serious concerns--reinforced by the CBO
estimate--that the bill under consideration will dramatically
increase health care costs for 50-64 year olds who purchase
health care through an exchange due both to the changes in
age rating from 3:1 (already a compromise that requires
uninsured older Americans to pay three times more than
younger individuals) to 5:1 and reductions in current tax
credits for older Americans. CBO concluded that the bill will
substantially raise premiums for older people and force many
into lower quality plans.
Age rating plus reduced tax credits equal an unaffordable
age tax. Our previous estimates on the age-rating change
showed that premiums for current coverage could increase by
up to $3,200 for a 64 year old, while reducing premiums by
only about $700 for a younger enrollee. Significant premium
increases for older consumers will make insurance less
affordable, will not address their expressed concern about
rising premiums, and only encourage a small increase in the
enrollment numbers for younger persons.
In addition to increasing premiums from the age rating
change, the bill reduced the tax credits available for older
Americans to help purchase insurance. We estimate that the
bill's changes to current law's tax credits alone could
increase premium costs for a 55-year old earning $25,000 by
more than $2,300 a year. For a 64-year old earning $25,000,
that increased premium rises to more than $4,400 a year, and
more than $5,800 for a 64-year old earning $15,000.
Overall, both the bill's tax credit changes and 5:1 age
rating would result in skyrocketing cost increases for older
Americans. In their analysis, CBO found that a 64 year old
earning $26,500 a year would see their premiums increase by
$12,900--758 percent--from $1,700 to $14,600 a year. In
addition, older workers could also face higher out-of-pocket
costs because the bill eliminates cost-sharing subsidies
which help lower-income Americans with their co-pays and
deductibles. It cannot be overstated how much this bill would
erase recent gains in health care coverage and affordability
for 50-64 year olds, leading to large spikes in the number of
uninsured and financial hardship for millions of older
Americans.
Current law prohibits insurance companies from
discriminating against individuals due to a preexisting
condition. We are extremely concerned that the bill may now
repeal pre-
[[Page H2953]]
existing condition protections and would once again allow
insurance companies to charge Americans more due to a pre-
existing condition. We estimate that 40 percent of 50- to 64-
year-olds (or about 25 million people in this age group) have
a deniable pre-existing condition and risk losing access to
affordable coverage. We strongly oppose any weakening of the
law's pre-existing condition protections which benefit
millions of Americans.
Medicaid and Long-Term Services and Supports
AARP opposes the provisions of the American Health Care Act
that create a per capita cap financing structure in the
Medicaid program. We are concerned that these provisions
could endanger the health, safety, and care of millions of
individuals who depend on the essential services provided
through Medicaid. CBO found that the bill would cut Medicaid
funding by $880 billion over 2017-2026. By 2026, CBO expects
Medicaid spending to be about 25 percent less than what it
projects under current law. Medicaid is a vital safety net
and intergenerational lifeline for millions of individuals,
including over 17.4 million low-income seniors and children
and adults with disabilities who rely on the program for
critical health care and long-term services and supports
(LTSS, i.e., assistance with daily activities such as eating,
bathing, dressing, managing medications, and transportation).
Older adults and people with disabilities now account for
over sixty percent of Medicaid spending, and cuts of this
magnitude will result in loss of benefits and services for
this vulnerable population.
Of these 17.4 million individuals: 6.9 million are ages 65
and older (which equals more than 1 in every 7 elderly
Medicare beneficiaries); 10.5 million are children and adults
living with disabilities; and about 10.8 million are so poor
or have a disability that they qualify for both Medicare and
Medicaid (dual eligibles). Dual eligibles account for almost
33 percent of Medicaid spending. While they comprise a
relatively small percentage of enrollees, they account for a
disproportionate share of total Medicare and Medicaid
spending.
Individuals with disabilities of all ages and older adults
rely on critical Medicaid services, including home and
community-based services (HCBS) for assistance with daily
activities such as eating, bathing, dressing, and home
modifications; nursing home care; and other benefits such as
hearing aids and eyeglasses. People with disabilities of all
ages also rely on Medicaid for access to comprehensive acute
health care services. For working adults, Medicaid can help
them continue to work; for children, it allows them to stay
with their families and receive the help they need at home or
in their community. Individuals may have low incomes, face
high medical costs, or have already spent through their
resources paying out-of-pocket for LTSS, and need these
critical services. For these individuals, Medicaid is a
program of last resort.
In providing a fixed amount of federal funding per person,
this approach to financing would likely result in
overwhelming cost shifts to states, state taxpayers, and
families unable to shoulder the costs of care without
sufficient federal support. This would result in cuts to
program eligibility, services, or both--ultimately harming
some of our nation's most vulnerable citizens. In terms of
seniors, we have serious concerns about setting caps at a
time when per-beneficiary spending for poor seniors is likely
to increase in future years. By 2026, when Boomers start to
turn age 80 and older, they will likely need much higher
levels of service--including HCBS and nursing home--moving
them into the highest cost group of all seniors. As this
group continues to age, their level of need will increase as
well as their overall costs. We are also concerned that caps
will not accurately reflect the cost of care for individuals
in each state, including for children and adults with
disabilities and seniors, especially those living with the
most severe disabling conditions. CBO estimates that Medicaid
spending on a per-enrollee basis would grow at a faster rate
than the consumer price index for medical care services (CPI-
M)--3.7 percent for CPI-M versus an average annual growth
rate of 4.4 percent for Medicaid over the 2017-2026 period.
Over time, the difference in the growth rate under the per
capita cap (CPI-M) and the actual cost of care would further
shift costs to states, which could result in even greater
potential harm to some of the most vulnerable individuals.
AARP is also opposed to the repeal of the six percent
enhanced federal Medicaid match for states that take up the
Community First Choice (CFC) Option. CFC provides states with
a financial incentive to offer HCBS to help older adults and
people with disabilities live in their homes and communities
where they want to be. About 90 percent of older adults want
to remain in their own homes and communities for as long as
possible. HCBS are also cost effective. On average, in
Medicaid, the cost of HCBS per person is one-third the cost
of institutional care. Taking away the enhanced match could
disrupt services for older adults and people with
disabilities in the states that are already providing
services under CFC and would result in a loss of about $12
billion for HCBS over ten years.
AARP also has concerns with the removal of the state option
in Medicaid to increase the home equity limit above the
federal minimum. This provision would take away flexibility
for states to adjust a Medicaid eligibility criterion based
on the specific circumstances of each state and its residents
beyond a federal minimum standard. AARP continues to support
critical consumer protections included in current law,
including guaranteed issue, prohibitions on preexisting
condition exclusions, bans on annual and lifetime coverage
limits and allowing families to keep children on their
policies until the age of 26. Also, AARP continues to support
restoring the 7.5 percent threshold for the medical expense
deduction which will directly help older Americans struggling
to pay for health care, particularly the high cost of nursing
homes and other long-term services and supports.
We look forward to working with you to ensure that we
maintain a strong health care system that ensures robust
insurance market protections, controls costs, improves
quality, and provides affordable coverage to all Americans.
Sincerely,
Nancy A. LeaMond,
Executive Vice President and
Chief Advocacy and Engagement Officer.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, the American Medical Association sent
letters to Speaker Ryan and Minority Leader Pelosi saying that ``We are
deeply concerned that the AHCA would result in millions of Americans
losing their current health insurance coverage. Nothing in the'' so-
called ``MacArthur amendment remedies the shortcomings of the
underlying bill.''
And then they say that, basically, this addition that the Republicans
added to the healthcare bill ``could effectively make coverage
completely unaffordable for people with preexisting conditions.''
I include in the Record the letter from the American Medical
Association.
American Medical Association,
Chicago, IL, April 27, 2017.
Hon. Paul Ryan,
Speaker, House of Representatives,
Washington, DC.
Hon. Nancy Pelosi,
Democratic Leader, House of Representatives,
Washington, DC.
Dear Speaker Ryan and Leader Pelosi: After reviewing the
MacArthur Amendment to H.R. 1628, the American Health Care
Act (AHCA), the American Medical Association (AMA) remains
opposed to passage of this legislation. As we have previously
stated, we are deeply concerned that the AHCA would result in
millions of Americans losing their current health insurance
coverage. Nothing in the MacArthur amendment remedies the
shortcomings of the underlying bill. The amendment does not
offer a clear long-term framework for stabilizing and
strengthening the individual health insurance market to
ensure that low and moderate income patients are able to
secure affordable and adequate coverage, nor does it ensure
that Medicaid and other critical safety net programs are
maintained and adequately funded.
The MacArthur Amendment would allow states to apply for
waivers from critical consumer protections provided in the
Affordable Care Act (ACA), including the age rating ratio of
3 to 1, the requirements that health insurers must cover
certain essential health benefits, and the ban on health
status underwriting. The current ban on health status
underwriting protects individuals from being discriminated
against by virtue of their medical conditions. Prior to the
passage of the ACA, such individuals were routinely denied
coverage and/or priced out of affordable coverage. We are
particularly concerned about allowing states to waive this
requirement because it will likely lead to patients losing
their coverage. Although the MacArthur Amendment states that
the ban on preexisting conditions remains intact, this
assurance may be illusory as health status underwriting could
effectively make coverage completely unaffordable to people
with preexisting conditions. There is also no certainty that
the requirement for states to have some kind of reinsurance
or high-risk pool mechanism to help such individuals will be
sufficient to provide for affordable health insurance or
prevent discrimination against individuals with certain high-
cost medical conditions.
We continue to strongly urge Congress to engage in a
bipartisan, bicameral dialogue with stakeholders to work on
policies that enhance coverage, choice, and affordability.
Sincerely,
James L. Madara, MD.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I find all this particularly puzzling
because my friends have said over and over and over and over again that
they agree with Democrats when it comes to protecting people with
preexisting conditions. They said that they do not want insurance
companies to have the ability to discriminate against people with
preexisting conditions. And yet what they have done is they have
created a repeal-and-replacement bill that does just that and then goes
after essential benefits.
Again, we have been talking about essential benefits over and over
and over again. And again, I want to remind my colleagues what the word
``essential'' means. Go to the dictionary.
[[Page H2954]]
Look up the word ``essential.'' It says, absolutely necessary,
extremely important. That is the definition of essential. And so when
we talk about essential health benefits, that is what we are talking
about.
I have one additional speaker. I was going to close, but I would ask
indulgence.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms.
Jackson Lee).
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, as the gentleman from Massachusetts was
speaking, I rushed to the floor because he was making such eloquent and
important statements, and I wanted to make sure to join him on
recognizing that, though we are pushing the can down the road, we know
what the mindset of the administration is in terms of funding this
country. As a member of the Budget Committee, we received the skinny
budget, and, to my dismay, it was a budget that harmed and hurt and
undermined the governance of this Nation.
I think it is important to match the Affordable Care Act with the
outside needs of living and thriving in this Nation. So my Houston
Housing Authority has now stopped vouchers for families in Section 8
housing for fear of not having the money. They had breaking news 2 days
ago telling those families, don't show up because we have no money to
house you--similar to no money and no room at the inn.
The zeroing out of the community development dollars, which ends our
opportunities for parks and sidewalks and housing and fixing those
hurricane roofs of senior citizens who are living in devastation from
Hurricane Ike.
It is not realizing the importance of the National Endowment for the
Arts or recognizing the EPA and clean air and clean water for those of
us who live near the Gulf or near the border.
It is not recognizing that you are not the President of the 10
percent that may approve of what you are doing, but you are the
President of the United States of America.
And then, for those who work in health care, in a meeting I just had
with the National Institutes of Health, $6 billion cut. Do you realize
that one of the institutes sends 88 percent of their moneys out for
grants so that researchers, young scientists who live here in the
United States, can thrive and provide new kinds of research?
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentlewoman has expired.
Mr. McGOVERN. I yield the gentlewoman from Texas an additional 1
minute.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. There are 27 institutes in the National Institutes
of Health. One of them happens to deal with diabetes. The number one is
cancer. And for those of us who have experienced it, and for African-
American women and others who have the triple negative trait, breast
cancer, the research of the NIH is crucial.
Or Dr. Fauci's National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases.
Dr. Peter Hotez, in Houston, head of Baylor Infectious Diseases,
understands Ebola and Zika. We need these resources. What an outrage to
cut, in the skinny budget, $6 billion.
So we may push this to another 7 days, but I can tell you that we are
pushing the hearts and minds of Americans. We are creating a disaster.
And I can't appreciate the fact that law enforcement will be losing
funding. The Department of Justice and the Civil Rights Division, in
spite of who is leading that Department, it is a Department for the
vulnerable.
So I thank the gentleman for providing me with this time, but I
wanted to make sure that we added this long litany of those who will be
negatively impacted and that America is not about that. America is
about serving all of the people of the United States.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I thank the gentlewoman for her remarks. I thank the chairman of the
Rules Committee for his indulgence.
I would just close by saying I think it is sad that we are here at
the last minute trying to kick the can down the road to keep the
government running again for 1 additional week. This could have been
avoided and, again, it could have been avoided if, instead of trying to
take away people's health insurance, instead of trying to take away
people's essential health benefits, instead of trying to cut Medicaid
by $800 billion and taking that money and giving a tax break of close
to $1 trillion to the richest people in the country, that we actually
focused on our job, which is keeping this government running.
But my colleagues on the Republican side are in charge. We are where
we are. We have to keep the government running.
Having said all of that, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I want to thank the gentleman from Massachusetts. I want to thank the
gentlewoman from Florida and the gentlewoman from Texas for their
comments about trying to focus us on the activities that perhaps they
would want or not want.
Mr. Speaker, today we are here because Chairman Frelinghuysen and
Ranking Member Lowey came to the Rules Committee yesterday and asked us
to please consider the offer that they were laying on the table, and
that is to fund the government for 1 more week, with an assurance that
they needed 1 more week to complete their work.
You heard the gentleman, the Honorable Tom Cole, distinguished
gentleman from not only Oklahoma, but a gentleman from the
Appropriations Committee, reinforce how important the work is.
We have heard from our colleagues on the Democratic side how
important the NIH is, Francis Collins, the work that he does there; the
United States Military; Secretary of Defense Mattis; the men and women
that protect us; those people that are in Homeland Security. That is
what we are going to do, so that is what we are going to focus on, and
that is just the way it is.
So, Mr. Speaker, I would urge all my colleagues to support this rule
and the underlying legislation.
I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question
on the resolution.
The previous question was ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 235,
nays 178, not voting 17, as follows:
[Roll No. 235]
YEAS--235
Abraham
Aderholt
Allen
Amash
Amodei
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Banks (IN)
Barletta
Barr
Barton
Bergman
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (MI)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Blum
Bost
Brady (TX)
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burgess
Byrne
Calvert
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Chabot
Cheney
Coffman
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Comer
Comstock
Conaway
Cook
Costa
Costello (PA)
Cramer
Crawford
Crist
Culberson
Curbelo (FL)
Davidson
Davis, Rodney
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Donovan
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Dunn
Emmer
Estes (KS)
Farenthold
Faso
Ferguson
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Flores
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Gaetz
Gallagher
Garrett
Gibbs
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gottheimer
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Griffith
Grothman
Guthrie
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Hice, Jody B.
Higgins (LA)
Hill
Holding
Hollingsworth
Huizenga
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurd
Issa
Jenkins (KS)
Jenkins (WV)
Johnson (LA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, Sam
Jones
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Katko
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
King (IA)
Kinzinger
Knight
Kustoff (TN)
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Latta
Lawson (FL)
Lewis (MN)
LoBiondo
Long
Loudermilk
Love
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
MacArthur
Marshall
Massie
Mast
McCarthy
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
McSally
Meadows
Meehan
Messer
Mitchell
Moolenaar
Mooney (WV)
Mullin
Murphy (PA)
Noem
Nunes
O'Halleran
Palazzo
Palmer
Paulsen
Pearce
Perry
Peters
Pittenger
Poe (TX)
Poliquin
Posey
Ratcliffe
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Rice (SC)
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Rooney, Francis
Rooney, Thomas J.
Ros-Lehtinen
Rosen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Royce (CA)
Russell
Rutherford
Sanford
Scalise
Schneider
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
[[Page H2955]]
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Sinema
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smucker
Stefanik
Stewart
Stivers
Suozzi
Taylor
Tenney
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Trott
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walker
Walorski
Walters, Mimi
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Woodall
Yoder
Yoho
Young (IA)
Zeldin
NAYS--178
Adams
Aguilar
Barragan
Bass
Beatty
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brady (PA)
Brown (MD)
Brownley (CA)
Bustos
Butterfield
Capuano
Carbajal
Cardenas
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu, Judy
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Conyers
Cooper
Correa
Courtney
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
Demings
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Ellison
Engel
Eshoo
Espaillat
Esty (CT)
Evans
Foster
Frankel (FL)
Fudge
Gabbard
Gallego
Garamendi
Gonzalez (TX)
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Gutierrez
Hanabusa
Hastings
Heck
Higgins (NY)
Himes
Hoyer
Huffman
Jackson Lee
Jayapal
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kennedy
Khanna
Kihuen
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster (NH)
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Lawrence
Lee
Levin
Lewis (GA)
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lujan Grisham, M.
Lujan, Ben Ray
Lynch
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Matsui
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Moore
Moulton
Murphy (FL)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Nolan
Norcross
O'Rourke
Pallone
Panetta
Pascrell
Payne
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Peterson
Pingree
Pocan
Polis
Price (NC)
Quigley
Raskin
Rice (NY)
Richmond
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schrader
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Serrano
Sewell (AL)
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Sires
Smith (WA)
Soto
Speier
Swalwell (CA)
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tonko
Torres
Tsongas
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velazquez
Visclosky
Walz
Wasserman Schultz
Waters, Maxine
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--17
Brat
Buchanan
Chaffetz
Grijalva
Hudson
King (NY)
Labrador
Larson (CT)
Lieu, Ted
Marchant
Marino
Newhouse
Olson
Rouzer
Sanchez
Slaughter
Young (AK)
{time} 1021
Mr. LEVIN changed his vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.''
Mr. KATKO and Ms. ROSEN changed their vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.''
So the resolution was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 289, I
call up the joint resolution (H.J. Res. 99) making further continuing
appropriations for fiscal year 2017, and for other purposes, and ask
for its immediate consideration.
The Clerk read the title of the joint resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 289, the joint
resolution is considered read.
The text of the joint resolution is as follows:
H.J. Res. 99
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled, That the
Continuing Appropriations Act, 2017 (division C of Public Law
114-223) is further amended by--
(1) striking the date specified in section 106(3) and
inserting ``May 5, 2017''; and
(2) inserting after section 201 the following new section:
``Sec. 202. (a) This section may be cited as the `Further
Continued Health Benefits for Miners Act'.
``(b) Section 402(h)(2)(C)(ii) of the Surface Mining
Control and Reclamation Act of 1977 (30 U.S.C.
1232(h)(2)(C)(ii)) is amended--
``(1) in subclause (II), by striking `April 30, 2017' and
inserting `May 5, 2017';
``(2) in subclause (II)(aa), by striking `the Continued
Health Benefits for Miners Act' and inserting `the Further
Continued Health Benefits for Miners Act'; and
``(3) by adding at the end the following: `For purposes of
subclause (II)(aa), a beneficiary enrolled in the Plan as of
the date of the enactment of the Further Continued Health
Benefits for Miners Act shall be deemed to have been eligible
to receive health benefits under the Plan on January 1,
2017.'.
``(c) The provisions of section 167(d) of Public Law 114-
223 (as added by Public Law 114-254) shall apply to this
section.''.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from New Jersey (Mr.
Frelinghuysen) and the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey) each will
control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey.
General Leave
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all
Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their
remarks and include extraneous material on H.J. Res. 99.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from New Jersey?
There was no objection.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may
consume.
I rise today to present H.J. Res. 99, a short-term continuing
resolution that will keep our government open for an additional week
while work is completed on a full-year funding package.
First, I would like to thank Ranking Member Lowey for her efforts on
this bill and, more broadly, on her valuable participation in the
appropriations process over many years.
Our current continuing resolution expires today at midnight. Working
together with the Senate, our leadership, and the White House, we are
on track to have a full-year, fiscal year 2017 appropriations
legislation completed soon, but we need a little more time to process
it and prepare it for the floor.
This resolution will ensure that the government stays open for
another week, until May 5, 2017, to give Congress additional time. It
extends current funding levels for essential government operations that
the American people rely on, including, most importantly, our national
defense.
It continues all policy and funding provisions in the currently
enacted continuing resolution. In addition, it includes an extension of
the December CR provision for healthcare benefits for retired coal
miners and their dependents for the length of the continuing
resolution.
Congress must pass this legislation today to keep the government open
and operating as we wrap up our full-year fiscal year 2017 work. It is
our constitutional duty and responsibility.
A continuing resolution is never anyone's first choice for funding
the government; however, this is our best path forward. This CR is very
short term, very limited in scope, and will help us complete our
important work of funding the government for the rest of fiscal year
2017.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support the legislation, and I
reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
At the outset, I want to thank Chairman Frelinghuysen. It has been a
pleasure for me to work with him. I am cautiously optimistic that we
will complete this process. Although overdue, we will get our work
done.
This is the third continuing resolution during fiscal year 2017. We
should be voting today on a bipartisan omnibus appropriations act, not
another stopgap bill to keep the government running. After all, we are
7 months into the fiscal year.
Federal departments and agencies have been operating on outdated
funding levels and policies for more than half of the year. This is
unacceptable, and it cannot continue. Assuming we get to a solution
that lasts the remainder of the fiscal year, I do hope Chairman
Frelinghuysen will help avoid this outcome in the future.
The continuing resolution we are considering today is a simple date
change to continue government funding through next Friday and to extend
health insurance for miners through the same day.
The backdrop of this continuing resolution is ongoing negotiations on
an omnibus appropriations act. Democrats continue to work in good faith
to develop a bipartisan omnibus that provides sufficient funding for
critical priorities and rejects divisive poison pill riders. For many
months, Democrats have been clear that we will not help pass an omnibus
that fails to meet these basic standards, and that remains the case.
[[Page H2956]]
As if this process weren't difficult enough, it occurs as the
majority is seeking to strip health insurance from 20 million Americans
and repeal protections against insurance company discrimination for
millions more. Meanwhile, President Trump continues to tweet false and
damaging comments about the omnibus negotiations.
It is my hope that these games will end so that we can come together
to support investments that create jobs, improve infrastructure,
provide a quality education for every student, and invest in technology
and biomedical research that will benefit hardworking Americans.
To achieve this, we must make progress on eliminating poison pill
riders and advancing shared priorities in an omnibus appropriations
act. Next week, we must not consider a fourth continuing resolution,
but instead have a positive, bipartisan bill after this unnecessarily
lengthy process.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
{time} 1030
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from
Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the Democratic whip.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I am so pleased to be here in the House. I am
not pleased that we are considering a continuing resolution. To that
extent, I presume that I share the opinion of the chairman of the
committee, Mr. Frelinghuysen. I presume, as she has just articulated,
that I share the opinion of the ranking member from New York.
Mr. Speaker, we are now 7 months into fiscal year 2017. We have 5
months remaining, and the majority party has been unable to fund
government for the balance of the fiscal year. They have over 218 votes
in this body, and they have over 50 votes in the Senate. Now, you need
60 votes in the Senate, so it is more complicated. I understand that.
But they now have a Republican President.
As we did for the 2016 budget, which we passed in December of 2015 to
the balance for September 30, 2016--I know all those dates run
together--it was my desire and my advice, Mr. Speaker, that we do the
same thing last December: pass an omnibus, take all the bills that the
Committee on Appropriations has spent literally hundreds of hours
hearing and making decisions on, make the compromises necessary in a
democratic body so that 218 votes would be available.
Now, the American public, if they have been watching closely, will
see that not a single major appropriation bill has passed this House
without Democratic help, so that everybody in this body knows that
whatever is done in a major fiscal bill has to be done in a bipartisan
way. The good news for this House is Mr. Frelinghuysen understands that
well, based upon his experience and his observations, and, in my view,
is willing to work together. I know that that also applies to the
gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey).
I had the opportunity to be on the Committee on Appropriations for 23
years. I am still a member of that committee on leave because I am a
whip at this point in time. I am going to vote for this continuing
resolution, but I want to put my colleagues and the American people on
notice, Mr. Speaker, that I will not vote for another one. I said to
the press a month ago that I would vote for a continuing resolution
today only if we had an agreement and the continuing resolution was for
the purpose of allowing sufficient time to memorialize that agreement;
in other words, put it down on paper and pass it through the House and
the Senate. We are, unfortunately, not in that position today.
It is my understanding from Mrs. Lowey, with whom I talked this
morning, that there are still significant items that are not resolved.
Mr. Speaker, I talked to the Speaker, Mr. Ryan, and to the majority
leader standing right there on the floor just hours ago yesterday. It
is my understanding that the Speaker's intention is that we have a bill
filed Monday night so, in the Speaker's words, we can give 72 hours to
review that bill and then pass it on Thursday.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Maryland.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I hope that the Speaker's intention is
carried out, which will require, over the next 72 hours, hard work by
Members and by staff and a willingness to understand that each side has
some things it must have and each side has some things it cannot do.
That is the nature of the legislative process.
If we exercise the responsibility that our constituents hoped that we
would exercise when they sent us to this body, surely we can do that. I
want to tell my friend, the chairman, for whom I have great respect--I
hope that doesn't hurt him too much on his side of the aisle--that I
want you to be able to say that Mr. Hoyer said he was going to urge his
colleagues not to vote for another CR, and that, therefore, unless you
have 218 votes on your side for whatever the product that you produce,
that if we are going to fund government, as we surely should do, that
we come to an agreement.
Mr. Speaker, as a member of the Committee on Appropriations for 23
years, I was very proud, it was the most bipartisan committee in the
Congress, and we understood our responsibility that the appropriation
bills are the one bill that must pass if we are to continue to serve
our public and keep America strong and vibrant and economically growing
jobs. This is a serious matter. Continuing to kick the can down the
road ought to be an unacceptable alternative.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has again expired.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Maryland.
Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I urge every one of my colleagues--there are
not a lot of people on the floor, Mr. Speaker, but I hope they are
watching on television--to understand that the basic responsibility
that we have of ensuring the functioning of the government of the
people of the United States is one that we ought to perform in a
responsible, effective, and timely fashion.
Mr. Chairman, I will work with you, and I will work with Mrs. Lowey
over the next few days to ensure that next week we have a product that
can pass this House because it has bipartisan support and is in the
best interests of our country.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise to speak about H.J. Res. 99,
``Making Further Continuing Appropriations for Fiscal Year 2017.''
This resolution is an imperfect vehicle for appropriations for FY
2017, because it does not fully fund the government for the entire
fiscal year and it keeps in place sequestration.
H.J. Res. 99 goes against sound fiscal practice by including the
budget gimmickry known as sequestration, a fiscal bludgeon that makes
across the board cuts in funding for the valuable services depended
upon by American children, seniors, workers, veterans, students, and
small businesses.
Mr. Speaker, the Continuing Resolution before us extends current
Fiscal Year 2017 government funding by seven days, through May 5, 2017,
at its current rate, which means a continuation of the across-the-board
cut of .19% for all accounts, defense and non-defense, contained in the
expiring continuing resolution that was approved December 8, 2016.
Mr. Speaker, I am disappointed that we have again been placed in the
position of having to fund the government through the device of a
continuing resolution rather than through the normal appropriations
process of considering and voting on the twelve separate spending bills
reported by the Committee on Appropriations.
H.J. Res. 99 is far from perfect, but it is a modest and positive
step since it ensures that funding for appropriated entitlements will
continue at a rate maintaining program levels under current law and,
for a week at least, prevents congressional Republicans from shutting
down the government again and manufacturing a crisis that only harms
our economy, destroys jobs, and weakens our middle class.
The government shutdown of 2013, which was manufactured by the
Republican majority lasted 16 days and cost taxpayers $24 billion.
The enormous harm and disruption of the lives of federal employees
and the people they serve, however, was irreparable.
[[Page H2957]]
As I stated, Mr. Speaker, this Continuing Resolution is not perfect
and it only funds the government until May 5, 2017.
As veteran and seasoned Members of Congress, we have been in this
challenging position before.
But working together--in a spirit of goodwill, bipartisanship, and
realism, I believe we can reach a long-term agreement that will avert a
shutdown of government operations and the disruption a shutdown causes
to the lives of millions of Americans who depend upon federal programs
to do their jobs, educate their kids, care for their parents, and
contribute to their communities.
Our constituents look to the Congress and the President to make
responsible choices and decisions to keep the nation safe, the economy
prosperous, and to make necessary and prudent investments in education,
healthcare and research, transportation and infrastructure, economic
development, science, the arts and humanities, and the environment.
This is, after all, just another way of saying that the American
people expect their leaders in Washington be guided by the
Constitution's Preamble and pursue policies and provide the resources
that will:
``establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, provide for the
common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings
of liberty.''
The funding priorities that have been floated by the Trump
Administration fail this essential test of leadership because they are
irresponsible, impracticable, unrealistic, and, in many respects,
insensitive or indifferent to the deleterious impact they will have on
the lives of real people living in the real world.
They do not command majority support in the Congress or of the
public.
To win such support, I believe that it is essential that any
subsequent continuing resolution or omnibus appropriations bill
achieves the following goals and objectives:
``To establish justice'' and ``To promote the general welfare'':
1. Full funding for the U.S. Department of Justice Civil Rights
Division and the Department of Education Office of Civil Rights so that
they have funds needed to enforce laws protecting civil rights, voting
rights, and prosecuting hate crimes.
2. Fully funds community development block grants and low income
housing programs in urban and rural communities.
3. Fully funds the Legal Services Corporation so that working and
low-income persons who lack an army of lobbyists to represent them in
Washington will at least have the assistance of counsel to defend their
legal rights in courts of law.
4. Fully funds programs providing food assistance to housebound
seniors, such as Meals on Wheels.
5. Fully funds programs that provide students from low and moderate-
income families access to affordable higher education and provides
students with special needs the support needed to receive the free
appropriate public education (FAPE) in the least restrictive
environment (LRE) guaranteed by the Individuals with Disabilities
Education Act (IDEA Act).
6. Fully funds before and after school programs and other student
enrichment programs that help students succeed.
7. Fully funds programs that make federal housing safer through
energy efficient heating and cooling systems.
8. Preserves tax credit programs that help revitalize low income
communities.
9. Fully funds the Environmental Protection Agency and Department of
Energy programs developing the next generation of clean energy and
transportation technologies.
``Provide for the common defense'':
1. Provides robust funding for the Department of State and USAID to
advance national security interests in places like Iraq and Afghanistan
and to end violent conflicts in trouble spots which could threaten the
security interests of the United States.
2. Provides adequate funding for United Nations peacekeeping missions
throughout the world and distribution of food aid to people in
developing and famine stricken countries, such as South Sudan, Somalia,
Yemen, and Nigeria.
``To ensure domestic tranquility'':
1. Fully funds cost-sharing reduction subsidies, or CSRs, to
compensate insurers for reducing deductibles and out-of-pocket maximums
for low-income customers on the Affordable Care Act exchanges.
2. Protects the adequacy, solvency, and integrity of the Medicare and
Medicaid programs, which provide health sustaining support for 70
million Americans.
3. Fully funds the National Institutes of Health research programs so
that patient access to lifesaving treatments is not delayed.
4. Does not convert funding for the Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention into block grants which would hinder the nation's ability to
respond swiftly and effectively to public health crises like Ebola,
Zika, and HIV/AIDS.
Mr. Speaker, I believe that if all members of the House and Senate
work together, we can reach agreement on an appropriate budget
framework that invests in the American people, preserves our national
security, and keeps faith with the values that have served our nation
well and made the United States the leading nation on earth.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. All time for debate has expired.
Pursuant to House Resolution 289, the previous question is ordered.
The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the joint
resolution.
The joint resolution was ordered to be engrossed and read a third
time, and was read the third time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the joint
resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, this 15-
minute vote on passage of the joint resolution will be followed by a 5-
minute vote on agreeing to the Speaker's approval of the Journal, if
ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 382,
nays 30, not voting 18, as follows:
[Roll No. 236]
YEAS--382
Abraham
Adams
Aderholt
Aguilar
Allen
Amodei
Arrington
Babin
Bacon
Banks (IN)
Barletta
Barr
Barragan
Barton
Bass
Beatty
Bera
Bergman
Beyer
Biggs
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (MI)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Blum
Blumenauer
Blunt Rochester
Bonamici
Brady (PA)
Brady (TX)
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Brown (MD)
Brownley (CA)
Buck
Bucshon
Budd
Burgess
Bustos
Butterfield
Byrne
Calvert
Capuano
Carbajal
Carson (IN)
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Cartwright
Castro (TX)
Chabot
Cheney
Chu, Judy
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coffman
Cohen
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Comer
Comstock
Conaway
Connolly
Conyers
Cook
Cooper
Correa
Costa
Costello (PA)
Courtney
Cramer
Crawford
Crist
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Cummings
Curbelo (FL)
Davidson
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
Davis, Rodney
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
Demings
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Diaz-Balart
Dingell
Doggett
Donovan
Doyle, Michael F.
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Dunn
Ellison
Emmer
Engel
Eshoo
Espaillat
Estes (KS)
Esty (CT)
Evans
Farenthold
Faso
Ferguson
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fortenberry
Foster
Foxx
Frankel (FL)
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Fudge
Gabbard
Gallagher
Gallego
Garamendi
Gibbs
Gohmert
Gonzalez (TX)
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gottheimer
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (LA)
Graves (MO)
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Griffith
Grijalva
Grothman
Guthrie
Hanabusa
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Hastings
Heck
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Hice, Jody B.
Higgins (LA)
Higgins (NY)
Hill
Himes
Holding
Hoyer
Huffman
Huizenga
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurd
Issa
Jackson Lee
Jayapal
Jeffries
Jenkins (KS)
Jenkins (WV)
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, E. B.
Jordan
Joyce (OH)
Kaptur
Katko
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kelly (MS)
Kelly (PA)
Kennedy
Khanna
Kihuen
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
Kinzinger
Knight
Krishnamoorthi
Kuster (NH)
Kustoff (TN)
LaHood
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Latta
Lawrence
Lawson (FL)
Levin
Lewis (MN)
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Lofgren
Long
Loudermilk
Love
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lujan, Ben Ray
Lynch
MacArthur
Maloney, Carolyn B.
Maloney, Sean
Marchant
Marshall
Mast
Matsui
McCarthy
McCaul
McClintock
McCollum
McEachin
McGovern
McHenry
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
McSally
Meadows
Meehan
Meeks
Meng
Messer
Mitchell
Moolenaar
Moore
Moulton
Murphy (FL)
Murphy (PA)
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Noem
Nolan
Norcross
Nunes
O'Halleran
O'Rourke
Palazzo
Pallone
Palmer
Panetta
Pascrell
Paulsen
Payne
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Perry
Peters
Peterson
Pingree
Pittenger
Pocan
Poe (TX)
Poliquin
Polis
Posey
Price (NC)
Quigley
Raskin
Reed
Reichert
Rice (NY)
Rice (SC)
Richmond
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Rooney, Francis
Rooney, Thomas J.
Ros-Lehtinen
Rosen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Roybal-Allard
Royce (CA)
Ruiz
[[Page H2958]]
Ruppersberger
Russell
Rutherford
Ryan (OH)
Sanford
Sarbanes
Scalise
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schneider
Schrader
Schweikert
Scott (VA)
Scott, Austin
Scott, David
Serrano
Sessions
Sewell (AL)
Shea-Porter
Sherman
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Sinema
Sires
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Smith (WA)
Smucker
Soto
Speier
Stefanik
Stewart
Stivers
Suozzi
Swalwell (CA)
Takano
Taylor
Tenney
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Titus
Tonko
Torres
Trott
Tsongas
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Vargas
Veasey
Visclosky
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walker
Walorski
Walters, Mimi
Walz
Wasserman Schultz
Waters, Maxine
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Welch
Wenstrup
Westerman
Williams
Wilson (FL)
Wilson (SC)
Womack
Woodall
Yarmuth
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
Young (IA)
Zeldin
NAYS--30
Amash
Boyle, Brendan F.
Bridenstine
Cardenas
Castor (FL)
Clarke (NY)
DeFazio
DeGette
DesJarlais
Gaetz
Garrett
Gutierrez
Hollingsworth
Johnson, Sam
Jones
King (IA)
Lee
Lewis (GA)
Lujan Grisham, Michelle
Massie
Mooney (WV)
Pearce
Ratcliffe
Renacci
Rush
Sensenbrenner
Vela
Velazquez
Watson Coleman
Wittman
NOT VOTING--18
Bost
Brat
Buchanan
Chaffetz
Flores
Hudson
Johnson (LA)
King (NY)
Labrador
Larson (CT)
Lieu, Ted
Marino
Mullin
Newhouse
Olson
Rouzer
Sanchez
Slaughter
{time} 1129
Ms. CLARKE of New York and Mr. GUTIERREZ changed their vote from
``yea'' to ``nay.''
Messrs. BUDD, COOPER, and AL GREEN of Texas changed their vote from
``nay'' to ``yea.''
So the joint resolution was passed.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
Stated for:
Mr. BOST. Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably detained. Had I been
present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall No. 236.
Mr. JOHNSON of Louisiana. Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably detained.
Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall No. 236.
Mr. FLORES. Mr. Speaker, I was at the White House for a signing
ceremony. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall
No. 236.
Mr. MULLIN. Mr. Speaker, I was at the White House for a signing
ceremony. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall
No. 236.
PERSONAL EXPLANATION
Mr. HUDSON. Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably detained. Had I been
present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall No. 235 and ``yea'' on
rollcall No. 236.
personal explanation
Mr. BRAT. Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably detained. Had I been
present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall No. 235 and ``yea'' on
rollcall No. 236.
personal explanation
Mr. ROUZER. Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably detained at the White
House. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall No.
235 and ``yea'' on rollcall No. 236.
personal explanation
Ms. SLAUGHTER. Mr. Speaker, I was unavoidably detained and missed
rollcall vote Nos. 235 and 236. Had I been present, I would have voted
``aye'' on vote 236. I would have voted ``nay'' on vote 235.
personal explanation
Mr. MARINO. Mr. Speaker, I was unable to attend votes on April 28,
2017, due to a family medical issue. Had I been present, I would have
voted as follows:
``Yea'' for rollcall vote 235.
``Yea'' for rollcall vote 236.
____________________