[Congressional Record Volume 163, Number 48 (Monday, March 20, 2017)]
[House]
[Pages H2236-H2238]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
REPLACING THE AFFORDABLE CARE ACT
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of
January 3, 2017, the Chair recognizes the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Gohmert) for 30 minutes.
Mr. GOHMERT. Mr. Speaker, yes, this is an important week. There are a
lot of things we are bringing up, but nothing is more important than
the bill that is supposed to address the Affordable Care Act, as it was
called. But it is kind of tough to call it that since it has been
completely unaffordable for so many. So many lost their health
insurance and lost their doctor. Some lost medication that they were
taking before. It is now no longer approved under their new policy. So
it has been a very difficult period of time as ObamaCare has been
foisted on the country. It came so close to not passing.
{time} 2100
And every Republican that I am aware of has promised: You give us the
majority in both Houses and the President and we will repeal it. I
believe Majority Leader McConnell said we will repeal it and rip it out
root and branch. Republican leaders, I believe, mentioned lock, stock,
and barrel. And I have great respect for my friends who were just
speaking here, but I have got a real problem with the bill.
We are told there will be three phases, three buckets, three stages,
whatever you want to call it. The first will be to pass this bill. It
leaves in place the parts of ObamaCare that caused insurance to
skyrocket. It is leaving in place the part of ObamaCare that caused
deductibles to rise from very little to thousands and thousands of
dollars, beyond so many Americans' ability to ever reach. So the
insurance, they are paying them money every month, but they realize: I
don't have $5,000, $6,000, $7,000, $8,000 to pay the deductible;
therefore, I am really paying for nothing. Especially young people have
found this.
We are told that it is because the Senate has what they refer to as
the Byrd rule that would not allow us to take the part that is not
currently in the bill regarding all of the regulations. We are told
that the Byrd rule--and we have looked into it, apparently--if a bill
is moving under reconciliation, as this is, then in the Senate, in
essence, it must do more than affect the budget incidentally; it must
materially affect the budget. And yet we know that if we repeal all of
the part that is being put off for stage 2 or 3, but particularly stage
2, the regulations that were put in place by the Obama administration,
the regulatory authority that was given to them, by putting that off,
it means the prices that dramatically skyrocketed, they are not going
to skyrocket down.
We are told, well, they may go up some, but we think there is a good
chance they will come down 10 percent. But for my constituents, so many
of whom either lost their insurance or are now paying for skyrocketing
prices two, three, four times or more than what they used to pay, a 10
percent drop will not be a help at all. Their deductibles will not be
coming down anytime soon.
We are told, though, with the regulatory reform that my good friend
Secretary Tom Price will do, that will be the phase, the stage, the
bucket, that will drop the prices. But when I read through--and I know
some people said 2,700 pages, my two part. And I have
[[Page H2237]]
gotten two copies, and they are both around 2,500 pages. So unless
there are 200 pages I never found, I did read the bill more than once.
And someone said 1,400 times. I don't know. I know it is a lot. The
Secretary of Health and Human Services is given wide discretion in
putting in place rules and regulations to implement the act.
We have heard that there will, no doubt, be, immediately, litigation
filed, lawsuits filed, to try to overturn the regulations that are put
in place by Secretary Price. Well, since I have had experience in
litigation, including Federal litigation, Federal appeals, what would
be the issue?
Well, the issue would be whether or not the Secretary of Health and
Human Services has authority to create regulations that will, in
effect, completely destroy the bill so that eventually the prices will
come back down, the deductibles eventually will come back down. That is
what we are told. And I trust Secretary Price will do everything within
his power to make this happen.
So Secretary Price will come forward with regulations that will
emasculate the bill, emasculate ObamaCare. Litigation is filed.
Ultimately, at some point, it will come back to a judge, an appellate
judge.
As a State district judge, I handled cases and matters that I knew
were going to be appealed. As a chief justice of an appellate court, I
made those decisions and sat in on discussions with other justices, and
so it seems I am in a good position to potentially analyze what would
happen on appeal.
We know the Secretary has wide discretion promulgating the
regulations, the rules, to bring about the implementation and the
intent of the ACA, ObamaCare. But the question will be, on appeal: Does
the Secretary of Health and Human Services have the authority, under
the bill, to render it meaningless?
Now, I am not aware of justices at the appellate level who are a
great deal more conservative than I was, but I believed in following
the law even though I, at times, didn't like the law. I would not
legislate from the bench. And in a case such as this, you would look,
well, yes, the Secretary should have wide discretion to implement the
intention of the bill and see that it is carried out.
But it would certainly seem the more powerful argument--perhaps, most
likely, the winning argument--will be, yes, but he doesn't have
discretion to kill the bill. He has discretion, wide discretion, to
implement the bill and carry out the intent of the bill.
I just can't help but think, again, back to words from my late
friend, Justice Scalia. We weren't talking about a specific case,
because he never betrayed the trust that he had as Associate Justice of
the U.S. Supreme Court. We were talking about things in general. He
said at times it bothered him that Congress had the power to end some
bill, to change some law, and yet we seem to put a rubber stamp and
encourage people to go file a lawsuit to get the law struck down
instead of just winning the vote in the House and Senate and repealing
the law.
The words that really come back are: If you guys in Congress don't
have the guts to do what needs to be done, that you have the power to
do and you are supposed to do, don't come running to us over at the
Supreme Court expecting us to do your job for you.
He was right. This body, along with the Senate, has the power to do
exactly what we have promised for 7 years we would do if we got the
House, the Senate, and the Presidency. We would repeal ObamaCare.
Now, I don't know how many there are of us that cannot vote for a
bill that will leave in place the regulations and the parts that made
our insurance skyrocket, that caused me to lose my insurance. And I
wouldn't take the subsidy for 3 years until we got insurance through
other means. The law is very clear that, as Members of Congress, we
weren't supposed to get that, so I went without insurance for a few
years. But we promised our constituents we would repeal ObamaCare.
So what about, we are told, this part that can't make it through the
Byrd rule in the Senate? Well, for one thing, 51 votes could change the
Byrd rule. For another, there is nothing that is going to more
materially affect the budget, in this reconciliation or any other, than
bringing the price of health insurance and health care down
dramatically. That is more appropriate under the Byrd rule than the
whole other part that we are told will make it through the Byrd rule in
the Senate.
The most important part is the part being left out. That will bring
the prices down. That will give control back to the patients and the
doctors. That will allow the States to come up with new ideas and new
ways to provide health care and to get it to those who need it. But
more important than anything, it restores freedom in America that has
been lacking since that bill passed.
When the government is in charge of every Americans' health care, the
government has every right to tell people how to live. Those claims
from years past--we don't want the government in our bedroom--became
rather hollow when ObamaCare passed and the government came into your
bedroom, your dining room, everywhere in the house. It has got to be
repealed. As Mitch McConnell has said previously, rip it out root and
branch.
Who is going to make the decision on what seems so clear should allow
all of ObamaCare to be repealed? Who is going to make that decision in
the Senate?
Well, we know the Vice President can come right on down to the
Capitol, come down Pennsylvania Avenue and come into the Senate
Chamber. He is the President of the Senate, and I couldn't be more
thrilled that he is.
If he is unable to come, then the majority leader could sit in the
chair, or he could appoint someone to sit in the chair pro tem. But it
will be a Republican who decides whether or not all of ObamaCare can be
repealed, but especially the part that is left out right now.
Mr. Speaker, I know the President is coming, and I am so glad that we
have this chance because he is President. But I believe that the
President of the United States who has been sold this bill that won't
bring down prices--maybe 10 percent, we are told, some day--he deserves
better. He does not deserve to be slapped in the face with a midterm
election when prices have not come down, as people pushing this bill
know they won't--maybe 10 percent. That is not going to change votes of
those who know we promised a full repeal. We have the power to do a
full repeal, and we should do a full repeal.
{time} 2115
Let's get freedom back to a doctor-patient relationship. And from
what I am told--they certainly haven't called me--I am told that the
health insurance lobbyists have been very active, and people in our
leadership are listening. But if that is true, these are the same
people with Big Pharma that signed off on ObamaCare. It meant they
would make billions more than they ever had in the short term, but in
the long term, they signed their own death warrant.
We owe it to the American people to make sure that insurance is
viable for the future, and the only way to do that is to repeal
ObamaCare, rip it out, root and branch. I like Mitch McConnell's
expression. That is what needs to happen. And for those of my
colleagues who are getting nervous about having pressure from the White
House, pressure from the House leaders, pressure from the Senate
leaders, it is nothing like the pressure you will get from your
constituents when they find out you didn't really do anything to make
their lives better because the prices are not coming down; the
regulations that require all of those parts and policies that people
don't want that they should have the freedom to choose, they are still
there; and in the meantime, the new regulations by the great Secretary
of Health and Human Services, in whom I have great faith, they will be
tied up in litigation. Maybe they get to the Supreme Court in 2 years.
Maybe they don't. Maybe it is longer.
And the American people continue to suffer because we didn't have the
guts to do what we should do, what we promised we would do, and that
is: Repeal ObamaCare.
I would like to keep the Senate majority in 2018, and I am convinced
that the only way we do that is if enough of us endure the name calling
in the short term, and stand up and say no on this bill that doesn't
keep our promises. It has got some good stuff in it, no question, but
it doesn't keep our promises.
[[Page H2238]]
And if enough of us will do that, then maybe we can get the Senate and
the House leadership to agree to do what we promised.
Then the President will be hailed in 2018, as prices of insurance
actually come down, people are given their freedom back to choose their
doctor, their health insurance, and the short stint of the name calling
now ends up paying dividends in a glorious future.
So, Mr. Speaker, thank you for recognizing me. We will see how the
week plays out.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
____________________