[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 54 (Tuesday, March 28, 2017)]
[Senate]
[Pages S2039-S2040]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
NOMINATION OF NEIL GORSUCH
Ms. HIRONO. Mr. President, during last week's hearing on Donald
Trump's nominee to the Supreme Court, Neil Gorsuch, I raised serious
concerns about what is at stake for the future of our country. It is a
mistake to think that the confirmation process for a lifetime
appointment to our Nation's highest Court is only about the nominee. It
isn't.
The real focus and the real heart of this decision lies in the
struggles that working families, women, people of color, the
differently abled, the LGBTQ community, immigrants, students, seniors,
and our Native people face every single day. These are the everyday
Americans who will be impacted by the decisions Justice Gorsuch would
make. These are the people who would have been hurt by Donald Trump and
the Congressional Republicans in their failed attempt to repeal the
Affordable Care Act.
Donald Trump and the Republicans in Congress fought for a plan that
would callously throw Americans by the tens of millions out in the cold
without health insurance and would make the lives and health of
millions more precarious. It was only through the voices of Americans
who were loud and steadfast in confronting TrumpCare that TrumpCare
failed. These are the people for whom the need for justice is often
most urgent. An understanding of these people, their lives, and how
they would be impacted by the Court is what I found to be missing from
Judge Gorsuch's view of the law. It is these same voices I am listening
to now.
Judge Gorsuch should have been more open with the Judiciary Committee
about how he would approach the difficult and important cases that come
before the Supreme Court. But time and again, Judge Gorsuch avoided
answering questions, telling us his judicial philosophy and his view of
the law were irrelevant to our consideration of his nomination.
The well-funded campaign to put Judge Gorsuch on the Supreme Court
fueled by millions of dollars of money from unnamed donors has
attempted to create a narrative about Judge Gorsuch and the stakes of
this nomination. This is a narrative woven with Ivy League credentials
and endorsements but not revealing at all about Judge Gorsuch's
judicial philosophy--the heart he would bring to his view of the law.
During the hearing, many of my Republican colleagues echoed the view
that credentials are enough and that our real questions about Judge
Gorsuch's record and philosophy are somehow irrelevant or even
inappropriate. Certainly, Judge Gorsuch did his part, telling us time
and again in his words, his views, his writings, and his clearly
expressed personal views that these writings had no relevance to what
he would do as a judge. I disagree.
In my view, there is a great deal of difference between how Judge
Gorsuch, as Justice Gorsuch, would approach the kinds of tough cases
that reach the Supreme Court and how, say, a Justice Merrick Garland
would approach these cases.
We know that Justice Scalia and Justice Ginsburg, both legendary
jurists and close friends, would reach dramatically different results
in cases that matter deeply in the lives of millions--cases like Shelby
County, like Lilly Ledbetter, like Hobby Lobby, like Roe v. Wade.
Justice Scalia and Justice Ginsburg differ in how they view important
cases that came before them. That is why a Justice's judicial
philosophy is important in our considerations.
Donald Trump knew this, too, when he set forth his clear litmus test
for his Supreme Court pick. To paraphrase the President, he wanted a
Justice who would adhere to a broad view of the Second Amendment, who
believes corporations are entitled to ``religious freedom'' at the
expense of the rights of their employees, and who would overturn Roe v.
Wade, to quote the President, ``automatically.''
In Judge Gorsuch, Donald Trump selected a nominee who passed his
litmus test. When we asked Judge Gorsuch about his opinions in specific
cases like that involving the terrible choice facing Alfonse Maddin
between freezing to death or being fired, the judge told us we should
look instead at his whole record. When I examined his whole record, I
saw too little regard for the real-world impact of his decisions and a
refusal to look beyond the words to the meaning and intent of the law,
[[Page S2040]]
even when his decisions lacked commonsense.
When we asked about decisions where Judge Gorsuch seemed to adopt
strained interpretations that narrow laws meant to protect worker
safety, he said simply that he was a judge and he didn't take sides.
Yet too many times, his narrow interpretations led to decisions that
were on the side of big corporations and against the side of the little
guy. When asked to respond, he said that if we didn't like the result,
if we didn't like his decisions, it was because a statute was too
limited or unclear, and that Members of Congress should do better.
We asked Judge Gorsuch about his decision in Hobby Lobby, which found
an expansive new right to religious liberty for a corporation that
employed thousands of people. He did not explain how he assessed the
terrible impact this decision had for thousands of working women at the
company who would now be denied access to contraceptive coverage.
When I met with Judge Gorsuch, he told me he had a heart. After 4
days of hearings, I still don't know what is in his heart. I would have
liked Judge Gorsuch to have been more open so we could have had a real
conversation about what the law is and who the courts protect. What we
got instead were platitudes about the work of the courts that came
straight from a Norman Rockwell painting.
I did agree with the judge that article III courts are there to
protect minority rights. Article III of the Constitution protects the
independence of the Supreme Court and the lower Federal courts and
gives enormous authority to judges and Justices to determine how to
apply the law to the cases before them to protect minority rights.
It is critical that before we decide to grant Judge Gorsuch a
lifetime appointment to the Nation's highest Court, the Senate is able
to gain an understanding of his approach to the law. At our judiciary
committee hearing, I asked Jeff Perkins, the father of a young boy with
autism, about the impact of Judge Gorsuch's decision on his son's
education progress at and outside of his new school. The case involved
the protections of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act, or
IDEA, which Judge Gorsuch's decision narrowed to point that these
comments under the law were deemed virtually meaningless.
The new school that Luke Perkins attended made little effort to
ensure that the skills he developed in school were translating at home.
As a result, Luke severely regressed. Experts in autism, psychology,
and occupational therapy testified on Luke's behalf that the school was
seriously neglecting his needs. An impartial hearing officer, an
administrative law judge, and Federal district court all agreed Luke's
regression showed that the school was not providing him with a ``free
appropriate public education'' as required by the IDEA.
Judge Gorsuch disagreed and decided the school had ``merely more than
de minimis'' responsibility to do better for Luke. Jeff Perkins, Luke's
father, said that he knew Judge Gorsuch's decision would negatively
impact thousands of families with special needs children like Luke. It
broke his heart.
Judge Gorsuch's extraordinarily narrow interpretation of the IDEA was
rejected unanimously by the U.S. Supreme Court last week. In his
opinion for the unanimous Court, Chief Justice Roberts concluded that
the minimal standard determined by Judge Gorsuch was clearly at odds
with the purpose of the law for children who are not progressing along
with their peers. Justice Roberts wrote:
The goals may differ, but every child should have the
chance to meet challenging objectives. . . . When all is said
and done, a student offered an educational program providing
``merely more than de minimis'' progress from year to year
can hardly be said to have been offered an education at all.
When asked by my colleague, Senator Durbin of Illinois, why the judge
wanted to ``lower the bar so low'' in his decision, Judge Gorsuch,
referring to Luke's case, responded:
If anyone is suggesting that I like a result where an
autistic child happens to lose, that's a heartbreaking
accusation to me. Heartbreaking. But the fact of the matter
is what is bound by certain precedent.
Heartbreaking or not, Judge Gorsuch still found against the autistic
child. Thankfully, the Supreme Court disagreed with Judge Gorsuch's
wrong decision. It was wrong because remedial legislation such as IDEA
should be broadly interpreted in favor of the group being protected.
And it was wrong because the courts are not innocent bystanders. Their
decisions have real-world impacts for thousands or even millions of
people beyond the parties in a particular case before the Court.
This is especially true of the Supreme Court, which issues decisions
that don't just reach those cases in front of them--the frozen trucker,
women who work at Hobby Lobby faced with lack of critical healthcare.
They also reach millions of others impacted by interpretations of the
law made by the Court in those decisions. The Supreme Court does not
just interpret our laws. The Supreme Court is an affirmation of our
country's values. The Supreme Court shapes our society.
When we began the hearings on Judge Gorsuch's nomination, I said the
Supreme Court vacancy isn't just another position we must fill in our
Federal judiciary. A Supreme Court vacancy is a solemn obligation we
must fulfill for the future of our country and for our future
generations. The central question for me, in looking at Judge Gorsuch
and his record and listening carefully through 3 days of hearings, is
whether he would be a Justice for all or Justice for some. Regrettably,
I do not believe Judge Gorsuch would be a Justice for all of us.
I will oppose his nomination, and I urge my colleagues to do the
same. This vacancy is simply too important for the future of America
and our values to do otherwise.
I yield back.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New Mexico.
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